Wednesday, 19 November 2014

Diana - Court Jews, Court Arabs and the House of Jack the Ripper

"Dynamism is usually the result of disequilibrium. My disequilibrium comes from the very fact that I’m a foreigner… 

I’m a Jew to the Catholics, a Catholic to the Jews, an Englishman to the French, and a Frenchman to the English. 

I’ve always been neither one thing nor the other – which is an unsettling thing to be. " 
- Goldsmith


"I am entirely for free enterprise and free markets. But I’m not for the destruction of one’s society. "

"In the primal world, man’s relationship with nature is not one of exploitation, but one of harmony. In the modern western tradition, however, the natural world is something to be investigated, explained and ultimately used. "

"There’s a huge conflict of interest between shareholders and managers. A shareholder wants value, a business to grow in value… In other words he invests for profit. A manager if he has no shares, quite often managers not for profit, but manages to create an empire to create managers for size rather than value. Why? Because if he can create a vast empire he gets the trappings of an emperor. He gets private planes and cars and assistants and secretaries… He can give this to that university. He gets his knighthood and is a man of great importance. And therefore as far as he is concerned, size is more important than value. As far as owners are concerned, shareholders, value is more important than size. Now shareholders, if they’re intelligent will motivate management by making them shareholders so as to align interest. "





Al Dunlap, upon receiving a million-pound advance cheque from Brown Brothers Harriman : ‘Are you sure this check is not going to bounce?’ 

Goldsmith : My dear boy, that is where the blue bloods bank. It is not going to bounce. 

"I do not accept, that economic growth is the principle measure of the success of nations."
- Sir James Goldsmith 

"The purpose of the economy is to serve the true needs of society: prosperity, social stability and contentment. "
- Sir James Goldsmith 

The "Goldsmith" version "had been circulating in aristocratic circles for a long time."

Officially, Diana was the daughter of the Earl Spencer and Frances Shand Kydd.



Sources have long maintained that Goldsmith was conducting an affair with Frances around the time that Diana was conceived.

Nobody denies that the affair took place, "at a time when Frances was deeply unhappy in her marriage to the Earl, who was 'drinking heavily' and 'being beastly towards her'".




Tina Brown, author of The Diana Chronicle, suggests it was a long-running affair.

In Brown's version, there is strong support for the idea of Goldsmith being the father of Lady Diana, though she can't prove it.

Sir James Goldsmith who has links to the Rothschilds. He multiplied his fortune as a brash corporate raider in the United States during the 1980s (Billionaire with a Cause vanityfair.com ) "He inherited many of his traits from his father Frank Goldsmith, the descendant of a distinguished Jewish banking family from Frankfurt once as famous as the Rothschilds." (Obituary: Sir James Goldsmith - People, News - The Independent)

Mohamed Fayed reportedly made his money after he married Samira Khashoggi, the sister of the international arms dealer Adnan Khashoggi, who employed him in his import business in Saudi Arabia.
Reportedly, Khashoggi was implicated in the Iran-Contra Affair as a key middleman in the arms-for-hostages exchange along with Iranian arms dealer Manucher Ghorbanifar.
Allegedly, Khashoggi had links to the flight school where Mohamed Atta learnt to fly. (aangirfan: Diana, Palestinians, arms deals and 9 11. )

According to Alex Constantine (Alex Constantine's Anti-Fascist Research Bin: Adnan Khashoggi ...):

"Mohamed Al-Fayed is a former business partner of Cairo attorney El-Amir Atta, father of accused hijacker Mohamed el-Amir Awad el-Sayed Atta.

"Fayed was a veteran of the American Pinay Circle that recruited Adnan into its ranks.

"Back in 1953, GHW Bush, whose name would be linked to Khashoggi's in the Iran-contra affair, and Al Fayed were directors of the Singer Sewing Machine company."

On 12 August 2007, Ba Kiwanuka wrote: Princess Diana: Caught In A Web Of Spies!

According to this article:

1. Princess Diana and Dodi Fayed were under surveillance by MI6, the CIA, the USA's National Security Agency, Mossad and France's DGSE.

The NSA (National Security Agency) has over 1050 transcripts covering eavesdropped intercepts of Princess Diana's phone calls.

2. It is alleged that Mossad or MI6 were responsible for 'rigging up for a crash' the Mercedes Benz S280 that was involved in Diana's death.

3. It is alleged that the driver Henri Paul was an asset of the security services.

4. Mossad, and others, may have been concerned that Diana might marry Dodi Fayed, a Moslem.

5. If there was a murder plot, it would have required the cooperation of France's DGSE spy service.

A few minutes before the Diana crash all police channels in Paris went silent.

The ambulance taking Princess Diana to the hospital moved very slowly.

6. Princess Diana had campaigned to ban land mines.

Immediately following Diana's death, President Clinton broke his promise to support a bill to abolish the trade in land mines.

7. Allegedly a faction within MI6 was responsible for Diana's death.

Trials of the Diaspora by Anthony Julius to be published by Oxford University Press.




In every aspect of his life Goldsmith - who had been knighted in 1976 in Harold Wilson's infamous resignation honours list - displayed a total indifference to convention. He was brave, reckless, the very image of Dryden's Achitophel, "Pleased with the danger, when the waves ran high / He sought the storms".

His private life involved three wives, innumerable mistresses and eight children, two born in the late 1980s to the last love of his life, the well-connected French journalist Laure de Boulay de la Meurthe. He admitted that his famous remark "when one marries one's mistress one creates a vacancy" was not original, but nevertheless it was a fair summary of his attitude to women and his behaviour to them.
His love life alone was enough to keep the gossip columnists on tenterhooks ever since his elopement with Isabel Patino, daughter of one of the world's richest men back in 1954. Her death in childbirth a few months later merely compounded the world's fascination with the 21-year-old Goldsmith.

By then all the elements in his character, the gambling instinct, the rootlessness, the restlessness, the immense appeal to women, were already apparent. So was his misogny, for, as one close friend put it, "he never really liked women".

Nevertheless he had an astonishing capacity, not only to bowl over many of the world's most desirable women but also to retain their affection after he had moved restlessly on - none of the many women in his life ever went in for "kiss-and-tell" revelations and he remained friends with most, if not all, of his ex-mistresses. Moreover he was a loving and, in his own way an attentive and even sensitive father (he was for instance enormously sympathetic when his eldest son was diagnosed as dyslexic).

His business life was equally unconventional. Starting in his early twenties he ended 35 years later as one of the world's richest men as the result of a series of increasingly breathtaking and equally well-publicised deals - and a less well-known capacity actually to run businesses. He was never deterred from a deal because he did not have the money available nor any clear idea as to how he was going to raise it.

But his undoubted business flair received less recognition than it deserved because of the contempt he showed for orthodox financial behaviour and his flagrant and habitual disregard of the interests of the minority shareholders in the companies he controlled. To cap his amazingly full life he entered politics a few years ago as a fervent anti-European, becoming a European MP and spending an estimated pounds 20 million on financing the Referendum Party in this year's British General Election.

Physically, the six-foot-tall Goldsmith was a dominating figure. Socially he was a complete outsider - even in the social and business circles in which he moved, though he remained overly loyal to dubious business associates like Jim Slater and to the arrogant and snobby group round John Aspinall (a close personal friend whom he supported financially in his dark days).

For Goldsmith was the very archetype of that much-abused figure, the ruthless, rootless cosmopolitan financier. He was also vastly energetic, deeply manic-depressive and liable to fits of rage - often directed at journalists - and paranoia, culminating in a spell of extreme anti-Communism in the 1980s.
In business he was equally moody. As his long-time collaborator Mme Gilberte Beaux once put it: 

"Jimmy thinks every morning he has nothing". This serious Jewish pessimism, reinforced by his mother's underlying native French caution, proved invaluable in ensuring that, unlike other finacnial operators, he could anticipate crashes - although, equally typically, he did tend to see in them the end of the world.

He inherited many of his traits from his father Frank Goldsmith, the descendant of a distinguished Jewish banking family from Frankfurt once as famous as the Rothschilds (an element of competition with them formed a significant, if unexpressed part of the son's make-up). Frank's grandfather Adolph had moved first to France and then to Britain during the anti-Semitic period of the Dreyfus case.

Frank became an MP and served for a time in the First World War before opting out of the army and public life under mysterious circumstances. But he remained known as Major during his second career as the owner of a chain of international luxury hotels - in which James spent much of his early life, and which he sold after his father's death to another great wheeler-dealer, the late Maxwell Joseph.

In an uncanny pre-echo of his son's life, the love of his father's life, Jacqueline Blanc, died young and he took up with Marcelle Mouiller, the sister of Jacqueline's best friend, who hailed from the Auvergne, a province noted for the toughness and meanness of its inhabitants (as a result James, thought of as the archetypal Jew, was not, theoretically Jewish although he did have his eldest son, Manes, ritually circumcised). Displaying his son's contempt for convention Frank's first child, Teddy, was born out of wedlock, although they had been married for nearly four years when James Michael Goldsmith was born in 1933.

At the outbreak of the Second World War the family escaped through Spain to New York and then to the Bahamas. On their return to London, Frank was determined that his children should have an orthodox English education and James was sent first to a prep school and then to Eton. At both establishments he showed himself as unwilling to learn (partly due to dyslexia), rebellious and determined not to conform or allow himself to be browbeaten.

He left Eton at the age of 16 after an extraordinary betting coup (technically an accumulator bet on three horses) which brought him pounds 8,000, an enormous sum for the time. He then left with an extraordinary display of spite - offering and then breaking a set of records which he had presented, as the traditional leaving gift, to his housemaster, a man he hated.

In 1951 he did his national service, showing himself an effective officer, able to cope with a troop of difficult squaddies, but then returned to the life of "wine, women and song" to which he had been introduced on leaving Eton.

Then in Paris on Coronation night (4 June 1953) he met and fell for Isabel Patino, daughter of Antinor Patino, an immensely rich Bolivian tin millionaire. He naturally objected to the alliance - Goldsmith's own version of the encounter included the immortal exchange that when Patino said "It is not the habit of our family to marry Jews", the 21-year-old Goldsmith replied "It is not our habit to marry Red Indians".

When Isabel was already several months preganant the couple eloped, and after a well-publicised legal spat with her father were married in Edinburgh. But in May Isabel died giving birth to a premature but healthy baby also called Isabel. The blow was devastating - years later he tried to console a friend in similar distress who asked "How long does it take to get over it?", to which Goldsmith replied "I don't think you ever do".

The whole episode, which had lasted less than a year not only left an indelible mark on the young Goldsmith, it also catapulted him on to the front pages of the world's press, a place he was to fill for most of the rest of his life.

For the next few years, in an effort to forget, Goldsmith did little except work building up a small pharmaceutical company, first in France and then in Britain - where he came up against the establishment for the first, and certanly not the last time when he sold cut-price cortisone to the National Health Service.

Even then, while still in his twenties, he displayed the business talents and the impatience, the restlessness, the almost compulsive need to gamble, to take enormous risks which were to mark the whole of his business career. Indeed at one point only the lucky timing of a bank strike stood between him and bankruptcy. But the ideas were fertile ones - it was he who devised the notion of Mothercare, taken to fruition by one of his few business partners, Selim Zilkha.

His only consolation was Ginette Lery, his pretty French secretary who became first his mistress, and then, and only after the usual long interval, his second wife - though by the time he got round to marrying her he was already enamoured of Sally Crocker Poole, who eventually married the Aga Khan.
But by the early 1960s he had already established the pattern of having two households, one in Paris, one in London. By the end of the 1960s he was living openly in London with Lady Annabel Birley, the estranged wife of his friend Mark Birley, by whom he had three children, the last, Benjamin, when she was 45

At the same time he was starting to expand his British business interests through the take-over of a stream of well-known brands, from Procea, a fashionable slimming bread, to his biggest buy, Bovril, which proved to a sceptical City of London that this playboy was also a serious financier. His acquisitions were all included in Cavenham Foods, which he developed as a relatively orthodox food group - though he cheerfully admitted that his original management ideas, which he though both logical and sensible, turned out to be complete rubbish, an admission which showed his willingness to learn from experience.

Nevertheless he blotted his copybook with the British financial establishment through the way he saved Cavenham from financial trouble, through the use of private money, in a deal which involved the sort of financial juggling which came naturally to him but was totally contrary to received practice in London or New York - as was his use of a company's own money to pay its debts. The fact was he simply didn't care and was only too apt to treat criticism of his behaviour as springing from envy - or Communist tendencies, which he was only too ready to attribute to journalists in particular.

In financial attitudes he was perhaps most at home in Paris, the home of Gilberte Beaux, a tough French lady who acted as his right-hand person for nearly 30 years and guided his French holding company, Generale Occidentale, through many a legal and financial storm.

Goldsmith's sound instincts were perhaps best shown at the height of the great bull market of the early 1970s when he alone foresaw the crash that was to follow and liquidated his most vulnerable holdings. Nevertheless he was so loyal to Jim Slater, who had virtually been wiped out in the slump that he was prepared to buy up Slater Walker Holdings. Such closeness, natural to Goldsmith, was bad for his image, since it led to the false assumption that he was a mere financial whiz-kid and asset-stripper like Slater.

An even worse confusion arose because of his friendship with John Aspinall and the other cronies of Lord Lucan. He was not actually present at the famous lunch at which the cronies decided to clam up about the disappearance of their chum, but his continuing friendship with this group led Private Eye to assume that he was involved.

This in turn led to the battery of criminal libel actions against Private Eye which showed the face of Goldsmith as an unforgiving, Old Testament bully. Typically, in the face of serious aggression (in which category he included most press comment) he said "I consider tolerance to be degenerate". The most extreme example of this attitude came when Barbara Conway, a regular critic of his financial activities, was dying of cancer. "I hope she chokes on her own vomit" was his only comment. The libel action ended messily but he remained a formidable opponent.

In one memorable television interview he humiliated two wretched journalists who had accused him of being a mere asset stripper. He had prepared himself very thoroughly (a virtue which had helped him in an earlier tight spot when he got an inordinate price for the Lipton tea business when he sold it to Unilever). Their ignorance and prejudice enabled him to point up the fact that throughout his career he was prepared to pour money (not necessarily his own) into developing businesses, a stark contrast not only with the Slaters of this world, but also with Lord Hanson, another tycoon with whom he is often compared.

Nevertheless he hankered after being a press lord. In 1975 he contemplated buying the Observer (but retreated when he took a closer look). Three years later he was seriously interested in buying Beaverbrook Newspapers, and in France he was for a time the owner of a group, Presses de la Cite which included a number of publishers and a well-known weekly news magazine, L'Express. His only venture in Britain was a similar magazine, NOW!, but the British are too well served by serious daily papers and by television news to need such a publication and after a couple of years he withdrew, punctiliously paying off the journalists and turning up to their farewell party.

The libel action against Private Eye helped to increase Goldsmith's disenchantment with Britain (a disenchantment which extended to France after Francois Mitterrand's victory in 1981). His gloom was not relieved by his knighthood - a typical gesture by Harold Wilson who had a tendency to admire charming adventurers whose characters were so opposed to his native caution.

So he naturally turned to the United States as the last best hope of world capitalism and of relaxed behaviour - in New York in the early 1980s he would go out without a collar and tie for the first time in his life. His American business career started with a major chain of supermarkets, Grand Union, where he invested enormous amounts of time, energy, money and enthusiasm.

But his real glory days were in the first half of the 1980s where, assisted by his long-time friend and merchant banker Roland Franklin, he took over a series of groups whose major attractions were that they had diversified away from a solid asset base - two of them, Diamond International and St Regis involving enormous acreages of forests.

His association with the asset-stripping brigade made Goldsmith a natural target when he attacked Goodyear, one of the industrial giants of the US. This stirred up a storm of protest but by then his instincts told him of the imminent arrival of another financial storm and he sold out of the company, as he did of most of his other assets. His timing was perfect, just before the Crash of October 1987, and he probably made a billion or so dollars out of his actions (although, typically, he thought the resulting slump would be deeper and longer-lasting than it proved to be. The coup, he said, was "like winning a rubber of bridge on the Titanic").

By this time he was being urged by Laure de Boulay de la Meurthe (by then virtually the only woman in his life since Annabel had refused to move to the United States) to relax, and by his brother Teddy, a well- known if eccentric ecologist, to invest his energies and his money in saving the environment. Characteristically this involved buying 18,000 acres of unspoilt Mexican forest and building a simple, but luxurious house of one tiny patch of it, a retreat where he spent an increasing amount of time. But this did not hamper his political career.

By the late 1980s he had become convinced that the European Union was a disaster and in 1995 he was elected as member of the European Parliament in an incongruous alliance with another fervent anti-European, the upper- class French right-wing nationalist Philippe de Villiers. (On his only known visit to the Parliament he arrived on a Friday when normally the television crews did not bother to shoot. They did for him after he had said simply that he would buy the station that employed them if they didn't.)

But his last political venture was a typically flamboyant gesture, the financing of a party dedicated simply to ensuring that the British people should decide their future relationship with the EU in a Referendum. He was viciously attacked, which was rather unfair since he was proposing a democratic element in a normally elitist decision-making process.

The bloody-mindedness of the campaign was typical of a man who went his own way. But so was the fact that he did not tell the outside world that he was suffering from the cancer of the pancreas that was soon to kill him, and he continued to campaign even while undergoing debilitating chemotherapy. But although most of his candidates lost their deposits, in a number of seats they attracted enough Tory votes to hand victory to their opponents.

Nicholas Faith

James Michael Goldsmith, businessman, publisher and politician: born Paris 26 February 1933; Kt 1976; Member for France, European Parliament 1994-97; married 1st Isabel Patino (died 1954; one daughter), 2nd Ginette Lery (one son, one daughter; marriage dissolved), 3rd Lady Annabel Birley (nee Vane Tempest Stewart; two sons, one daughter; one son, one daughter by Laure de Boulay de la Meurthe); died Benahavis, Spain 18 July 1997.

"On June 16, 1993 I was diagnosed with having “liver cancer that had spread from the pancreas.” One of life’s weirdest and worst jokes imaginable...

- Bill Hicks, February 7th,1994

"I'd like to tell you something about Jack Ruby... When they cut him open, they said "Wow, he's got all this lung cancer; but they found that the origin of it was from the pancreas... But he didn't have cancer of the pancreas..."

- Judyth Vary Baker


"Who said that my party was all over, huh, huh,
I'm in pretty good shape,
The best years of my life are like a super nova,
Huh, huh, perpetual craze, I said that
Everybody drank my wine -you get my drift,
And then we took a holiday on Khashoggi's ship - well,
We really had a good good time they was all so sexy
We was bad, we was blitzed,
All in all it was a pretty good trip,
This big bad sucker with a fist as big as your head,
Wanted to get me, I said go away
I said kiss my ass honey,
He pulled out a gun, wanted to arrest me,
I said uh, uh, babe,
Now listen no-one stops my party,
No-one stops my party,
No-one, no-one, no-one stops my party,
Just like I said,
We were phased, we was pissed,
Just having a total eclipse,
This one's on me so let us do it just right,
This here one party don't get started 'till midnight,
Party to the left -
Party to the right -
Left - right
No-one stops my ....."

Geldof Thinks a Christmas No. 1 Will Distract from the Fact He Killed His Wife and Daughter


Note the Floor Pattern from the Temple of Solomon (the Devil's Mosaic) on the shirt on the right.

Also familiar to the Dweller on the Threshold.


Also known as The Red Room,


Also known as The Black Lodge.

Tuesday, 18 November 2014

Maurice Templesman


Good Morning -

This ain't Vietnam still

People lose hands, legs, arms for real

Little was known of Sierra Leone
And how it connect to the diamonds we own

When I speak of Diamonds in this song
I ain't talkin bout the ones that be glowin

I'm talkin bout Rocafella, my home, my chain

These ain't conflict diamonds, is they Jacob? don't lie to me mayne

See, a part of me sayin' keep shinin',
How? when I know of the blood diamonds

Though it's thousands of miles away
Sierra Leone connect to what we go through today

Over here, it's a drug trade, we die from drugs
Over there, they die from what we buy from drugs

The diamonds, the chains, the bracelets, the charmses

I thought my Jesus Piece was so harmless
'Til I seen a picture of a shorty armless...

- Jay-Z, Diamonds from Sierra Leone (Remix) 







"Belgian-born Maurice Tempelsman has a long and bloody history in Africa. When Congo’s first Premier, Patrice Lumumba, pledged to return diamond wealth back to the newly independent Congo in the early 60’s, Tempelsman, who began with De Beers in the 1950’s, helped engineer the coup d’etat that consolidated the dictatorship of 29 year-old Colonel Mobutu, and the coup against Ghana’s Kwame Nkrumah; diamonds were at stake in each.

    “I believe this was the beginning of what we now know of as conflict diamonds in the Congo,” says blood diamond expert and investigative journalist Janine Roberts, author of the book Glitter and Greed: The Secret World of the Diamond Cartel. “From then on diamonds would be extensively used to discreetly fund wars, coups, repression and dictatorships, in Africa.”

    Maurice Tempelsman is Chairman of the American Jewish Congress, a Zionist pressure group that claims it works closely with the Israeli military. SEC filings show that LKI directors are high-rolling Zionist lawyers and investment bankers: one director belongs to the law firm that once represented President Kennedy—another Tempelsman friend. LKI is also connected to the euphemistically named United States Agency for International Development (USAID).

The Tempelsman empire remains rock solid behind Leon Tempelsman & Sons, De Beers, and Lazare Kaplan International—supplier of Tiffany’s and Cartier’s diamonds.

- [2007] Chloe's Blood Diamond 
by Keith Harmon Snow   



He had known her for more than 30 years and had been her constant companion for more than a decade, sharing everything: the daily victories, big and small, the adventures and frustrations of her complex life, and then her final months of suffering. He walked with her in the park in her last days, steadying the frail body with his hand, and he was at the bedside Thursday night when she died.
Maurice Tempelsman always seemed to be there for Jacqueline Kennedy Onassis. To the general public, which had rarely seen them together and had not even known his name until recent days, his central role in yesterday's ceremonies may have seemed astonishing.
But to those who knew them, it seemed unremarkable, perhaps even quite fitting, when he stood with her children at the funeral in New York and at the graveside at Arlington National Cemetery yesterday and bade a loving, poetic farewell to the woman he had never married.
"And now the journey is over, too short, alas, too short," he said in a personal commentary after reading a favorite poem, "Ithaka" by C. P. Cavafy, at the service at St. Ignatius Loyola Roman Catholic Church. "It was filled with adventure and wisdom, laughter and love, gallantry and grace. So farewell, farewell." Third Man in Her Life
Mr. Tempelsman, a 64-year-old financier who amassed a fortune as a diamond dealer and industrialist, was the third man in her life, friends said, but he has never been divorced from his wife of 45 years, Lily, the mother of his three grown children.
Born in Belgium in 1929 to a Yiddish-speaking, Orthodox Jewish family that fled to the United States in 1940 as war spread across Europe, he went to work for his father, a diamond broker, when he was 16. Early in his career, he established a lasting connection with the DeBeers diamond empire in South Africa.
Mr. Tempelsman met Mrs. Kennedy in the 1950's, when he arranged a meeting for then-Senator John F. Kennedy with South African diamond interests. After she was widowed a second time with the death of Aristotle Onassis in 1975, Mr. Tempelsman became her financial adviser. He is reported to have quadrupled her $26 million inheritance.
Beginning in the early 1980's, Mr. Tempelsman and Mrs. Onassis were seen together with increasing frequency at private dinner parties, consular affairs and other discreet occasions. The relationship was kept low-key; he once sought -- and got -- a retraction from a gossip columnist who said they would marry. He told friends that he was not free to marry because his wife, as an Orthodox Jew, would never grant him a divorce.
It was about 1982, acquaintances said, that he moved into Mrs. Onassis' 15-room apartment on Fifth Avenue and began assuming the host's role. It seemed to some an unlikely pairing. Unlike the dashing President Kennedy, Mr. Tempelsman was short, portly, baldish, and he was not a billionaire like Onassis.
But Rose Schreiber, a cousin of Mr. Tempelsman, described him as a charming, worldly but gentle man with other qualities that appealed to Mrs. Onassis: a sharp wit, a sensitive and unassuming manner, and a respect for scholarship and learning.
They spent their summers together at her oceanfront estate on Martha's Vineyard, passed weekends at her horse farm in New Jersey and sailed aboard his 70-foot yacht, the Relemar. Last summer, they entertained President and Mrs. Clinton aboard the yacht off Martha's Vineyard.
At home in New York, they entertained friends at quiet dinner parties and occasionally went to small restaurants on the East Side. They often conversed in French, discussing her work as an editor with Doubleday or fighting to preserve a landmark. Friends said they had often strolled in Central Park, looking for all the world like any older, devoted couple.
Since last winter, when her lymphatic cancer was diagnosed, he had been with her almost constantly. He was at her side when she died Thursday night, and he was there to greet every guest at an informal wake for family and friends Sunday.
He chose to read "Ithaka" at the funeral. A translation by Edmund Keeley and Philip Sherrard for "C. P. Cavafy/Collected Poems," (Princeton University Press, 1992), reads:
As you set out for Ithaka
hope the voyage is a long one,
full of adventure, full of discovery.
Laistrygonians and Cyclops,
angry Poseidon -- don't be afraid of them:
you'll never find things like that on your way
as long as you keep your thoughts raised high,
as long as a rare excitement
stirs your spirit and your body.
Laistrygonians and Cyclops,
wild Poseidon -- you won't encounter them
unless you bring them along inside your soul,
unless your soul sets them up in front of you.
Hope the voyage is a long one.
May there be many a summer morning when,
with what pleasure, what joy,
you come into harbors seen for the first time;
may you stop at Phoenician trading stations
to buy fine things,
mother of pearl and coral, amber and ebony,
sensual perfume of every kind --
as many sensual perfumes as you can,
and may you visit many Egyptian cities
to gather stores of knowledge from their scholars.
Keep Ithakacq always in your mind.
Arriving there is what you are destined for.
But do not hurry the journey at all.
Better if it lasts for years,
so you are old by the time you reach the island,
wealthy with all you have gained on the way,
not expecting Ithaka to make you rich.
Ithaka gave you the marvelous journey.
Without her, you would not have set out.
She has nothing left to give you now.
And if you find her poor, Ithaka won't have fooled you.
Wise as you will have become, so full of experience,
you will have understood by then what these Ithakas mean.



 “Tempelsman’s role in the confluence of public policy and private profit as a middleman for the De Beers diamond cartel may have shaped every major U.S. covert action in Africa since the early 1950s. Declassified memos and cables between former U.S. presidents and State Department officials over the last four decades directly linked Tempelsman to the destabilization of Zaire/Congo, Sierra Leone, Angola, Zimbabwe, Namibia, Rwanda and Ghana.”
 For over 35 years Maurice and son Leon Tempelsman worked the diamond connection behind the repression of Mobutu Sese Seko and his Israeli-trained shock troops. Now, 47 years later, the Tempelsman empire remains rock solid behind three companies: Leon Tempelsman & Sons, De Beers, and Lazare Kaplan International; LKI supplies Tiffany’s and Cartier’s. A client of Adelai Stevenson’s law firm during the first Congo crises (1960-1970), Tempelsman later hired Lawrence Devlin, a CIA station chief responsible for covert operations in Katanga, to maintain the Mobutu diamond/cobalt connections into the late 1980’s.
 Tempelsman’s capacity to sway governments and leverage markets is unrivaled. In 2002, Tempelsman offered Namibia’s President Sam Nujoma an $80 million interest free “loan” to bridge Namibia's budgetary shortfall against future sales of Namibia’s gemstones.
 Namibia is the leading producer of offshore deep sea diamonds, through DeBeers and Diamond Fields, and South Africa second. Offshore diamond mining has expanded to Papua New Guinea and New Zealand waters, and global mining investors call it the “new gold rush,” but scientists compare deep-sea dredging to destroying an eco-system as complex as a tropical rain forest. Specialized deep-sea crawler vessels like DeBeers “The Peace in Africa” reflect the expertise of the Woods Hole Oceanographic Institute. Maurice Tempelsman is an honorary trustee and an honorary member of the corporation of Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution.
 Tempelsman is the deep pockets of the Democratic party, a regular supporter of the campaigns of John Kerry (D); Ed Royce (R); Tom Daschle (D); Barack Obama (D); Maxine Waters (D); John Rockefeller (D); Richard Gephardt (D); Howard Wolpe (D); Patrick (D) and Edward Kennedy (D); and the 1988 win of George H.W. Bush. Tempelsman also exploited ties with Anthony Lake, Clinton’s National Security adviser, who intervened at the U.S. Export-Import Bank on Tempelsman’s behalf.
 Tempelsman contributed some $500,000 to Clinton for president, and he is backing Hillary (D). He traveled at Clinton’s side on the 1998 Presidential Africa tour—along with National Security Council staffer John Prendergast, now an International Crises Group “expert” and leading “Save Darfur!” cheerleader. The Clinton’s Botswana visit was not about an Okavango Delta wildlife reserve safari. Botswana’s President Mogae attended the 1999 Attracting Capital to Africa Summit in Houston (TX), organized by the Corporate Council on Africa (CCA), the “who’s who” of multinational corporations. CCA chairman Maurice Tempelsman organized the summit, where 10 African heads of state met with half of Clinton's Cabinet and 200 corporate representatives. Tempelsman and the CCA organized the U.S.-Africa Business Summit in Africa in 2001, featuring DRC President Joseph Kabila, coordinated with an Africa Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) meeting involving President G. W. Bush and Secretary of State Colin Powel.
 Maurice Tempelsman was Jackie Onassis Kennedy’s lover and he reportedly courted Madeline Albright. Tempelsman is Chairman of the American Jewish Congress, a Zionist pressure group that claims it “works closely with the Israeli military.”  He sits on the boards of nationalist American think tanks that also seat Madeleine Albright. As Vice-Chairman of Lazare Kaplan International, Tempelsman’s annual base pay is $458,833, with a bonus of $80,000; as principal director/shareholder in Leon Tempelsman and Sons he gets a comparable amount again. SEC filings show that LKI directors are high-rolling Zionist lawyers and investment bankers: one director belongs to the law firm that represented President Kennedy—another Tempelsman friend. LKI is also connected to the euphemistically named United States Agency for International Development (USAID).Selling to the U.S. Diamond Stockpile and to his private profits, Tempelsman companies have plundered tens of billions of diamond dollars from Congo/Zaire—alone—in the past five decades.

- [2007] BLOOD DIAMOND DOUBLETHINK & DECEPTION OVER THOSE WORTHLESS LITTLE ROCKS OF DESIRE 
by Rick Hines & Keith Harmon Snow 


Terry Waite


In his best-selling book, "Under Fire," Oliver North of Iran-Contra fame makes one brief reference to Terry Waite, the special envoy of the Church of England. Noting Waite's presence among those on hand to welcome released hostage David Jacobsen in Beirut on Nov. 2, 1986, North adds, "Terry had risked his life to gain the release of all the hostages, but not long afterward, in January, 1987, he too would become a hostage."

Risked his life, true. But contrary to the charade created for the world by impresario North, Waite had nothing to do with obtaining the release of any hostage in Lebanon. His assigned role, apparently largely unwitting, was to be the decoy, diverting attention from the real negotiations. These involved arms sales to Iran that purchased the freedom of three Americans but led to the captivity of six others, once the hostage-takers realized how lucrative their operation could be.

All this we learn from a remarkable piece of investigative reporting by a British journalist who is apparently intent on confronting Americans with the cynical manipulation that brought down a British folk hero. We might have thought that after five years of official and unofficial American probing we knew all the terrible truths about Iran-Contra. Having promised some of his sources to wait for the Anglican envoy's release from captivity, however, Gavin Hewitt of the BBC's Panorama news series is only now able to reveal one of the worst episodes. Waite won his freedom last month, after spending 1,763 days as a hostage of those from whom he sought the release of other hostages.

Ably setting this story of an idealistic church envoy and his trickster against the vivid backdrop of the long hostage crisis, Hewitt does not hesitate to name some of his sources--American and British officials, clerics and intermediaries. Other information was obviously gleaned from a careful examination of the hundreds of thousands of pages of documents released in official investigations, including North's notes and diaries. Hewitt's technique, similar to that successfully employed by journalist Bob Woodward, is to synthesize this into a narrative so compelling as to suggest that the author saw it all. If you ask whether I take this account at face value, lacking as it does many specific attributions, the answer is that it is hard not to, given the wealth of color and corroborative detail.

The British journalist's quest commenced in the summer of 1987 when, in the course of researching a documentary on the mystery surrounding the disappearance of Terry Waite, an American "Senior Administration Official" confided that "our treatment of Waite was shameful" and that "Ollie North" was the one to ask about it. North, who was then achieving fame and future fortune as a witness in the televised Congressional hearings, was not available. But four years of patient inquiry paid off.

You feel like a spectator at a drama from the moment you read of Waite's first meeting with a leather-jacketed North on May 18, 1985, in the Manhattan penthouse apartment of the Presiding Episcopal Bishop, where he also met the wife of hostage Benjamin Weir. Everyone present is named except "a State Department official" who was probably a source for a comprehensive account of the conversation. Waite found North "sincere" and "very American."

From this meeting between two extroverts, sharing an Episcopalian background and a sense of adventure and mission, there developed a partnership in which Waite agreed to work for the release of American hostages in Lebanon, as he had previously done for British hostages in Iran and Libya. Waite did succeed in making contact with the captors of Americans, and even persuaded them to provide him with a current photograph of a few of the captives, but he had no success in negotiating the release of any of them. North encouraged him (in direct violation of Reagan policy) to talk to the hostage-holders about a possible exchange for 17 Lebanese terrorists in prison in Kuwait, but it soon became clear that Kuwait would not be moved.

When the Rev. Benjamin Weir was freed in September, 1985, in return for a shipment of missiles from Israel to Iran, Terry Waite flew to New York to hold a press conference with him; the British press called Waite "the secret negotiator behind the release." North was said to have bragged to his colleagues about how well Waite was serving as a "cover." So with the subsequent releases of Father Laurence Jenco and David Jacobsen: In order to suggest a totally nonexistent involvement in their release, Waite was asked to be on hand for picture-taking and interviews.

North also persuaded the Anglican envoy to conceal a tracking device in his belt buckle. It was, said North, for Waite's own protection when he went into West Beirut to meet with the holders of hostages, but Hewitt writes that the miniature transmitter was also seen as a way to locate hostages in case a rescue mission was decided upon. (When Waite was taken hostage in January, 1987, Tehran radio noted the electronic device and denounced him as a spy.)

Each time a hostage release was expected--as in May, 1986, when North and Robert MacFarlane flew to Tehran on their ill-fated mission--Waite was asked to be on hand in Beirut, Jordan or Damascus to receive the liberated men. Why a release succeeded or failed Waite never knew. On one occasion, North referred to Waite as "our only access to events in Lebanon." A National Security Council official said that North "ran Terry Waite like an agent."

One would have thought that the exposure of the arms deal and the firing of North in November, 1986, would free Waite from the damaging connection with his American friend. When Waite returned to Beirut two months later, however--determined to recover his dignity and role as an independent intermediary--he found that his position had been thoroughly compromised. The holders of hostages knew of his frequent meetings with North, and that he had been serving as a front man for arms deals between the Reagan Administration and Iran.

Hewitt managed to interview North three weeks before Waite's release. The Iran-Contra point man conceded that he had used the Anglican envoy in some ways that might have been "less than desirable." Asked if he felt any guilt about Waite, North said, "Guilt? I have a problem with the word."

Waite, himself in retreat since his liberation, remains to be heard from. Meanwhile, we have this outstanding piece of British investigative journalism to help us become outraged all over again.


WASHINGTON — The Reagan Administration, using an Israeli-operated supply line set up through highly secret negotiations with the regime of the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, last year began supplying U.S.-made missiles and weapons parts to Iran in exchange for Iran's aid in freeing Americans held hostage in Lebanon, government sources said Wednesday.

The arrangement, in which the Tehran government received planeloads of military equipment critical to Iran in its lengthy war against Iraq, led to freedom for three hostages held by pro-Iranian extremists and, until this week, appeared to promise further releases, sources said.

The arms shipments, begun last year with the personal approval of President Reagan after secret meetings between two top-level White House officials and Iranian representatives, led to the release last Sunday in Beirut of American University Hospital director David P. Jacobsen, who had been held by Islamic Jihad (Islamic Holy War), a group of Shia Muslim fundamentalists allied with Iran.

At least one earlier weapons shipment spurred the terrorists to release the Rev. Benjamin Weir, a Presbyterian minister, in September, 1985, and Father Lawrence M. Jenco, Beirut chief of Catholic Relief Services, last July.

Brainchild of McFarlane

One source who refused to be named said that the operation was the brainchild of former national security adviser Robert C. McFarlane--who traveled secretly to Iran several times in the process of negotiating the arrangement--and a top aide, Lt. Col. Oliver L. North, the National Security Council's deputy director of political and military affairs.

The operation was supervised by North and Reagan's current national security adviser, John M. Poindexter, after McFarlane left the government in December, 1985.

Since early 1985, one source said, McFarlane and North reportedly have undertaken a string of secret missions to London, Geneva and other foreign capitals, as well as to Iran, to work out the shipments and exchanges, one source said.

The operation, handled almost entirely from within the White House, had been kept secret from virtually all of the highest officials in the U.S. government--including top congressional, Pentagon and State Department officials--at least until recent months, when some officials apparently began to pick up hints of what was going on.

Regan Concerned Over Leaks

News leaks about the operation surfaced last weekend in the Middle East and mushroomed in Britain and the United States this week. On Wednesday, White House Chief of Staff Donald T. Regan expressed public concern that the reports were endangering American hostages, warning in a broadcast interview that "there are lives at stake here" and that "opportunities can be lost by premature disclosure."

U.S. officials concluded Wednesday that the publicity, and the resulting uproar in Iran, have dashed all hopes that two other Americans still held in Lebanon by Islamic Jihad might be freed soon, an official said.

The secret dealings between the United States and Iran stand in marked contrast with the stated position of the Reagan Administration, which has frequently denounced Iran as one of the world's leading sponsors of state-supported terrorism. Indeed, while the secret exchanges were taking place, the President said repeatedly that the United States would not negotiate with terrorists or pay ransom for the release of American hostages.

In addition, the United States has maintained an arms embargo against Iran since 1979, when Khomeini's followers seized the U.S. Embassy and held 52 Americans hostage for 14 months.

Storm of Controversy Due

Disclosure of the arrangement thus raises far-reaching questions about American policy on terrorism, the Middle East and a host of other issues. And a storm of controversy is likely to ensue, both in and outside the Administration.

Secretary of State George P. Shultz, a leading Administration advocate of a hard-line approach to terrorism and the man whose department has been actively enforcing the ban on weapons shipments to Iran, was "completely cut out" of the hostage negotiations. His aides are said to be deeply angered by the arrangement.

Secretary of Defense Caspar W. Weinberger, a fierce advocate of American support for Iraq in its long-running war with Iran, was said to have "hit the roof" when news of the shipments reached his desk.

One government official who refused to be identified called the Administration's decision to aid Iran in its war with Iraq "a major policy shift" that had been undertaken without the usual discussions within the executive branch and with intelligence and military experts in Congress.

Approved by Reagan

The shipments were personally approved by Reagan in apparent contravention of the Export Administration Act, which prohibits the sale of U.S.-made arms to countries that support terrorism. Reagan himself put Iran on the "terrorist" list in 1981, and it has remained there.

"The President approved it," one official said, "and whatever documents were required, the President signed them privately and, like the Pope, kept it in his heart."

The Times learned of the secret arms shipments to Iran in late October. To avoid endangering the hostages or jeopardizing their chances for freedom, The Times agreed to withhold news of the operation until all the remaining hostages had been set free or details of the story appeared elsewhere.

U.S. sources say that the secret link to Iran has supplied that nation with what were described as ground-to-ground missiles as well as spare parts for F-4 Phantom jets, American-made radar systems and C-130 transport planes and other war materiel.

Weapons From China

The military value of the shipments to the Iranians could not be estimated, but Iran's air force consists entirely of American-made jets seized from Shah Mohammed Reza Pahlavi during Khomeini's rise to power, and its ground equipment was largely U.S.-made until China began supplying weapons in recent years.

The shipments were authorized by the White House, but were carried out by private American carriers under the top-secret direction of the Israeli government, one source said. Israeli officials involved in the operation in 1985 were identified by sources as then-Prime Minister Shimon Peres and Defense Minister Yitzhak Rabin.

Israel, a supporter of Iran in its war with Iraq, frequently has been accused of--and has heatedly denied--that it was illegally exporting U.S. arms to Iran. Rabin told The Times in a September interview that "Israel is committed not to resell any American arms or even American components of Israeli-made arms without explicit U.S. permission.

"And we have kept this commitment through the years," he said. "If you can give me one example through the history of our relations that Israel sold (even) a wing that was produced in the United States without American approval, I'll swallow everything."

Israeli Shipments Approved

In fact, the United States had approved such Israeli shipments, and at least one was in progress at roughly the time Rabin talked with a Times reporter, sources said.

Israel's motivation for serving as an intermediary is not clear. However, according to court records in a federal arms smuggling case in New York, Israeli officials early this year sought Iranian help in freeing Israeli soldiers believed held in Lebanon.

In January, the names of Zecharya Baumel, Zvi Feldman and Yehuda Katz, all missing since a battle near Sultan Yaakoub on June 11, 1982, and Samir Asad, reported captured near Sidon in April, 1983, were turned over to a cousin of Hashemi Rafsanjani, the Speaker of the Iranian Parliament.

The cousin, Cyrus Hashemi, was posing as a prospective Iranian buyer of U.S.-made arms from Israel. In fact, he was a acting as an undercover informant in a U.S. Customs Service conspiracy investigation that ultimately led to the arrest of retired Israeli Gen. Avraham Bar-Am and 10 others on charges of violating U.S. export laws. The case, widely criticized in Israel, is awaiting trial.

No Markings on Aircraft

Former Iranian President Abolhassan Bani-Sadr, now exiled in Paris, said on ABC's "Night Line" program Wednesday that in early September he learned through his own sources that "an American airplane with no markings did in fact deliver spare parts to Iran." A similar delivery took place in August of this year, Bani-Sadr claimed.

In September, the Danish Sailors Union claimed that a ship from Denmark had carried at least 3,600 tons of American-made weapons to Iran from Israel between May and August of this year.

Union spokesman Henrik Berlau said that the Danish freighter Ilse TH had carried four 900-ton shipments from the Israeli port of Eilat to the Iranian port of Bandar Abbas.

"We have the documentation, the log and the testimony of the sailors on board. We have the exact dates. There is absolutely no doubt," Berlau said.

Shipments Began in 1985

The arms shipments apparently began at least a year earlier. On Sept. 15, 1985, a DC-8 cargo jet took off from Iran after delivering weapons to the Khomeini regime and landed in Israel--just a day after Shia terrorists released Weir.

Israeli officials denied for two days that the plane was there, then acknowledged that the jet had landed. Air traffic controllers in Ankara, Turkey, and Beirut told reporters that the plane had reported its destination as Malaga, Spain, but then reported communications problems and headed for Tel Aviv.

The plane, identified by Turkish officials as U.S.-owned, carried the markings of International Airlines Support Group, Inc., of Miami. Richard Wellman, a spokesman for the company, told the Associated Press that the company had sold the plane to a firm called International Air Tourism of Nigeria.

That plane is now believed to have carried a weapons shipment to Iran that had originated in Israel. It was presumed, but could not be confirmed, that a similar planeload of arms earlier in544499813Jenco last July.

Helped Resolve Hijacking

It is not clear whether other shipments have been made in exchange for Iranian aid in stemming the tide of Shia-backed terrorism. However, the Iranian government played a role in ending the hostage crisis of June 14, 1985, when pro-Iranian Lebanese Muslim terrorists seized a Trans World Airways jet en route from Athens to Rome that was later diverted to Beirut.

The United States had asked Syria to intercede to free the hostages but only when Iran made its views known were the hostages freed. Since that incident, Shultz has said several times that the United States has maintained informal contacts with the Iranians.

The decision to create a secret "back channel" for dealings with the Khomeini government, however, appears to have been undertaken without Shultz's knowledge and outside the usual interagency consultations that accompany major foreign-policy shifts.

State, Defense, Treasury and other Cabinet-level departments were totally unaware of the operation until hints of the shipments began to circulate at high levels shortly after McFarlane left the White House last December. It could not be learned when Shultz and Weinberger were informed of the secret channel with Iran.

One senior State Department official who deals with Iranian issues told The Times on Wednesday that "we've had a sense that some of this might have been going on, but we were informed of none of it.

"Our job was to enforce the (arms) embargo as best we could and we believed we were doing a good job of it. We believed the policy was showing increasing success."

Comments From Speakes

White House spokesman Larry Speakes maintained the facade of that policy Tuesday, saying that "as long as Iran advocates the use of terrorism, the U.S. arms embargo will continue." Asked whether the Administration believes Iran now has reduced its support for terrorism, Speakes replied: "There has been no manifestation of a definitive change."

One U.S. official said, however, that the arms shipments carry "fairly enormous implications" for an American policy that has castigated other nations for dealing with known terrorists.

Times staff writer William C. Rempel contributed to this story from Los Angeles.


Climate Science


"My model is right - it's the Real World that's wrong"

- Anonymous IPCC Climatologist

"Nevertheless, an effective political substitute for war would require "alternate enemies," some of which might seem equally far- fetched in the context of the current war system. 

It may be, for instance, that gross pollution of the environment can eventually replace the possibility of mass destruction by nuclear weapons as the principal apparent threat to the survival of the species. Poisoning of the air, and of the principal sources of food and water supply, is already well advanced, and at first glance would seem promising in this respect; it constitutes a threat that can be dealt with only through social organization and political power."

- The Report from Iron Mountain, 1961



Global Warming : Doomsday Called Off from Spike EP on Vimeo.

"The question is why flawed models are used as the basis for enormously expensive policy decisions... They shouldn't be."

Garbage in - Garbage out.

The above graphic is Figure 1.4 from Chapter 1 of a draft of the Fifth Assessment Report from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change.

The initials at the top represent the First Assessment Report (FAR) in 1990, the Second (SAR) in 1995. Shaded banks show range of predictions from each of the four climate models used for all four reports since 1990.

That last report, AR4, was issued in 2007. Model runs after 1992 were tuned to track temporary cooling due to the 1991 Mount Pinatubo eruption in The Philippines.

The black squares, show with uncertainty bars, measure the observed average surface temperatures over the same interval. The range of model runs is syndicated by the vertical bars. The light grey area above and below is not part of the model prediction range.

The final version of the new IPCC report, AR5, will be issued later this month.







Medieval Greenland

Viking Maps of Canada and Newfoundland




The Frozen Thames, 1677

"Evidence from mountain glaciers does suggest increased glaciation in a number of widely spread regions outside Europe prior to the twentieth century, including Alaska, New Zealand and Patagonia. However, the timing of maximum glacial advances in these regions differs considerably, suggesting that they may represent largely independent regional climate changes, not a globally-synchronous increased glaciation. Thus current evidence does not support globally synchronous periods of anomalous cold or warmth over this time frame, and the conventional terms of "Little Ice Age" and "Medieval Warm Period" appear to have limited utility in describing trends in hemispheric or global mean temperature changes in past centuries... [Viewed] hemispherically, the "Little Ice Age" can only be considered as a modest cooling of the Northern Hemisphere during this period of less than 1°C relative to late twentieth century levels."

- IPCC Third Assessment Report Climate Change, 2001

"Nevertheless, an effective political substitute for war would require "alternate enemies," some of which might seem equally far- fetched in the context of the current war system. 

It may be, for instance, that gross pollution of the environment can eventually replace the possibility of mass destruction by nuclear weapons as the principal apparent threat to the survival of the species. Poisoning of the air, and of the principal sources of food and water supply, is already well advanced, and at first glance would seem promising in this respect; it constitutes a threat that can be dealt with only through social organization and political power. 

But from present indications it will be a generation to a generation and a half before environmental pollution, however severe, will be sufficiently menacing, on a global scale, to offer a possible basis for a solution."

- The Report from Iron Mountain, 1961