The Zionist-WASP Split of 1991 - The Coup

"We were not surprised" - John Major

"I think Boris Yeltsin is the West's man" - Dave Emory, 1991

" Boris Nikolayevich Yeltsin... was a controversial ruler to whom the Russian people owe a debt of gratitude. 

The U.S. will remember Boris Yeltsin as someone who, despite his limitations, meant well and worked to bring his country back to the family of nations, to freedom and humanity, which have been so often lacking in Russia's tortured history. " 

- Ariel Cohen PhD., 

- The Heritage Foundation

MOSCOW — Here is Vice President Gennady I. Yanayev's statement announcing to world leaders that he had taken over the Soviet presidency from Mikhail S. Gorbachev:

At the instruction of the Soviet leadership, I hereby notify that a state of emergency is introduced in individual localities of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics for a period of six months from Aug. 19, 1991, in keeping with the constitution and laws of the U.S.S.R.

All power in the country is transferred for this period to the State Committee for the State of Emergency in the U.S.S.R.

The measures that are being adopted are temporary. They in no way mean renunciation of the course towards profound reforms in all spheres of life of the state and society.

These are forced measures, dictated by the vital need to save the economy from ruin and the country from hunger, to prevent the escalation of the threat of a large-scale civil conflict with unpredictable consequences for the peoples of the U.S.S.R. and the entire international community.

The most important objective of the state of emergency is to secure conditions that would guarantee each citizen personal safety and the safety of his or her property.

It is envisaged to liquidate anti-constitutional, ungovernable and essentially criminal military formations spreading moral and physical terror in several regions of the U.S.S.R. and serving as a catalyst for disintegration processes.

The entire range of measures adopted is directed at the earliest stabilization of the situation in the U.S.S.R., the normalization of socioeconomic life, the implementation of necessary transformations and the creation of conditions for the country's all-round development.

Any other way would lead to enhanced confrontation and violence, to the innumerable sufferings of our peoples and the creation of a dangerous focus of tension from the viewpoint of international security.

The temporary emergency measures in no mean affect international commitments assumed by the Soviet Union under existing treaties and agreements.

The U.S.S.R. is prepared to develop further its relations with all states on the basis of universally recognized principles of good neighborliness, equality, mutual benefit and non-interference in internal affairs of each other.

We are convinced that our current difficulties are transitory in character and the Soviet Union's contribution to preserving peace and consolidating international security will remain substantial.

The leadership of the U.S.S.R. hopes that the temporary emergency measures will find proper understanding on the part of the peoples and governments and the United Nations organization.

In preparation for their war against Communism, and in the years leading up to the failed – or faux – coup of August 1991 which initiated the last days of Gorbachev and the rise of Yeltsin, Bush and a cadre of rogue KGB officials built a complex international network of banks and holding companies that would be used to takeover ownership of the Soviet economy. Over 300 of these KGB traitors who supported this operation would later be re-located to the US in the early 1990s and pensioned. ^[111] Periodic CIA reports to Congress would review KGB and organized crime complicity in the takeover of Russia by criminal elements, but all mention of the formidable role of the U.S. would be expunged from Congressional oversight and the public record. ^[112]

In the first phase of the economic attack on the Soviet Union, George Bush authorized Leo Wanta and others to destabilize the ruble and facilitate the theft of the Soviet/Russian treasury. This would result in draining the Russian treasury of between 2,000 to 3,000 tonnes of gold bullion, ($35 billion at the time). ^[113] This step would be critical to prevent a monetary defense of the ruble and destabilize the currency. The gold was ‘stolen’ in March of 1991, facilitated by Leo Wanta and signed off by Boris Yeltsin’s right hand man. The majority of the leaked reports from the CIA and FBI suggest the theft of the Russian treasury was a KGB and Communist party operation, but what those reports omitted was the extensive involvement of Boris Yeltsin, the U.S. CIA and the U.S. banking industry.

A key player on the Soviet side of this theft with Wanta was Gregori (a.k.a. Georgy, Georgii) Matyukhin, former KGB official who had been made the first Chairman of the Central Bank, and after the collapse of the economy, was made to resign “for health reasons”. ^[114] In fact, it was Matyukhin who authorized large capital transfers to Chechnya, the source of the Chechen ‘advice notes’ that Kozlov attributed to as the source of the theft of the Soviet Treasury.

“It all began in the summer of 1991 when Ruslan Khasbulatov, First Deputy of Boris Yeltsin who was then Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR, decided to help his fellow countrymen and instructed head of the Central Bank of the RSFSR Grigory Matyukhin to provide peasant farms in Chechnya with credits…. after the fulfilment of Khasbulatov's assignment, the tiny republic became the largest issuer in the RSFSR. The share of the incomes of the population paid through money printing exceeded 40% (17% on average across the country). The cash sums received by co-operatives in banks exceeded the cash which they returned by 50 times, which was also far above the level of other territories.” ^[115]

Later, it was discovered that Matyukhin was actually working for the CIA. ^[116] In the second phase, Wanta, George Soros and a group of Bush appointees would begin to destabilize the ruble. There were two major operations: the largest was coordinated by Alan Greenspan, Oliver North, and implemented by Leo Wanta. They are accused of fronting $240 billion in covert securities to support the various aspects of this plan. ^[117] These bonds were created (in part or in whole) from a secretive Durham Trust, managed by ex- OSS/CIA officer, Colonel Russell Hermann. This war chest had been created with the Marcos gold and possibly augmented by illegal inverted yield curve gains on the collateral held by the U.S. during the global debt resettlement on 1989. ^[118]

The coup would be the third phase. The KGB was well aware of President Bush’s eagerness to see a collapse of Gorbachev. Many who observed the coup described it as faux coup, which was never intended to succeed Yeltsin himself writes in his memoirs that the coup was actually a veiled, pro-Yeltsin coup. ^[119] The generals who conducted the coup said the same. ^[120]

The 1991 coup against Gorbachev was engineered by KGB General Vladimir Kruchkov ^[121] who reported to General Victor Cherbrikov. Both of these men were business partners with Robert Maxwell, a British financial mogul, a documented Israeli secret service agent, and a representative of U.S. intelligence interests. Maxwell assisted Cherbrikov in selling military weaponry to Iran and the Nicaraguan Contras during the course of the Iran Contra deals, and made hundreds of millions of dollars available to Cherbrikov’s Russian banks. ^[122] 

Shortly before the attempted coup of 1991, Maxwell met with KGB General Vladimir Kruchkov on Maxwell’s private yacht. ^[123] A year earlier, it had been Maxwell that initiated the dialogue about a coup with Kruchkov. ^[124] 

In the same month as the coup, Maxwell was in Russia and received $780 million dollars from the CIA via the Israelis to pass on to General Kruchkov. ^[125] Maxwell’s chief U.S. connection was Senator John Tower, who was long time confidante of George H.W. Bush and participant in the October Surprise. 

After his Senatorial career, Tower actually worked for Maxwell on the Board of one of Maxwell’s smaller publishing firms - Pergamon-Brassey. In this operation, Maxwell was supported by a former four star general, a retired U.S. Air Force General and a retired British Major General.^[126] 

It was Tower who released a statement exonerating Bush from involvement in the October Surprise before the Tower Commission had interviewed even a third of the scheduled witnesses. This statement is now seen as all the more brazen in that the commission was provided with eye-witness testimony from two individuals who said they saw Bush at the meeting, as well as being provide a list of 16 more witnesses and a video-tape. ^[127] [128] 

Tower had arranged for the Israeli government to provide a $1 billion dollar loan to Maxwell in 1988, ^[129] and given the generosity of U.S. financial aid to Israel, it might be fair to argue this was a pass-through loan. ^[130] 

Tower had introduced Maxwell to George Bush in 1976, for the sole purpose of using Maxwell as an intermediary between Bush and the Soviet Intelligence. ^[131] Shortly after the coup, Maxwell died mysteriously on his yacht after attempting to blackmail the U.S. and Israeli intelligence operations. It is widely rumored that he was assassinated by either CIA or Mossad agents in lieu of them delivering his expected blackmail payment. Maxwell’s link back to George Bush died just as mysteriously. 

Senator Tower died in a plane crash and under suspicious circumstance in April of 1991. Maxwell’s wife was advised by a CIA agent to discourage any investigation into her husband’s death if she valued her life. ^[132] The audio tapes he kept of his phone calls with Kruchkov disappeared. ^[133]

The coup was presented by the media as the haphazard, poorly organized effort of dissident hard-liners, suggesting a group of senior, hardened military officials got drunk, and in a moment of absent-mindedness, decided to overthrow the government.

“The accounts reportedly given by the three imprisoned plotters suggest that their coup was haphazardly planned. Mr. Pavlov, for example, said the plotters simply hoped that the Supreme Soviet would approve their action and that afterward "things would be worked out." Mr. Yazov said that at a key meeting on Aug 18 at which the coup was planned, he, Mr. Kryuchkov and a third plotter, Boris K. Pugo, former Interior Minister, who later committed suicide, were all drunk. Mr. Pavlov told his interrogators that he also consumed "quite a decent amount of alcohol" at that meeting. “ ^[134]

It was widely reported that three of the nine primary conspirators committed suicide after the failed effort. What was rarely mentioned was that two of these senior veterans were thrown out of windows, and a third – Boris Pugo, shot himself in the head three times.

“What's the hardest way to kill yourself? Three bullets to the head certainly ranks. According to Moscow police sources, that was the actual cause of death for coup conspirator Boris Pugo, the Soviet Interior Minister who was officially described as having "committed suicide" when the August putsch fizzled. As for two other top Communist officials reported to have killed themselves by leaping from windows, sources say they probably were pushed in order to silence them. They apparently knew too much about the smuggling of Communist wealth out of the country as the party collapsed.” ^[135]

The only individual officially linked to the death of Boris Pugo was Viktor Erin, the KGB officer personally involved in the ‘arrest’ of Boris Pugo ^[136] Erin would later become a General Director for Bank Menatep, and be accused of loan fraud and theft, as part of Putin’s crackdown on the Yeltsin gang. ^[137] Rather than being a coup about ‘policy and honor,’ like so many events linked to Project Hammer, the coup was all about the money. The CIA was moving hundreds of millions of dollars to the Generals before the coup through Robert Maxwell. ^[138] The people who could best explain the transactions were apparently murdered. The group responsible for the murders are then later linked via Bank Menatep to the financial groups that funded the coup. As for the other traitors in the coup, they were all released from prison two years later by Yeltsin. ^[139]

The coup actually seems to have been a long time in the making, with Yeltsin having discussed the coup with Bush during his visit to the United States in June of 1991. ^[140] That same summer, Yeltsin dined ‘discretely’ with the Chairman of the New York Federal Reserve, Gerald Corrigan, while the rest of the Moscow mission dined with Gorbachev. ^[141] The discussions prompted by Maxwell with Kruchkov regarding Kruchkov’s interest in a coup are dated to the summer of 1990. ^[142]

The coup began the dissolution of the Soviet Union ^[143] and the beginning of the reign of Boris Yeltsin and his ‘family’ of Russian Mafiya Oligarchs, and President Nursultan Nazarbayev of Kazakhstan. At that point, the two out of three votes required to dissolve the Soviet Union were in the pocket of President George H.W. Bush, those being the votes of Yeltsin and Nazarbayev.

In the final phase, a series of operatives assigned by President George H.W. Bush would begin the takeover of prized Russian and CIS industrial assets in oil, metals and defense. This was done by financing and managing the money-laundering for the Russian oligarchs through the Bank of New York, AEB and Riggs Bank. All of them, notably Blackstone Investment, would be out to line their own pockets. ^[144] Blackstone would ultimately turn out to be the investor behind Larry Silverman’s purchase of Building 7 of the WTC six weeks before the September 11 attack. ^[145] By controlling financial interest in the loss of the WTC, this group could quiet any investment community demand for investigations into the criminals behind the WTC attack.

A closer look at other activities leading up to these phases makes it clear that is was a U.S. orchestrated intelligence effort from the beginning. The economic war also involved Gerald Corrigan of the NY Federal Reserve Bank, George Soros, an international currency speculator who was responsible for crashing the British pound a few years earlier, former Ambassador to Germany R. Mark Palmer, and Ronald Lauder- financier and heir to the Este Lauder estate. Palmer and Lauder would lead a group of American investors in an Operation called the Central European Development Corporation, and combine forces with George Soros and the NM Rothschild Continuation Trust. ^[146] This group ending up controlling Gazprom, the Russian natural gas giant, while the Riggs group ended up controlling Yukos, the oil giant. Ownership for both remains largely ‘hidden’ today, and its front men enduring the hardships of the Russian wrath by spending time in prison.

In 1988, Riggs Bank, under the direction of Jonathon Bush and J Carter Beese, would purchase controlling interest in a Swiss company named Valmet. Stephen Curtis, a lawyer from Dubai, controlled Valmet. Curtis died in a helicopter crash in 2005, shortly after telling a friend that if he died in the near future, it would not be an accident.^[147] In early 1989, the new subsidiary of Riggs called Riggs-Valmet would initiate contact with a group of KGB officers and their front-men to start setting up an international network for moving money out of the former Soviet block countries. ^[148] In 1989, Jonathon Bush as an ‘official’ representative of his brother, would tour Eastern Europe and the Ukraine. In November 1989 George H.W. Bush appears to have arranged for Alton G. Keel Jr, a former National Security Agency Director and a minor player in the Iran-Contra scandal, to go to work at Riggs Bank, where Jonathon Bush – George’s brother was an executive Vice President. Keel would head up the International Banking Group. ^[149] This bank would later be used to funnel money to mujahedin terrorists in Bosnia by Richard Perle, ^[150] but for now, its target was to become the controlling owner of a small Swiss bank operation known as Valmet. The Riggs-Valmet operation, as it became known, would become the ‘consultants’ to the World Bank and to several KGB front operations run by future Russian oligarchs Khordokovsky, Konanykhine, Berezovsky and Abromovich. The Riggs-Valmet agents would advise the top four oligarchs in how to construct their vast money laundering schemes, and would provide guidance to western investors by touring Russian oil and gas operations to provide guidance on investing. ^[151] These soon to be Russian oligarchs had been set-up as front men by KGB Generals Aleksey (a.k.a. Alexei) Kondaurov; and Fillipp (a.k.a. Phillip) Bobkov, who would also sponsor Anton Surikov, also reported as an agent for Western Intelligence. ^[152] Both Kondaurov and Bobkov previously reported to Victor Cherbrikov, who worked with Robert Maxwell. Both Bobkov and Kruchkov (the August coup leader) were ideologically aligned ^[153], and worked together on structuring the Communist Parties economic activities starting in October 1990. ^[154] Kondaurov and Alexandre Konanykhine would bring a here-to-fore unknown politician and construction foreman named Boris Yeltsin from the hinterlands of Russia to the forefront of Russian politics through generous campaign financing, providing 50% of Yeltsin’s campaign funding. In the meantime, Riggs Bank was quickly solidifying banking relations with a couple more of the old Iran-Contra scandal participants: Swiss bankers Bruce Rappaport, and Alfred Hartmann. It is through this group that George Soros was engaged, who then opened a second front assault on the ruble. Rappaport and Hartmann would also extend their operations network to include of the Bank of New York, and from Israel, The Eisenberg Group. It is at this stage of the operation that three more groups would be brought into the plan by Rappaport and Hartmann: The Russian Mafiya, the Israeli Mossad, and the Rothschild family interests represented by Jacob Rothschild.

Soros and Rapport would ensure that the Rothschild financial interests would be the silent backers for a number of the undisclosed deals. By example, ten years later when Vladimir Putin sent Khordokovsky to prison for money laundering and tax evasion, Khordokovsky would identify Jacob Rothschild as his major silent partner, and ‘sign over’ his shares in the oil giant Yukos to Rothschild before he went to prison. ^[155] The Rothschild interests would also been seen on the board of directors of Barrick Gold, which may have been used to launder Russian and Philippines treasury gold, and later on the Board of the mercenary operation Diligence whose Russian arm would be a Russian mercenary operation known as Farwest Ltd. ^[156] Farwest was controlled by Anton Surikov, another ex KGB/CIA agent sponsored by Bobkov and Kondaurov.

Rappaport would also introduce an American gentleman named “Bob Klein” to the Russians and his Bank of New York partners. Klein worked with the operation for several years, and when the Feds began its inquiries into the Bank of New York money-laundering scandal in the late 1990s, no one could prove Bob Klein ever existed, and he simply vanished. ^[157] No one ever thought to suggest that the presence of this “spook” indicated this was an intelligence operation from the very beginning.

In the fourth phase of the secret war, the Enterprise worked on several fronts to take over key energy industries. On the Caspian front of this economic war, James Giffen was sent to Kazakhstan to work with President Nazarbayev in various legal and illegal efforts to gain control of what was estimated to be the world’s largest untapped oil reserves -Kazak oil in the Caspian. Despite much testimony to the contrary, the U.S. government would deny that Giffen was working on its behalf. ^[158]Giffen would later be tried in the U.S. for money laundering and corrupt practices. Giffen was convicted but apparently never sentenced. This is a common technique used by the U.S. Department of Justice where the silence of the convicted party is required. The illegal flow of money from the various oil companies would reach a number of banks. These same oil interests would engage March Rich and the Israeli Eisenberg Group, owned by one of the Mossad’s key operatives, Shaul Eisenberg, to move the oil. (The Eisenberg Group would at some point own almost 50% of Zim Shipping, which mysteriously and inexplicably moved out of the World Trade Center a few weeks before the September 11, attacks.)

Meanwhile, across the Caspian Sea, Bush had assigned a wide array of former Iran-Contra operatives to take a role in Azerbaijan, with the thought of

1. disrupting the flow of oil to Russia,
2. creating an opportunity to build a pipeline from the Caspian to the Black Sea, and
3. taking over rights to oil plots on the western shelf of the Caspian.

Initially, he sent in the covert operatives Richard Armitage and Richard Secord who worked with their old colleague from the Mossad, David Kimche, and their old arms running colleagues Adnan Kashoggi and Farhad Azima to hire, transport, and train several thousand Al Qaeda mercenaries to fight on behalf of the Azeri freedom fighters! ^[159]Osama Bin Laden was reported to have been part of this mercenary force set up Armitage and Secord. ^[160] Osama Bin Laden had been retained by the CIA to recruit Afghan mercenaries starting in 1979. ^[161] The recruiting role would later be transferred from Bin Laden to a company called the Allied Media Corp. ^[162] Coincidentally, the Allied Media Corp. would be linked through the Moroccan American Chamber of Commerce to Hassan Erroudani, a Florida business partner of Mohammed Atta, the agent reportedly responsible for the September 11th attacks. In a second wave of the Azeri operation, Bush would support the creation of the US Azerbaijan-American Chamber of Commerce and its Advisory Board which included Dick Cheney, Richard Armitage, Richard Perle and Karl Mattison of the Riggs Bank. ^[163]

Those were the major operations launched to collapse the Soviet economy and take over it’s key assets. These operations were assisted by a range of allies of the Bush strategy, and traitors to the Soviet Union. As the Soviet Union collapsed, they would line their own pockets, and those of their western backers. On the Soviet – Russian side of these activities, the record shows that the early oligarchs were sponsored and protected by two KGB Generals:

• Generals Aleksey (a.k.a. Alexei) Kondaurov;
• Fillipp (a.k.a. Phillip) Bobkov.

These generals, in turn, would be sponsors for the Yeltsin family oligarchs and indirectly accused of arranging for Muslim terrorist activities to enhance the political future of the Yeltsin family. ^[164] The individual sponsored by them to coordinate private military activities was Anton Surikov.” He would be a founder of the Russian private military group named Farwest Ltd. Farwest was an ex-KGB/Russian military operation which would be reported to be used by the Yeltsin family to hire phony “Muslim terrorists” for the purpose of enhancing the Yeltsin family control on the Russian economy. Members of Far West would be reported by French and US agencies to have dealings with Shamil Basayev, who was trained at CIA funded camps in Afghanistan and Pakistan.^[165] Besides his connections to Afghanistan, Basayev was an associate of the Al Qaeda operative Abu Hafs. ^[166] According to local reports, Abu Hafs was allowed to escape by American forces, and according to one report, was actually captured and released by American forces in Georgia. ^[167]

Basayev would be reported to be paid by Far West to wage Muslim attacks on Russian civilians. ^[168]Adnan Khashoggi was reported to be the intermediary for that arrangement, with the meeting taking place at his villa on the Mediterranean. Farwest is financially linked to Alexei Kondaurov and Khordokovsky through The Institute of Globalization Studies (IPROG) for which Surikov works. Far West has received clearance from the CIA to work for Halliburton and Diligence. ^[169]

Diligence and its sister company New Bridge would demonstrate the Western political and financial muscle working with the Yeltsin family. Its key members would include:

• Chairman Richard Burt, Director of Deutschebank
• Alex Brown, thus linked to Carter Beese, Mayo Shattuck and Buzz Krongard;
• Neil Bush, son of President George HW Bush;
• Ed Rogers, lobbyist and US spokesperson for Shiek Kamal Adham and Adnan Khashoggi, and the Russian Alpha Group. As spokesperson for the Alpha Group, this high level lobbyist represented one of the major Russian crime organizations;
• Lord Powell, who was previously reported on the Advisory Board of Barrick, is widely reported as a spokesperson for the Rothschild family investments;
• William Webster, former Director of the CIA and Director of the FBI

These men, with Halliburton, would become the employers of Far West . In doing so, they would demonstrate their willingness to hire and retain political terrorists. Ultimately the Bush organization partnership with Farwest demonstrates:

• that Adnan Khashoggi, a key participant in multiple aspects of the 9/11 motive and planning, clearly had no hesitation to facilitate operations which result in political terror and mass murder, and a documented track record of doing just that!
• that the Bush family financial apparatus, including Dick Cheney, conducts on-going business with an organization (Farwest) that arranges contract political terror using Muslim terrorists with the same background as Al Qaeda, and is a major drug conduit!
• that the Russian/Israeli Mafiya family (the Yeltsin Family in particular) that has reaped billions of dollars from Bush largesse since 1991 uses the same political terrorist professionals as the Bush led intelligence operations!
• that the Bush apparatus belli had other channels besides Armitage and Secord to hire Al Qaeda trained mercenaries!

Kenya: Not Even a Drill-Gone-Live, This is Just a Drill

Spot the Hoxtonite Photojournalist having way too much fun and his colleague taking pictures of the third photojournalist taking this picture, who has utterly failed to take cover before snapping away at government forces whilst standing out in the open, in clear view of the large building supposedly swarming with crazed killers just across the street.

Seriously, there were more cameramen who responded to this event it seems at times that police or soldiers...

 Oh, please...

My favourite lie was the Kenyan woman who claimed she hid for two days under some supermarket shopping trollies;

1) You can't lie underneath a supermarket shopping trolly

2) Even if you could, everyone could see you - it's made of wire.

Actually, even better than that we're the Kenyan reported and officials who insisted they were unsure after two whether the remaining hostages and attackers had any supplies and expressed concern for an imaginary two year old who they claimed was trapped inside a fully stoked supermarket without access to food or water.

Plus we had all the mass shooting tropes, there's always one little girl who miraculously survives by pretending to be dead

This whole event is pretty damn pathetic - harsh to say, but this is the kind of False Flag you would expect to see in a Banana Republic.

Of course, Kenya isn't a Banana Republic - it's one of the wealthiest and most developed countries in Africa, but one both the British and the Isrealis both consider within their sphere of influence.

False Flag Terror provocations were first attempted as a counterinsurgency strategy on a large scale in Kenya by the British in the 1940s and 50s, frustrated that the Mau Mau independence movement was not violent, they started their OWN Mau Mau which was EXTREMELY violent and initiated a brutal crackdown - these synthetic Mau Mau were known as "pseudo-gangs" by the man responsible for them.

One Mau Mau was a grass-roots movement for national liberation - the other Mau Mau indiscriminately set out to kill white people.

And Asians - the tripartite element of the legacy of British Imperial sociology is very important here;

All the important speaking parts in this media event have been given to Asians.

The British Empire imported South Asians to Africa, Hong Kong and other important colonies to run the Imperial bureaucracy, and they were (and are, it seems) considered somewhat essential - for this reason, apartheid  South Africa had four legally codified racial divisions, Blacks, Whites, Coloured and Asian.

Kenya, again, was one of the British Empire's most important and successful African colonies, and unlike nearby Uganda, where the Asian population was expelled by Idi Amin in 1972, creating an immigration crisis in Britain, Kenyan Asians have remained an vital part of the social infrastructure of the Kenyan State.

Al-Shabab is a pseudogangs - their name doesn't mean anything, it just means "the lads", but I have not yet seen any evidence of any real violence or bloodshed in this event at all.

What is The New World Order?

Fool Me Once... from Spike1138 on Vimeo.

A Lecture by Ian Crane on the world in which you live as it is.

Rather than how it should be.

The best and most succinct presentation available on the nature, practice and doctrine of The Brotherhoods, their hierarchy and interconnectedness, the psychopathology of Zionism and the New World Order ideology.

But What is The New World Order?

What does it mean..?

Kenya/Somalia: "The New World Order failed in Somalia in 1993" from Spike1138 on Vimeo.

"After consulting with my advisers, with world leaders, and the congressional leadership, I have today told Secretary-General Boutros-Ghali that America will answer the call. I have given the order to Secretary Cheney to move a substantial American force into Somalia. 

As I speak, a Marine amphibious ready group, which we maintain at sea, is offshore Mogadishu. These troops will be joined by elements of the 1st Marine Expeditionary Force, based out of Camp Pendleton, California, and by the Army's 10th Mountain Division out of Fort Drum, New York. These and other American forces will assist in Operation Restore Hope. They are America's finest. They will perform this mission with courage and compassion, and they will succeed. "

President George HW Bush, 1992

“The youth [local fighters] were surprised at the low morale of the American soldiers and realized more than before that the American soldier was a paper tiger and [would] after a few blows run in defeat. And America forgot all the hoopla and media propaganda… about being the world leader and the leader of the New World Order, and after a few blows they forgot about this title and left, dragging their corpses and their shameful defeat.”

What Mikhail Gorbochev Was Talking About:

Mikhail Gorbochev and the New World Order. from Spike1138 on Vimeo.

"For a new type of progress throughout the world to become a reality, everyone must change. Tolerance is the alpha and omega of a New World Order."

During a tour of the United States, as quoted in The New York Times (5 June 1990)

It's very significant and notable that in all his referencing to any formulation of his concept, he never names his nation, or make any reference to the nature of their existing system of government...

"Americans have a severe disease — worse than AIDS. It's called the winner's complex."

ABC News (12 July 2006)

Mikhail Gorbachev on Obama/Putin and The Unspeakable Reality of the New World Order from Spike1138 on Vimeo.

"For a new type of progress throughout the world to become a reality, everyone must change. Tolerance is the alpha and omega of a New World Order."

During a tour of the United States, as quoted in The New York Times (5 June 1990)

"With Yeltsin, the Soviet Union broke apart, the country was totally mismanaged, the constitution was not respected by the regions of Russia. The army, education and health systems collapsed. People in the West quietly applauded, dancing with and around Yeltsin. I conclude therefore that we should not pay too much attention to what the West is saying."

As quoted in USA Today (5 April 2006)

"I express the very deepest condolences to the family of the deceased on whose shoulders rest major events for the good of the country and serious mistakes."

On the death of Boris Yeltsin, in "Russia's former president Yeltsin dies: Kremlin" in Reuters (23 April

"I began my book about perestroika and the new thinking with the following words: "We want to be understood".

After a while I felt that it was already happening. But now I would like once again to repeat those words here, from this world rostrum. Because to understand us really — to understand so as to believe us — proved to be not at all easy, owing to the immensity of the changes under way in our country. Their magnitude and character are such as to require in-depth analysis. Applying conventional wisdom to perestroika is unproductive.

It is also futile and dangerous to set conditions, to say: We'll understand and believe you, as soon as you, the Soviet Union, come completely to resemble "us", the West.

No one is in a position to describe in detail what perestroika will finally produce. But it would certainly be a self-delusion to expect that perestroika will produce "a copy" of anything.

The more I reflect on the current world developments, the more I become convinced that the world needs perestroika no less than the Soviet Union needs it.

To me, it is self-evident that if Soviet perestroika succeeds, there will be a real chance of building a New World Order. And if perestroika fails, the prospect of entering a new peaceful period in history will vanish, at least for the foreseeable future.

The new integrity of the world, in our view, can be built only on the principles of the freedom of choice and balance of interests. Every State, and now also a number of existing or emerging regional interstate groups, have their own interests. They are all equal and deserve respect."

Nobel Peace Prize Address, 1991

What George H.W.Bush Was Talking About:

Just 2 hours ago, allied air forces began an attack on military targets in Iraq and Kuwait. These attacks continue as I speak. Ground forces are not engaged.

This conflict started August 2d when the dictator of Iraq invaded a small and helpless neighbor. Kuwait -- a member of the Arab League and a member of the United Nations -- was crushed; its people, brutalized. Five months ago, Saddam Hussein started this cruel war against Kuwait. Tonight, the battle has been joined.

This military action, taken in accord with United Nations resolutions and with the consent of the United States Congress, follows months of constant and virtually endless diplomatic activity on the part of the United Nations, the United States, and many, many other countries. Arab leaders sought what became known as an Arab solution, only to conclude that Saddam Hussein was unwilling to leave Kuwait. Others traveled to Baghdad in a variety of efforts to restore peace and justice. Our Secretary of State, James Baker, held an historic meeting in Geneva, only to be totally rebuffed. This past weekend, in a last-ditch effort, the Secretary-General of the United Nations went to the Middle East with peace in his heart -- his second such mission. And he came back from Baghdad with no progress at all in getting Saddam Hussein to withdraw from Kuwait.

Now the 28 countries with forces in the Gulf area have exhausted all reasonable efforts to reach a peaceful resolution -- have no choice but to drive Saddam from Kuwait by force. We will not fail.

As I report to you, air attacks are underway against military targets in Iraq. We are determined to knock out Saddam Hussein's nuclear bomb potential. We will also destroy his chemical weapons facilities. Much of Saddam's artillery and tanks will be destroyed. Our operations are designed to best protect the lives of all the coalition forces by targeting Saddam's vast military arsenal. Initial reports from General Schwarzkopf are that our operations are proceeding according to plan.

Our objectives are clear: Saddam Hussein's forces will leave Kuwait. The legitimate government of Kuwait will be restored to its rightful place, and Kuwait will once again be free. Iraq will eventually comply with all relevant United Nations resolutions, and then, when peace is restored, it is our hope that Iraq will live as a peaceful and cooperative member of the family of nations, thus enhancing the security and stability of the Gulf.

Some may ask: Why act now? Why not wait? The answer is clear: The world could wait no longer. Sanctions, though having some effect, showed no signs of accomplishing their objective. Sanctions were tried for well over 5 months, and we and our allies concluded that sanctions alone would not force Saddam from Kuwait.

While the world waited, Saddam Hussein systematically raped, pillaged, and plundered a tiny nation, no threat to his own. He subjected the people of Kuwait to unspeakable atrocities -- and among those maimed and murdered, innocent children.

While the world waited, Saddam sought to add to the chemical weapons arsenal he now possesses, an infinitely more dangerous weapon of mass destruction -- a nuclear weapon. And while the world waited, while the world talked peace and withdrawal, Saddam Hussein dug in and moved massive forces into Kuwait.

While the world waited, while Saddam stalled, more damage was being done to the fragile economies of the Third World, emerging democracies of Eastern Europe, to the entire world, including to our own economy.

The United States, together with the United Nations, exhausted every means at our disposal to bring this crisis to a peaceful end. However, Saddam clearly felt that by stalling and threatening and defying the United Nations, he could weaken the forces arrayed against him.

While the world waited, Saddam Hussein met every overture of peace with open contempt. While the world prayed for peace, Saddam prepared for war.

I had hoped that when the United States Congress, in historic debate, took its resolute action, Saddam would realize he could not prevail and would move out of Kuwait in accord with the United Nation resolutions. He did not do that. Instead, he remained intransigent, certain that time was on his side.

Saddam was warned over and over again to comply with the will of the United Nations: Leave Kuwait, or be driven out. Saddam has arrogantly rejected all warnings. Instead, he tried to make this a dispute between Iraq and the United States of America.

Well, he failed. Tonight, 28 nations -- countries from 5 continents, Europe and Asia, Africa, and the Arab League -- have forces in the Gulf area standing shoulder to shoulder against Saddam Hussein. These countries had hoped the use of force could be avoided. Regrettably, we now believe that only force will make him leave.

Prior to ordering our forces into battle, I instructed our military commanders to take every necessary step to prevail as quickly as possible, and with the greatest degree of protection possible for American and allied service men and women. I've told the American people before that this will not be another Vietnam, and I repeat this here tonight. Our troops will have the best possible support in the entire world, and they will not be asked to fight with one hand tied behind their back. I'm hopeful that this fighting will not go on for long and that casualties will be held to an absolute minimum.

This is an historic moment. We have in this past year made great progress in ending the long era of conflict and cold war. We have before us the opportunity to forge for ourselves and for future generations a new world order -- a world where the rule of law, not the law of the jungle, governs the conduct of nations. When we are successful -- and we will be -- we have a real chance at this new world order, an order in which a credible United Nations can use its peacekeeping role to fulfill the promise and vision of the U.N.'s founders.

We have no argument with the people of Iraq. Indeed, for the innocents caught in this conflict, I pray for their safety. Our goal is not the conquest of Iraq. It is the liberation of Kuwait. It is my hope that somehow the Iraqi people can, even now, convince their dictator that he must lay down his arms, leave Kuwait, and let Iraq itself rejoin the family of peace-loving nations.

Thomas Paine wrote many years ago: "These are the times that try men's souls." Those well-known words are so very true today. But even as planes of the multinational forces attack Iraq, I prefer to think of peace, not war. I am convinced not only that we will prevail but that out of the horror of combat will come the recognition that no nation can stand against a world united, no nation will be permitted to brutally assault its neighbor.

No President can easily commit our sons and daughters to war. They are the Nation's finest. Ours is an all-volunteer force, magnificently trained, highly motivated. The troops know why they're there. And listen to what they say, for they've said it better than any President or Prime Minister ever could.

Listen to Hollywood Huddleston, Marine lance corporal. He says, "Let's free these people, so we can go home and be free again." And he's right. The terrible crimes and tortures committed by Saddam's henchmen against the innocent people of Kuwait are an affront to mankind and a challenge to the freedom of all.

Listen to one of our great officers out there, Marine Lieutenant General Walter Boomer. He said: "There are things worth fighting for. A world in which brutality and lawlessness are allowed to go unchecked isn't the kind of world we're going to want to live in."

Listen to Master Sergeant J.P. Kendall of the 82d Airborne: "We're here for more than just the price of a gallon of gas. What we're doing is going to chart the future of the world for the next 100 years. It's better to deal with this guy now than 5 years from now."

And finally, we should all sit up and listen to Jackie Jones, an Army lieutenant, when she says, "If we let him get away with this, who knows what's going to be next?"

I have called upon Hollywood and Walter and J.P. and Jackie and all their courageous comrades-in-arms to do what must be done. Tonight, America and the world are deeply grateful to them and to their families. And let me say to everyone listening or watching tonight: When the troops we've sent in finish their work, I am determined to bring them home as soon as possible.

Tonight, as our forces fight, they and their families are in our prayers. May God bless each and every one of them, and the coalition forces at our side in the Gulf, and may He continue to bless our nation, the United States of America.

Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, members of the Congress, distinguished guests, fellow Americans, thank very much for that warm welcome. We gather tonight, witness to events in the Persian Gulf as significant as they are tragic. In the early morning hours of August 2, following negotiations and promises by Iraq's dictator Saddam Hussein not to use force, a powerful Iraqi Army invaded its trusting and much weaker neighbor, Kuwait. Within three days, 120,000 Iraqi troops with 850 tanks had poured into Kuwait and moved south to threaten Saudi Arabia. It was then that I decided to act to check that aggression.

At this moment, our brave servicemen and women stand watch in that distant desert and on distant seas, side by side with the forces of more than 20 other distant nations.

They are some of the finest men and women of the United States of America. And they're doing one terrific job.

These valiant Americans were ready at a moment's notice to leave their spouses and their children, to serve on the front line halfway around the world. They remind us who keeps America strong. They do.

In the trying circumstances of the gulf, the morale of our servicemen and women is excellent. In the face of danger, they are brave, they're well-trained and dedicated.

A soldier, Pfc. Wade Merritt of Knoxville, Tennessee, now stationed in Saudi Arabia, wrote his parents of his worries, his love of family, and his hope for peace. But Wade also wrote: "I am proud of my country and its firm stance against inhumane aggression. I am proud of my Army and its men. . . . I am proud to serve my country."

Let me just say, Wade, America is proud of you and is grateful to every soldier, sailor, Marine and airman serving the cause of peace in the Persian Gulf.

I also want to thank the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, General [Colin L.] Powell, the Chiefs, here tonight, our commander in the Persian Gulf, General H. Norman Schwarzkopf, and the men and women of the Department of Defense. What a magnificent job you all are doing and thank you very very much.

I wish I could say their work is done. But we all know it's not.

So if ever there was a time to put country before self and patriotism before party, the time is now. And let me thank all Americans, especially those in this chamber tonight, for your support for our armed forces and for their mission.

That support will be even more important in the days to come.

So tonight, I want to talk to you about what's at stake—what we must do together to defend civilized values around the world and maintain our economic strength at home.

Our objectives in the Persian Gulf are clear, our goals defined and familiar:

Iraq must withdraw from Kuwait completely, immediately and without condition.

Kuwait's legitimate government must be restored.

The security and stability of the Persian Gulf must be assured.

And American citizens abroad must be protected.

These goals are not ours alone. They've been endorsed by the U.N. Security Council five times in as many weeks. Most countries share our concern for principle, and many have a stake in the stability of the Persian Gulf. This is not, as Saddam Hussein would have it, the United States against Iraq. It is Iraq against the world.

As you know, I've just returned from a very productive meeting with Soviet President [Mikhail] Gorbachev, and I am pleased that we are working together to build a new relationship. In Helsinki, our joint statement affirmed to the world our shared resolve to counter Iraq's threat to peace. Let me quote: 

"We are united in the belief that Iraq's aggression must not be tolerated. No peaceful international order is possible if larger states can devour their smaller neighbors."

Clearly, no longer can a dictator count on East-West confrontation to stymie concerted United Nations action against aggression.

A new partnership of nations has begun, and we stand today at a unique and extraordinary moment. The crisis in the Persian Gulf, as grave as it is, also offers a rare opportunity to move toward an historic period of cooperation. 

Out of these troubled times, our fifth objective—a new world order—can emerge: A new era—freer from the threat of terror, stronger in the pursuit of justice and more secure in the quest for peace. An era in which the nations of the world, east and west, north and south, can prosper and live in harmony.

A hundred generations have searched for this elusive path to peace, while a thousand wars raged across the span of human endeavor, and today that new world is struggling to be born. 

A world quite different from the one we've known. A world where the rule of law supplants the rule of the jungle. A world in which nations recognize the shared responsibility for freedom and justice. A world where the strong respect the rights of the weak.

This is the vision that I shared with President Gorbachev in Helsinki. He and the other leaders from Europe, the gulf and around the world understand that how we manage this crisis today could shape the future for generations to come.

The test we face is great and so are the stakes. This is the first assault on the new world that we seek, the first test of our mettle. Had we not responded to this first provocation with clarity of purpose; if we do not continue to demonstrate our determination, it would be a signal to actual and potential despots around the world.

America and the world must defend common vital interests. And we will.

America and the world must support the rule of law. And we will.

America and the world must stand up to aggression. And we will.

And one thing more: in the pursuit of these goals, America will not be intimidated.

Vital issues of principle are at stake. Saddam Hussein is literally trying to wipe a country off the face of the Earth.

We do not exaggerate. Nor do we exaggerate when we say: Saddam Hussein will fail.

Vital economic interests are at risk as well. Iraq itself controls some 10 percent of the world's proven oil reserves. Iraq plus Kuwait controls twice that. An Iraq permitted to swallow Kuwait would have the economic and military power, as well as the arrogance, to intimidate and coerce its neighbors—neighbors who control the lion's share of the world's remaining oil reserves. We cannot permit a resource so vital to be dominated by one so ruthless. And we won't.

Recent events have surely proven that there is no substitute for American leadership. In the face of tyranny, let no one doubt American credibility and reliability. Let no one doubt our staying power. We will stand by our friends. One way or another, the leader of Iraq must learn this fundamental truth.

From the outset, acting hand-in-hand with others, we've sought to fashion the broadest possible international response to Iraq's aggression. The level of world cooperation and condemnation of Iraq is unprecedented.

Armed forces from countries spanning four continents are there at the request of King Fahd of Saudi Arabia to deter and, if need be, to defend against attack. Muslims and non-Muslims, Arabs and non-Arabs, soldiers from many nations, stand shoulder-to-shoulder, resolute against Saddam Hussein's ambitions.

And we can now point to five United Nations Security Council resolutions that condemn Iraq's aggression. They call for Iraq's immediate and unconditional withdrawal, the restoration of Kuwait's legitimate government and categorically reject Iraq's cynical and self-serving attempt to annex Kuwait.

Finally, the United Nations has demanded the release of all foreign nationals held hostage against their will and in contravention of international law. It's a mockery of human decency to call these people "guests." They are hostages, and the whole world knows it.

Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, a dependable ally, said it all: 

"We do not bargain over hostages. 

We will not stoop to the level of using human beings as bargaining [chips]. 

Ever."

[Note: Unless there is Southern Baptist Lay preacher in the White House and its an election year - or unless they tortured our CIA Beruit Staion Chief to death on video to get his confession to mass drug trafficking and subversion of friendly governments at home and abroad, before sending us the tape - in which case, we'll sell you whatever you need to keep calling us the Great Satan]

Of course, of course, our hearts go out to the hostages, to their families. But our policy cannot change. And it will not change. America and the world will not be blackmailed by this ruthless policy.

[What is the policy? We do not negotiate with terrorists except when we do...?]

We're now in sight of a United Nations that performs as envisioned by its founders. We owe much to the outstanding leadership of Secretary General Javier Perez de Cuellar. The United Nations is backing up its words with action. The Security Council has imposed mandatory economic sanctions on Iraq, designed to force Iraq to relinquish the spoils of its illegal conquest. The Security Council has also taken the decisive step of authorizing the use of all means necessary to ensure compliance with these sanctions.

Together with our friends and allies, ships of the United States Navy are today patrolling Mideast waters, and they've already intercepted more than 700 ships to enforce the sanctions. Three regional leaders I spoke with just yesterday told me that these sanctions are working. Iraq is feeling the heat.

We continue to hope that Iraq's leaders will recalculate just what their aggression has cost them. They are cut off from world trade, unable to sell their oil, and only a tiny fraction of goods gets through.

The communique with President Gorbachev made mention of what happens when the embargo is so effective that children of Iraq literally need milk, or the sick truly need medicine. Then, under strict international supervision that guarantees the proper destination, then—food will be permitted.

At home, the material cost of our leadership can be steep. And that's why Secretary of State [James A.] Baker and Treasury Secretary [Nicholas F.] Brady have met with many world leaders to underscore that the burden of this collective effort must be shared. We're prepared to do our share and more to help carry that load; we insist that others do their share as well.

The response of most of our friends and allies has been good. To help defray costs, the leaders of Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and the U.A.E., the United Arab Emirates have pledged to provide our deployed troops with all the food and fuel they need. Generous assistance will also be provided to stalwart front-line nations, such as Turkey and Egypt.

And I'm also heartened to report that this international response extends to the neediest victims of this conflict—those refugees. For our part, we have contributed $ 28 million for relief efforts. This is but a portion of what is needed. I commend, in particular, Saudi Arabia, Japan and several European nations who have joined us in this purely humanitarian effort.

There's an energy-related cost to be borne as well. Oil-producing nations are already replacing lost Iraqi and Kuwaiti output. More than half of what was lost has been made up, and we're getting superb cooperation. If producers, including the United States, continue steps to expand oil and gas production, we can stabilize prices and guarantee against hardship. Additionally, we and several of our allies always have the option to extract oil from our strategic petroleum reserves, if conditions warrant. 

As I've pointed out before, conservation efforts are essential to keep our energy needs as low as possible. We must then take advantage of our energy sources across the board: coal, natural gas, hydro and nuclear. Our failure, our failure to do these things has made us more dependent on foreign oil than ever before. And finally, let no one even contemplate profiteering from this crisis. We will not have it.

I cannot predict just how long it'll take to convince Iraq to withdraw from Kuwait. Sanctions will take time to have their full intended effect. We will continue to review all options with our allies, but let it be clear: We will not let this aggression stand.

Our interest, our involvement in the gulf, is not transitory. It pre-dated Saddam Hussein's aggression and will survive it. Long after all our troops come home, and we all hope it's soon, very soon, there will be a lasting role for the United States in assisting the nations of the Persian Gulf. Our role then is to deter future aggression. Our role is to help our friends in their own self-defense. And something else: to curb the proliferation of chemical, biological, ballistic missile and, above all, nuclear technologies.

And let me also make clear that the United States has no quarrel with the Iraqi people. Our quarrel is with Iraq's dictator and with his aggression. Iraq will not be permitted to annex Kuwait. And that's not a threat. It's not a boast. That's just the way it's going to be.

Our ability to function effectively as a great power abroad depends on how we conduct ourselves at home. Our economy, our armed forces, our energy dependence and our cohesion all determine whether we can help our friends and stand up to our foes.

For America to lead, America must remain strong and vital. Our world leadership and domestic strength are mutual and reinforcing; a woven piece, as strongly bound as Old Glory.

To revitalize our leadership—our leadership capacity, we must address our budget deficit—not after Election Day, or next year, but now.

Higher oil prices slow our growth, and higher defense costs would only make our fiscal deficit problem worse. That deficit was already greater than it should have been—a projected $ 232 billion for the coming year. It must—it will—be reduced.

To my friends in Congress, together we must act this very month—before the next fiscal year begins on October 1 — to get America's economic house in order. The Gulf situation helps us realize we are more economically vulnerable than we ever should be. Americans must never again enter any crisis—economic or military—with an excessive dependence on foreign oil and an excessive burden of federal debt.

Most Americans are sick and tired of endless battles in the Congress and between the branches over budget matters. And it's high time we pulled together — and get the job done right. It is up to us to straighten this out.

First: The Congress should, this month, within a budget agreement, enact growth-oriented tax measures—to help avoid recession in the short term; and to increase savings, investment, productivity and competitiveness for the longer term. These measures include extending incentives for research and experimentation; expanding the use of IRAs for new homeowners; establishing tax-deferred family savings accounts; creating incentives for the creation of enterprise zones and initiatives to encourage more domestic drilling; and, yes, reducing the tax rate on capital gains.

And second: The Congress should, this month, enact a prudent multi-year defense program—one that reflects not only the improvement in East-West relations, but our broader responsibilities to deal with the continuing risks of outlaw action and regional conflict. Even with our obligations in the gulf, a sound defense budget can have some reduction in real terms, and we are prepared to accept that. But to go beyond such levels, where cutting defense would threaten our vital margin of safety, is something I will never accept.

The world is still dangerous, and surely that is now clear. Stability is not secure. American interests are far-reaching. Interdependence has increased. The consequences of regional instability can be global. This is no time to risk America's capacity to protect her vital interests.

Third: The Congress should, this month, enact measures to increase domestic energy production and energy conservation—in order to reduce dependence on foreign oil. These measure should include my proposals to increase incentives for domestic oil and gas exploration, fuel-switching, and to accelerate the development of Alaskan energy resources, without damage to wildlife.

As you know, when the oil embargo was imposed in the early 1970s, the United States imported almost 6 million barrels of oil per day. This year, before the Iraqi invasion, U.S. imports had risen to nearly 8 million barrels per day. We had moved in the wrong direction. Now we must act to correct that trend.

Fourth: The Congress should, this month, enact a five-year program to reduce the projected debt and deficits by $ 500 billion — that is, by half a trillion dollars. If, with the Congress, we can develop a satisfactory program by the end of the month, we can avoid the axe of "sequester"—deep across-the-board cuts that would threaten our military capacity and risk substantial domestic disruption.

Address Before a Joint Session of the Congress on the Persian Gulf Crisis and the Federal Budget Deficit (1990)

by George H. W. Bush

related portals: Speeches.

A Speech by George H. W. Bush, President of the U.S.A. Given to a joint session of the United States Congress, Washington D.C. on 11 September 1990.

Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, members of the Congress, distinguished guests, fellow Americans, thank very much for that warm welcome. We gather tonight, witness to events in the Persian Gulf as significant as they are tragic. In the early morning hours of August 2, following negotiations and promises by Iraq's dictator Saddam Hussein not to use force, a powerful Iraqi Army invaded its trusting and much weaker neighbor, Kuwait. Within three days, 120,000 Iraqi troops with 850 tanks had poured into Kuwait and moved south to threaten Saudi Arabia. It was then that I decided to act to check that aggression.

At this moment, our brave servicemen and women stand watch in that distant desert and on distant seas, side by side with the forces of more than 20 other distant nations.

They are some of the finest men and women of the United States of America. And they're doing one terrific job.

These valiant Americans were ready at a moment's notice to leave their spouses and their children, to serve on the front line halfway around the world. They remind us who keeps America strong. They do.

In the trying circumstances of the gulf, the morale of our servicemen and women is excellent. In the face of danger, they are brave, they're well-trained and dedicated.

A soldier, Pfc. Wade Merritt of Knoxville, Tennessee, now stationed in Saudi Arabia, wrote his parents of his worries, his love of family, and his hope for peace. But Wade also wrote: "I am proud of my country and its firm stance against inhumane aggression. I am proud of my Army and its men. . . . I am proud to serve my country."

Let me just say, Wade, America is proud of you and is grateful to every soldier, sailor, Marine and airman serving the cause of peace in the Persian Gulf.

I also want to thank the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, General [Colin L.] Powell, the Chiefs, here tonight, our commander in the Persian Gulf, General H. Norman Schwarzkopf, and the men and women of the Department of Defense. What a magnificent job you all are doing and thank you very very much.

I wish I could say their work is done. But we all know it's not.

So if ever there was a time to put country before self and patriotism before party, the time is now. And let me thank all Americans, especially those in this chamber tonight, for your support for our armed forces and for their mission.

That support will be even more important in the days to come.

So tonight, I want to talk to you about what's at stake—what we must do together to defend civilized values around the world and maintain our economic strength at home.

Contents

1 U.S. Objectives in Persian Gulf

2 'The Test We Face Is Great'

3 'Our Hearts Go Out to the Hostages'

4 'Let No One Even Contemplate Profiteering'

5 Addressing the Federal Deficit

6 Four-Part Budget Agenda

7 Requirements of Fiscal Agreement

U.S. Objectives in Persian Gulf

Our objectives in the Persian Gulf are clear, our goals defined and familiar:

Iraq must withdraw from Kuwait completely, immediately and without condition.

Kuwait's legitimate government must be restored.

The security and stability of the Persian Gulf must be assured.

And American citizens abroad must be protected.

These goals are not ours alone. They've been endorsed by the U.N. Security Council five times in as many weeks. Most countries share our concern for principle, and many have a stake in the stability of the Persian Gulf. This is not, as Saddam Hussein would have it, the United States against Iraq. It is Iraq against the world.

As you know, I've just returned from a very productive meeting with Soviet President [Mikhail] Gorbachev, and I am pleased that we are working together to build a new relationship. In Helsinki, our joint statement affirmed to the world our shared resolve to counter Iraq's threat to peace. Let me quote: "We are united in the belief that Iraq's aggression must not be tolerated. No peaceful international order is possible if larger states can devour their smaller neighbors."

Clearly, no longer can a dictator count on East-West confrontation to stymie concerted United Nations action against aggression.

A new partnership of nations has begun, and we stand today at a unique and extraordinary moment. The crisis in the Persian Gulf, as grave as it is, also offers a rare opportunity to move toward an historic period of cooperation. Out of these troubled times, our fifth objective—a new world order—can emerge: A new era—freer from the threat of terror, stronger in the pursuit of justice and more secure in the quest for peace. An era in which the nations of the world, east and west, north and south, can prosper and live in harmony.

A hundred generations have searched for this elusive path to peace, while a thousand wars raged across the span of human endeavor, and today that new world is struggling to be born. A world quite different from the one we've known. A world where the rule of law supplants the rule of the jungle. A world in which nations recognize the shared responsibility for freedom and justice. A world where the strong respect the rights of the weak.

This is the vision that I shared with President Gorbachev in Helsinki. He and the other leaders from Europe, the gulf and around the world understand that how we manage this crisis today could shape the future for generations to come.

The test we face is great and so are the stakes. This is the first assault on the new world that we seek, the first test of our mettle. Had we not responded to this first provocation with clarity of purpose; if we do not continue to demonstrate our determination, it would be a signal to actual and potential despots around the world.

America and the world must defend common vital interests. And we will.

America and the world must support the rule of law. And we will.

America and the world must stand up to aggression. And we will.

And one thing more: in the pursuit of these goals, America will not be intimidated.

Vital issues of principle are at stake. Saddam Hussein is literally trying to wipe a country off the face of the Earth.

We do not exaggerate. Nor do we exaggerate when we say: Saddam Hussein will fail.

Vital economic interests are at risk as well. Iraq itself controls some 10 percent of the world's proven oil reserves. Iraq plus Kuwait controls twice that. An Iraq permitted to swallow Kuwait would have the economic and military power, as well as the arrogance, to intimidate and coerce its neighbors—neighbors who control the lion's share of the world's remaining oil reserves. We cannot permit a resource so vital to be dominated by one so ruthless.

And we won't.

Recent events have surely proven that there is no substitute for American leadership. In the face of tyranny, let no one doubt American credibility and reliability. Let no one doubt our staying power. We will stand by our friends. One way or another, the leader of Iraq must learn this fundamental truth.

From the outset, acting hand-in-hand with others, we've sought to fashion the broadest possible international response to Iraq's aggression. The level of world cooperation and condemnation of Iraq is unprecedented.

Armed forces from countries spanning four continents are there at the request of King Fahd of Saudi Arabia to deter and, if need be, to defend against attack. Muslims and non-Muslims, Arabs and non-Arabs, soldiers from many nations, stand shoulder-to-shoulder, resolute against Saddam Hussein's ambitions.

And we can now point to five United Nations Security Council resolutions that condemn Iraq's aggression. They call for Iraq's immediate and unconditional withdrawal, the restoration of Kuwait's legitimate government and categorically reject Iraq's cynical and self-serving attempt to annex Kuwait.

Finally, the United Nations has demanded the release of all foreign nationals held hostage against their will and in contravention of international law. It's a mockery of human decency to call these people "guests." They are hostages, and the whole world knows it.

Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, a dependable ally, said it all: "We do not bargain over hostages. We will not stoop to the level of using human beings as bargaining [chips]. Ever."

Of course, of course, our hearts go out to the hostages, to their families. But our policy cannot change. And it will not change. America and the world will not be blackmailed by this ruthless policy.

We're now in sight of a United Nations that performs as envisioned by its founders. We owe much to the outstanding leadership of Secretary General Javier Perez de Cuellar. The United Nations is backing up its words with action. The Security Council has imposed mandatory economic sanctions on Iraq, designed to force Iraq to relinquish the spoils of its illegal conquest. The Security Council has also taken the decisive step of authorizing the use of all means necessary to ensure compliance with these sanctions.

Together with our friends and allies, ships of the United States Navy are today patrolling Mideast waters, and they've already intercepted more than 700 ships to enforce the sanctions. Three regional leaders I spoke with just yesterday told me that these sanctions are working. Iraq is feeling the heat.

We continue to hope that Iraq's leaders will recalculate just what their aggression has cost them. They are cut off from world trade, unable to sell their oil, and only a tiny fraction of goods gets through.

The communique with President Gorbachev made mention of what happens when the embargo is so effective that children of Iraq literally need milk, or the sick truly need medicine. Then, under strict international supervision that guarantees the proper destination, then—food will be permitted.

At home, the material cost of our leadership can be steep. And that's why Secretary of State [James A.] Baker and Treasury Secretary [Nicholas F.] Brady have met with many world leaders to underscore that the burden of this collective effort must be shared. We're prepared to do our share and more to help carry that load; we insist that others do their share as well.

The response of most of our friends and allies has been good. To help defray costs, the leaders of Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and the U.A.E., the United Arab Emirates have pledged to provide our deployed troops with all the food and fuel they need. Generous assistance will also be provided to stalwart front-line nations, such as Turkey and Egypt.

And I'm also heartened to report that this international response extends to the neediest victims of this conflict—those refugees. For our part, we have contributed $ 28 million for relief efforts. This is but a portion of what is needed. I commend, in particular, Saudi Arabia, Japan and several European nations who have joined us in this purely humanitarian effort.

There's an energy-related cost to be borne as well. Oil-producing nations are already replacing lost Iraqi and Kuwaiti output. More than half of what was lost has been made up, and we're getting superb cooperation. If producers, including the United States, continue steps to expand oil and gas production, we can stabilize prices and guarantee against hardship. Additionally, we and several of our allies always have the option to extract oil from our strategic petroleum reserves, if conditions warrant. As I've pointed out before, conservation efforts are essential to keep our energy needs as low as possible. We must then take advantage of our energy sources across the board: coal, natural gas, hydro and nuclear. Our failure, our failure to do these things has made us more dependent on foreign oil than ever before. And finally, let no one even contemplate profiteering from this crisis. We will not have it.

I cannot predict just how long it'll take to convince Iraq to withdraw from Kuwait. Sanctions will take time to have their full intended effect. We will continue to review all options with our allies, but let it be clear: We will not let this aggression stand.

Our interest, our involvement in the gulf, is not transitory. It pre-dated Saddam Hussein's aggression and will survive it. Long after all our troops come home, and we all hope it's soon, very soon, there will be a lasting role for the United States in assisting the nations of the Persian Gulf. Our role then is to deter future aggression. Our role is to help our friends in their own self-defense. And something else: to curb the proliferation of chemical, biological, ballistic missile and, above all, nuclear technologies.

And let me also make clear that the United States has no quarrel with the Iraqi people. Our quarrel is with Iraq's dictator and with his aggression. Iraq will not be permitted to annex Kuwait. And that's not a threat. It's not a boast. That's just the way it's going to be.

Our ability to function effectively as a great power abroad depends on how we conduct ourselves at home. Our economy, our armed forces, our energy dependence and our cohesion all determine whether we can help our friends and stand up to our foes.

For America to lead, America must remain strong and vital. Our world leadership and domestic strength are mutual and reinforcing; a woven piece, as strongly bound as Old Glory.

To revitalize our leadership—our leadership capacity, we must address our budget deficit—not after Election Day, or next year, but now.

Higher oil prices slow our growth, and higher defense costs would only make our fiscal deficit problem worse. That deficit was already greater than it should have been—a projected $ 232 billion for the coming year. It must—it will—be reduced.

To my friends in Congress, together we must act this very month—before the next fiscal year begins on October 1 — to get America's economic house in order. The Gulf situation helps us realize we are more economically vulnerable than we ever should be. Americans must never again enter any crisis—economic or military—with an excessive dependence on foreign oil and an excessive burden of federal debt.

Most Americans are sick and tired of endless battles in the Congress and between the branches over budget matters. And it's high time we pulled together — and get the job done right. It is up to us to straighten this out.

The job has four basic parts.

First: The Congress should, this month, within a budget agreement, enact growth-oriented tax measures—to help avoid recession in the short term; and to increase savings, investment, productivity and competitiveness for the longer term. These measures include extending incentives for research and experimentation; expanding the use of IRAs for new homeowners; establishing tax-deferred family savings accounts; creating incentives for the creation of enterprise zones and initiatives to encourage more domestic drilling; and, yes, reducing the tax rate on capital gains.

And second: The Congress should, this month, enact a prudent multi-year defense program—one that reflects not only the improvement in East-West relations, but our broader responsibilities to deal with the continuing risks of outlaw action and regional conflict. Even with our obligations in the gulf, a sound defense budget can have some reduction in real terms, and we are prepared to accept that. But to go beyond such levels, where cutting defense would threaten our vital margin of safety, is something I will never accept.

The world is still dangerous, and surely that is now clear. Stability is not secure. American interests are far-reaching. Interdependence has increased. The consequences of regional instability can be global. This is no time to risk America's capacity to protect her vital interests.

Third: The Congress should, this month, enact measures to increase domestic energy production and energy conservation—in order to reduce dependence on foreign oil. These measure should include my proposals to increase incentives for domestic oil and gas exploration, fuel-switching, and to accelerate the development of Alaskan energy resources, without damage to wildlife.

As you know, when the oil embargo was imposed in the early 1970s, the United States imported almost 6 million barrels of oil per day. This year, before the Iraqi invasion, U.S. imports had risen to nearly 8 million barrels per day. We had moved in the wrong direction. Now we must act to correct that trend.

Fourth: The Congress should, this month, enact a five-year program to reduce the projected debt and deficits by $ 500 billion — that is, by half a trillion dollars. If, with the Congress, we can develop a satisfactory program by the end of the month, we can avoid the axe of "sequester"—deep across-the-board cuts that would threaten our military capacity and risk

I want to be able to tell the American people we have truly solved the deficit problem. For me to do that, a budget agreement must meet these tests:

It must include the measures I've recommended to increase economic growth and reduce dependence on foreign oil.

It must be fair. All should contribute, but the burden should not be excessive for any one group of programs or people.

It must address the growth of government's hidden liabilities.

It must reform the budget process, and further, it must be real.

I urge Congress to provide a comprehensive five-year deficit reduction program to me as a complete legislative package—with measures to assure that it can be fully enforced. America is tired of phony deficit reduction, or promise-now, save-later plans. Enough is enough. It is time for a program that is credible and real.

Finally, to the extent that the deficit-reduction program includes new revenue measures, it must avoid any measure that would threaten economic growth or turn us back toward the days of punishing income tax rates. That is one path we should not head down again.

I have been pleased with recent progress, although it has not always seemed so smooth. But now it is time to produce.

I hope we can work out a responsible plan. But with or without agreement from the budget summit, I ask both houses of the Congress to allow a straight up-or-down vote on a complete $ 500 billion deficit-reduction package—not later than September 28.

If the Congress cannot get me a budget, then Americans will have to face a tough, mandated sequester.

I am hopeful—in fact,I am confident—the Congress will do what it should. And I can assure you that we in the executive branch will do our part.

In the final analysis, our ability to meet our responsibilities abroad depends upon political will and consensus at home. It's never easy in democracies, for we govern only with the consent of the governed. And although free people in a free society are bound to have their differences, Americans traditionally come together in times of adversity and challenge.

Once again, Americans have stepped forward to share a tearful goodbye with their families before leaving for a strange and distant shore. At this very moment, they serve together with Arabs, Europeans, Asians and Africans in defense of principle and the dream of a new world order. That is why they sweat and toil in the sand and the heat and the sun.

If they can come together under such adversity; if old adversaries like the Soviet Union and the United States can work in common cause, then surely we who are so fortunate to be in this great chamber—Democrats, Republicans, liberals, conservatives—can come together to fulfill our responsibilities here.

Thank you. Good night. And God bless the United States of America.