Thursday, 10 July 2014
Monday, 24 March 2014
The Pentagon said today that it recently discovered that a secret Army unit disbanded in 1983 had set up a Swiss bank account that may later have been used illegally to finance arms for the Nicaraguan rebels.
A senior Pentagon official said an internal investigation had produced information suggesting that Lieut. Col. Oliver L. North, the dismissed National Security Council aide, and Maj. Gen. Richard V. Secord, who retired from the Air Force in April 1983, were among those who had access to the unauthorized Army account.
They are both under investigation on suspicion of providing military aid to the rebels, known as contras, when Congress had made it illegal for United States Government agencies to do so. Letting Them Use Account
The Pentagon official said evidence suggested that Colonel North and General Secord may have persuaded members of the Army unit to let them use the account for covert aid purposes after the unit had disbanded. He did not name those people.
It is not known if United States Government funds were deposited in the account and later used to aid the contras, or whether the account was used as a conduit for non-Government funds.
The Pentagon's chief spokesman, Robert Sims, said in a statement read to reporters this afternoon that the Defense Department was looking into the matter. He did not go into details in his statement, but the briefing continued on a background basis with an official who refused to be identified by name. $2.5 Million Withdrawn in Day CBS News reported Monday night that bank records showed that $2.5 million was withdrawn from the account in one day in 1985 and that $75,000 of that was used to charter a freighter that carried arms to the contras. The transaction took place when United States officials were prohibited from providing military aid to the rebels.
But the CBS report did not indicate whether the money withdrawn from the Swiss bank account came from United States funds or from other deposits.
The secret Army unit, nicknamed Yellow Fruit, was headed by Lieut. Col. Dale E. Duncan, who was convicted in 1986 of submitting fraudulent expense claims in connection with activities apparently unrelated to aid to the contras. He is serving a 10-year sentence at Fort Leavenworth, Kan.
The Pentagon official who spoke about the case said the Army, which investigated the finances of the secret unit for two years, could not account for all of the unit's money and does not know whether United States Government funds went into the account. He said the Army did not even know about the existence of the Swiss bank account until the CBS News report.
The Pentagon confirmed the existence of the account and has referred the matter to Lawrence E. Walsh, the independent counsel investigating the Iran-contra affair, the official said.
The official also said that top Pentagon officials, including Secretary of Defense Caspar W. Weinberger, had no knowledge of the Swiss account and that the Pentagon had no records concerning the account, which was at Credit Suisse in Geneva. A Puzzling Aspect
The activities and finances of the Yellow Fruit unit are not clear, despite the investigations. One puzzling aspect is that the man who uncovered the expense account irregularities involving Colonel Duncan had access to the Swiss account. But he did not tell any officials about the account until very recently.
According to the Pentagon official, the man, Warrant Officer William T. Golden, retired, has told investigators that he was one of the people who signed for the Swiss bank account and that General Secord and Colonel North also had access. Warrant Officer Golden, who was attached to Yellow Fruit, had first raised questions about Colonel Duncan's expenses. Warrant Officer Golden is now an Army civilian working at Fort Huachuca, near Tucson, Ariz. Company Set Up in Virginia
To aid its secret operations, Yellow Fruit set up a company in 1983 in Annandale, Va., called Business Security International and headed by Colonel Duncan. Yellow Fruit was one of several secret Pentagon units involved in ''special operations,'' including intelligence gathering and support for covert activities.
Yellow Fruit was disbanded in December 1983, a year after it was organized, the official said. The only activity in Central America to which it has been publicly linked was the transportation of a satellite dish to an unnamed country, according to an associate of Colonel Duncan.
Although Yellow Fruit is defunct, the Swiss bank account used by Mr. Golden and other unit members still exists,according to the Pentagon official, and the account was not frozen until recently. The official declined to discuss the finances of Yellow Fruit, except to say that most but not all of the money used by the unit had been accounted for. He declined to say whether the money not accounted for could cover the $2.5 million withdrawal cited by CBS News. 'Extraordinary Means'
A Pentagon official said the Army had instituted changes to correct some of the problems uncovered in the investigation of the financing of various covert operations.
Questions have been raised previously about the Army's accountability over covert operations like Yellow Fruit. In a related Army case in 1985, an Army judge, Col. James E. Noble, said, ''The Army chose this extraordinary means to circumvent accountability for money, and it did it for a reason: specifically, to cut off the ability to find the money.''
At that time, Colonel Noble acquitted Master Sgt. Ramon Barron on charges that he had misspent money deriving from an Army covert operation.
Colonel Duncan is serving a 10-year sentence at Fort Leavenworth after conviction in 1986 on various charges in an Army court-martial.
An associate of Colonel Duncan said today that the officer had no knowledge of the Swiss bank account.
Mr. Golden could not be reached for comment. A former Army warrant officer attached to Yellow Fruit, Joel M. Patterson, denied any knowledge of the Swiss account in an interview with CBS News, although the network said Mr. Patterson's name also appeared on the account.
Mr. Patterson could not be reached for comment today.
Saturday, 8 March 2014
Turning on the Heat: KAL Flight 007
The U.S. has Moscow on the defensive over the downed Korean airliner
Read more: Turning on the Heat: KAL Flight 007 - TIME http://content.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,954035,00.html#ixzz2vLtbN6UB
John Judge: Larry MacDonald.
Audience Member: Was there anything behind.that?
John Judge: Oh, I know the details. Six people got off the plane, it's on the manifest. They're not identified. He warned people that he wasn't going on their plane, because the KGB was going to shoot it down. I guess, friends of his told him? So he stayed for this later flight. And I don't know if he got on the other flight. I mean, death is a good cover. They knew what was happening. Nixon was supposed to be on that flight, and was warned out of it and didn't come, due to a phone call.
And, also not talked about is where they were all going. Why were they all on this flight going into Anchorage, and then into Korea? Do you know? They were going to a meeting celebrating the division of Korea, between South and North, for all those years, from the time of the military occupation of the U.S., hosted by the Asian People's Anti-Communist League, and the World Anti-Communist League, which is General Singlaub's group. They were going to have this big celebration there, and they were on their way to this reactionary meeting.
They definitely knew in advance. Friends of mine were in Washington, DC, on Thursday morning, when the only news was that a plane was in trouble, but had landed safe at Sakhalin. And the families were even called and told that the passengers were OK. They called them. This was eventually found out to be a story generated falsely by the CIA. But they bought time for Oliver North and Jeanne Kirkpatrick to doctor the tapes. North was in charge of the public relations on the incident from the White House. They doctored the tapes, so that they could call the Soviet Union the "Evil Empire" and make everybody believe they just coldly shot down this plane.
That morning, the plane number wasn't known, the passengers certainly weren't being named, because they were presumed safe, and my friends were on their way to work. They work across from the Heritage Foundation, and on the way in, they picked up some bumper stickers, printed by the Richard Viguerie Foundation (right-wing fund raiser) in the gutter, outside of the Heritage. That morning, they didn't know what they meant. They just picked them up and were looking at them, took them in the office. The bumper stickers said "Remember Larry MacDonald and Flight 007." Now, this is before anybody would know the significance of that. So there were people within those right-wing circles that knew, could have warned him. Also, the Atlanta press called his wife the "ice lady" because she had no emotional reaction to the death. She dyed her hair. From the time she heard about it, she dyed her hair, went to a press conference, and spouted this party line.
And there may have been even an earlier version, where MacDonald was to have landed on Sakhalin, put under Soviet arrest, and later escaped the Soviet, "slave camps" and gotten back to "freedom." And, you know, maybe we'll watch and see.
But he had to be taken out of the way, out of the limelight, at that point, because of a suit, out here in California, against his foundation, Western Goals. For stealing the entire national Red Squad files of the Los Angeles Police Department that was collected under COINTELPRO during the 1960s.That affected hundreds of groups, and had the names, not only of the California left, but all the left, because it was the place where the Law Enforcement Intelligence Unit was sending every Red Squad file for a centralized operation. And those hundreds and hundreds of boxes, thousands of names, and all that file information, was taken by Jay Paul, an LAPD detective, to his home. And his wife, Mary Love, who worked for Western Goals, put it into their hundred thousand dollar computer system, so that the John Birch Society and the far-right wing, had the goods on the whole structure, at least as far as the police infiltrators knew it, of the left and progressive movement in this country.
But when it was breaking in the news, and the suit threatened to come foreword, it would not only have exposed MacDonald. It would have exposed the LAPD, and eventually, it would have exposed COINTELPRO. And "Watergate West" Which was the Ed Meese/Ronald Reagan operation out here in California, for martial law, and the spying under COINTELPRO for those years.
And that was right before the election. The lawyer who handled the deal, for the LAPD, in order to settle out of court, and pay off the groups instead, was William French Smith. He left the Justice Department right then, and Meese went in, and Turnage came in. French came out and settled matters so it didn't go to court. And then MacDonald, who would have been under the spotlight and threatened the election, disappeared in the KAL 007 flight.
But I think his death, if in fact it happened, or his disappearance and cover, were just one more bonus for that operation. One which not only renewed the Cold War, cut off relations and Detente, slowed down the arms limitation talks, allowed us to scotch bills against nerve gas, (when I say "us'', I'm talking about the US military) allowed them to go foreword with the plans for nuclear warfare and chemical/biological warfare,and nuclear warfare in outer space, and basically put forward the whole Ollie North agenda.
If you can get hold of a book by Barry Schiff (he's an aviation writer) written a year before the incident, called Flight 209 is Down, it will explain to you, in part, in this novel form, the real scenario.
What happened, according to Fletcher Prouty's work, Bob Cutler's work, other researchers, is that 007 stayed on course, never deviated. KAL 015 right behind it, saw it, on radar and visible, all the way through. It never left course, kept along R20. A Ferrett, RC35, also a Boeing plane, same silhouette, flew parallel radar course with it for a while, and then broke into Soviet air space. The first interceptors that went up couldn't find it. Now, that's telling because when planes with radar and ground radar together can't find something, you've got a UFO, or something. Not a modern, full-sized plane. It's not that hard to coordinate those things and go up, its mathematical. The fact that they didn't find something means to me, they were dealing with a test of Stealth. The Soviets were about to test an ICBM missile there, and it lit up their whole defense system. Arching over the route of the R20 and the RC35 at that point, looping over, was our main spy satellite over the Soviet Union. And the person in charge of positioning those satellites was Oliver North. Also going over in those hours, was the space shuttle Challenger, on a military mission.
So they got a good look at how Soviet radar and defense systems worked, along the Soviet coast, and the sea there, and at the Japanese, the interrelation of those countries, and what was happening. They fooled the Soviets into sending up yet another interceptor, which accidentally saw the plane, by accident, winged at it, you know, flapped a wing, and shot a couple of missiles past it, then backed off. They saw the Ferrett. A Soviet interceptor went up, found the RC35 up there, tried to get it to go down, It took evasive action. He backed off, lined up the missile sight with his radar, pushed the button, and veered off, because you don't follow the missile, you'll get blown up by it. And you get out of the way because, what if something fires back? So he veers off, and he says "The target's destroyed," because he did what he believed he had to do, electronically. But he missed the plane, because he's shooting at the Stealth deflection of the radar.
And so that plane's safe, but simultaneous with the Soviet pilot saying, "The target's destroyed," the US intelligence electronic message interceptors detonate a bomb on 007, and blow it up. Over the Kurile trench, so that it's never found, the pieces aren't even found.
Then they've got the Soviets believing that they shot down a plane, by accident. They've got the news media buying into it. They've got Jeanne Kirkpatrick calling them the "Evil Empire," that night; and they're able to extend it into, you know, what ever they want.
Well, this is the theme of Schiff's novel. It's about a Stealth manufacturer, and his son flies the plane in, and they blow up the competing Congressman who's gonna get the Stealth contract for another company.
And Scoop Jackson parallels that person, in the novel. The woman who wrote me about it said that's the guy in the novel. And I took a look at it, in it's particulars, and Scoop Jackson was on the board of Boeing. Which built the KAL planes. And Scoop Jackson died of a heart attack that day. The day of the 007 flight. And who was he replaced by on Boeing? Alexander Haig.
Where else was he? He was on the Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board. And he was in charge of the Central America Task Force. You know who went in there? [fake German accent] Herr Doctor Kissinger, replaced him there. And his top administrative aide Richard Pipes went into the NSC with Oliver North, Sven Kraemer and the boys.
So, we had a little power shift the day of the KAL 007, internally also. But that's what happened to 007. What happened to MacDonald, I think only history will tell.
Audience Member: Before, you mentioned John J. McCloy, and I just wanted to let everybody know, that he's 80; he's just started the world's largest bank in Washington DC, this last month with seven billion dollars. Him, and William Casey's widow, and a bunch of others. While we see Credit Suisse, and we get used to them, and see their pattern, they're starting another Fascist goal, another Fascist bank.
John Judge: Is that to replace Nugen Hand?
Audience Member: I'm not sure of the name. But it was started. This is all public domain: Washington Post, New York Times, Los Angeles Times all reported on it.
But he's alive and well, and completely active in his beliefs, in what he's doing.
He also set up the Pentagon, you didn't mention that. He was the architect and author.
John Judge: Yes, he built the Pentagon. It was called "McCloy's folly" for a while, in fact. Yeah, he set up the building. And I always thought it was interesting, you know, because I don't know of any other reason to take a five-sided figure and point it south, except to call up You-Know-Who. [laughter]
Thursday, 18 July 2013
In addition, Mr. Bryan discusses the extraordinary secrecy that surrounded the retrieval and disposal of the plane's wreckage and the bodies of the deceased.
Reporters were not allowed to view the wreckage or the autopsy.
No autopsy photographs were taken, in direct contravention of Massachusetts law. The bodies were cremated within 10 hours of discovery and buried at sea.
John points out that the Kennedys are Catholic and Catholics traditionally bury their dead.
Cremation was completely forbidden by the Catholic Church until 1963, and since then only under certain extraordinary circumstances.
Scattering ashes at sea is strictly forbidden.
Bryan questions this extraordinary secrecy and departure from accepted procedure and points out that the tail section of the plane appears to have disappeared.
Mr. Emory also points out that the Kennedy assassination was part of a lawsuit that was proceeding through the courts in 1999.
A broadcast journalist, Radziwill had covered the O.J. Simpson case and had received a Peabody award for his work on the emergence of "neo"-Nazism in America. (There are numerous evidentiary tributaries between the O.J. Simpson case and the intelligence community, including the Kennedy assassination. The killing of Ron Goldman and Nicole Brown Simpson appears to have been the work of Nazi elements.
The Railroading of James Holmes - Is it Possible to Create a Mind Controlled Robot Assassin? from Spike1138 on Vimeo.
The talk begins with brief discussion of the destabilization of President Clinton's administration. This destabilization fractured the ranks of the Democratic Party and made it extremely difficult for Gore to politically exploit the economic success of the Clinton years.
The substantive part of the lecture begins with the probable murder of JFK, Jr. and the effect his death may have had on the campaign. The available evidence suggests the distinct possibility that the crash that took his life was not an accident. Contrary to news reports at the time, the weather was clear and the visibility was from between two and five miles. Kennedy was about four minutes from the airport, was within visual contact radius of the island and had radioed the airport to get permission to land. He did not broadcast a "Mayday" distress call. Eyewitnesses reported Kennedy's plane approaching the airport at an altitude of less than 100 feet. (This contrasts markedly with the "radar track" which was leaked to the media, showing Kennedy's plane beginning its "graveyard spiral" at an altitude of 1800 ft. It is extraordinarily unlikely that Kennedy would have been at that altitude when coming in for a landing. Contrary to press reports at the time of Kennedy's death, he was an excellent pilot with over 300 hours of flying time. Some reports erroneously said he had as little as 35 hours.) Eyewitnesses reported seeing a "flash" or explosion over the water when Kennedy's plane disappeared. Most importantly, numerous media political pundits reported that Kennedy was going to be offered either the Presidential or (as is most likely) Vice-Presidential nomination, in an attempt to assure victory for the Democrats in the 2000 election! His death eliminated that possibility.
Mr. Emory also noted that, at the time of the death of JFK, Jr., his father's assassination was once again on the front burner. Boris Yeltsin publicly gave President Clinton the KGB files on Oswald (which demonstrated that they felt Oswald was probably an American agent.) (Tabloids reported, perhaps incorrectly, that JFK, Jr. was interested in investigating his father's murder.)
The lecture highlights the phony "oil shortage" of the late 1970s against the background of the allegedly real "oil shortage" of the year 2000. (The Secret War Against the Jews; pp. 333-335.) In The Secret War Against the Jews, the authors draw on veteran American and British intelligence officers in order to document collusion among elements of George Bush's CIA, the petroleum industry and the government of Saudi Arabia. Together, these elements fabricated an alleged Soviet petroleum shortfall, as well as a phony "decline" in Saudi oil production. Career oil industry professional George Bush gave Jimmy Carter a CIA report that falsely forecast a world-wide oil shortage. (Idem.) The report also ruminated about the possibility that the Soviets might invade the Middle East in order to augment allegedly failing domestic production. The goal of the report was to influence Jimmy Carter to increase oil production and sell weapons to Saudi Arabia in order to "defend against the Soviet menace". (Idem.) Carter and Energy Secretary James Schlesinger instead responded with a program of conservation. This enraged the petroleum interests, which then responded with the phony "gas shortage" of 1979. This gas shortage helped to propel Jimmy Carter from office. (Schlesinger had resigned his post earlier in Carter's administration.)
Former CIA director Bush became Vice-President under Reagan and (according to some sources) became "power behind the throne." Eventually, it became evident that the CIA report was false, and that the Middle East was swimming in oil. Nonetheless, the CIA/Saudi/petroleum industry fraud was successful in conning consumers into accepting dramatically higher gasoline prices. Those rising prices destabilized the Carter administration, and persuaded Congress and the President to authorize a Saudi military buildup. That Saudi build-up tipped the military balance of power in favor of the Arabs. Most importantly, the phony oil shortage set the stage for an unprecedented military build-up during the Reagan administrations. That military build-up tripled the U.S. national debt in eight years.
The talk highlights the manner in which the Reagan-Bush campaign conspired with the Muslim fundamentalist forces in Iran in order to assure Carter's defeat--the "October Surprise" of 1980. Mr. Emory speculates that the rise in petroleum prices in the year 2000 was deliberately contrived to drive up oil prices, aggravate voters, weaken the economy and pave the way for the accession of George W. Bush.
In this very close Presidential race, the small percentage of the vote garnered by Green Party candidate Ralph Nader did, as some critics had warned, prove to have decisive impact. Mr. Emory presents the Nader candidacy as constituting, in effect, one part of a "pincers movement." (This is a military strategy, in which an attacking force simultaneously strikes at both of the enemy's flanks.) The Nader candidacy pinned down the Gore campaign by attacking it from the ideological left, as Bush was attacking the Vice President from the ideological right. By limiting Gore's populist appeal and attacking his environmental record, Nader denied vital strategic ground to the Gore campaign. (More than any other mainstream politician, Gore was identified with environmental causes.) A vote for Nader was indeed a vote for Bush, particularly in Florida. (Nader got more than 90,000 votes in Florida.) Note that the "Green Movement" (although progressive for the most part) has surprising historical links with fascism.
In addition to analyzing the Nader campaign from a strategic perspective, Mr. Emory detailed some aspects of Nader's financial and professional history that have escaped popular attention. In particular, the discussion highlights the hypocritical investment policy that Ralph Nader has executed. ("How Nader Profits While He Preaches" by Jeff McMahon; bushwatch.net/nader.htm; 10/27/2000.) Nader owns up to $250,000 worth of shares of Fidelity Magellan Fund, a firm that is heavily invested in many of the corporations that Nader has been most vocal in criticizing. (Idem.) Among those firms that Fidelity invests in are Halliburton Oil, headed by Dick Cheney until shortly after his nomination as Bush's running mate. Fidelity also invests in Occidental Petroleum, a firm that has been criticized by environmentalists.
Al Gore's mother's trust owns a significant block of Occidental stock. Gore's populist credentials have been impugned by Nader Vice-Presidential candidate Winona La Duke because of that stock. (Idem.) The lecture underscores disturbing aspects of Nader's anti-labor activities, and his avoidance of social issues. Multi-millionaire Nader has fiercely resisted attempts at unionization by the underpaid employees of his organizations. ("1.75 Cheers for Ralph" by Doug Henwood; Left Business Observer; 10/1996 [#74].) Mr. Emory sets forth Nader's refusal to permit publication of CIA/corporate collusion in his Multinational Monitor (Idem.)
Another effective element of political and psychological warfare that worked against Gore was the Wen Ho Lee case. A Taiwanese American citizen who had been employed as a nuclear scientist at the Los Alamos National Laboratory, Lee was falsely charged with espionage in 1999, triggering a Republican-led congressional investigation. That investigation hinted that Lee's alleged espionage on behalf of the People's Republic of China was linked to "Chinese" campaign donations to the Clinton administration. The case garnered much journalistic attention, and cast a pall of suspicion on Asian Americans employed in sensitive national security-related jobs. Most importantly, it figured in the criticism that the Republicans directed toward the Democrats during the 2000 campaign. Al Gore's appearance at the much-ballyhooed Buddhist Temple fundraiser was utilized by the Republicans to race bait the Gore campaign by associating it with "the yellow peril."
In this lecture, Mr. Emory sets forth the details of one of the arms deals that Oliver North's Iran-Contra operatives arranged - a missile sale from the People's Republic of China to the Contras. The American-supplied Contra guerillas were looking for weapons with which to effectively combat the Sandinistas' Soviet-supplied attack helicopters. North arranged for a shipment of SA-7 surface-to-air missiles to be sent to the Contras. The documented sharing of nuclear weapons information with the PRC during the Reagan administration was characteristic of the type of quid pro quo arrangement that Special Prosecutor Lawrence Walsh found to be commonplace during the course of the Iran-Contra operations. Like other nations that supplied weapons to the Contras for the Reagan Administration, the Chinese expected favors in return for their efforts. Since the alleged theft of nuclear secrets took place during the Reagan and Bush years, they cannot be blamed on Clinton. The "theft" may well have been an outgrowth of the SA-7 deal.
Nonetheless, the Republicans have attempted to pin the blame on the Clinton administration, campaigning on the falsehood that the Democrats compromised American nuclear security in exchange for campaign contributions. Among the most vocal of those pinning the blame for the Lee affair on the Clinton administration was Judge James Parker, a Reagan appointee. (The New York Times; 9/14/2000; p. A1.) The program highlights the fact that Lee and his wife had cooperated with the CIA in connection with his Chinese contacts. (San Jose Mercury News; 8/11/2000; p. 10A.) Mr. Emory also notes that Energy Secretary Bill Richardson was savaged by Judge Parker and the Republicans, and speculates about the possible use of the Lee/PRC contacts as a campaign dirty trick. (The New York Times; 9/14/2000; p. A1.) Richardson at one time was considered a possible Vice Presidential running mate for Al Gore. In addition, the Lee case helped to discredit the Department of Energy and made it difficult for that Department to follow Clinton's directive to help hold down the price of oil. This added to the effectiveness of what Mr. Emory believes was a replay of the oil price gambit of 1979-80.
The discussion then turns to the death of Missourri Governor Mel Carnahan. The New York Times noted that the Democrats had a slim chance to retain control of the Senate. ("Democrats Have Outside Chance to Wrest Senate" by David E. Rosenbaum; New York Times; 10/16/2000; p.1.) One of the races that offered the possibility of a Democratic victory was the crucial race for the Senate seat held by John Ashcroft (R-Missouri.) (Idem.)
The day after that observation was printed, Ashcroft's Democratic opponent, Governor Mel Carnahan, was killed in the crash of a private plane. ("Governor, 2 Others Flying in Bad Weather" by Jim Salter; San Francisco Examiner; 10/17/2000; ppA-1, A-12.) An investigator noted that the wreckage was found in " very small pieces spread over a large area," more characteristic of a bomb explosion than the accidental crash of an aircraft. (Idem.) The crash came too late for the Democrats to nominate an alternative candidate. (Idem.) The lecture underscores contradictions in the official account of the tragedy. The plane was initially reported to have crashed in very bad weather and (possibly) to have been struck by lightning. (Idem.) Subsequent accounts indicate that the weather was not particularly bad for flying and that the pilot had reported gyroscope trouble. ("Doomed Plane Apparently Had Instrument Trouble" by John W. Fountain; New York Times; 10/18/2000; p. A20.)
Analysis of Carnahan's death suggested that his demise would lessen the Democrats' chances of winning control of the Senate and reduce Gore's chances of winning Missouri, a crucial swing state. ("Equation Changed by a Fatal Crash" by James Dao; New York Times; 10/18/2000; pp. A1, A20.) The state Democratic infrastructure also was pessimistic about the outcome for the Senate race. ("Governor Mourned as Public Servant" by Stephanie Simon; San Jose Mercury News; 10/18/2000; p. 15A.) One should not fail to note the superficial similarity to the death of John F. Kennedy Jr. Although Ashcroft's widow took his seat when he was posthumously elected, Bush carried Missourri (a key swing state.) The role of Carnahan's death in this campaign should not be discounted. Note, also, that John Ashcroft became Attorney General in the Bush administration and presided over the implementation of many of the draconian, unconstitutional legal revisions instituted by Dubya.
As discussed above, the "oil shortage" of 1979-80 combined with the humiliation of the United States at the hands of Islamic fundamentalists in Iran to assure Jimmy Carter's election defeat. An "oil shortage" and "Middle Eastern terrorism" were front and center during the 2000 campaign, as well. Tensions in the Middle East were heightened by the bomb attack on the destroyer U.S.S. Cole. Al Qaeda and the combatants of Osama bin Laden were behind the attack. ("U.S. Says Yemen Attackers Used Inside Information" by David A. Vise and Vernon Loeb; San Francisco Chronicle; 10/13/2000; p. A6.) The lecture reviews information about the probable role of the Bin Laden family in supplying a portion of the investment capital that was used to establish George W. Bush's first oil company. The possibility that petroleum-related elements of U.S. intelligence and what Mr. Emory calls "the Underground Reich" may have been behind the attack on the Cole should not be too readily cast aside.
The attack was used by the Bush campaign to attack the Democrats. Once again, Mr. Emory underscored the significance of the increase in oil prices for the economy, the stock market and the Gore campaign. Oil price increases have historically led to recessions and a falling Dow Jones Industrial average and, during Presidential election years, this has led to the incumbent being voted out of office. ("Can Al Gore Survive Rising Oil Prices and Falling Stocks?" by Floyd Norris; New York Times; 9/22/2000; p. C1.) Once again, the fact that Dubya's father was the head of the CIA and the presence in the political process of elements intimately involved with the Agency's covert operations establishment is not to be overlooked.
Much of the lecture sets forth information about the role in the 2000 electoral coup played by the CIA-linked, anti-Castro Cuban milieu in Florida. The angry crowd that menaced (and consequently affected) the Miami-Dade election officials was summoned by Radio Mambi, closely connected to the Anti-Castro Cuban community in Miami. ("Miami's Cuban Americans May Get the Last Word" by Peter Dale Scott; Pacific News Service; http://pacificnews.org; 12/4/2000.) The political milieu that generated the furor over Elian Gonzalez is identical to that involved with intimidating the Miami election officials, and has historical links to the Bush faction of the CIA. (Idem.)
Highlighting these connections in more detail, the discussion highlights the role of the Cuban American National Foundation (CANF) and its founder Jorge Mas Canosa in setting up Radio Mambi. ("Miami-Dade ReversalÃ·A Cuban terrorist Payback to Bush Family?" by Peter Dale Scott; Pacific News Service; http://pacificnews.org; 12/7/2000.) Mr. Emory relates informed speculation that the CIA (under William Casey) precipitated the founding of CANF in 1981. (Idem.) Two of Mas Canosa's proteges in CANF were the brothers Guillermo and Ignacio Novo, both implicated in the assassination of former Chilean Ambassador Orlando Letelier. (Idem.) The elder George Bush was closely connected to this milieu, and deflected inquiries into the Letelier assassination that led in the direction of the CIA supported coup in Chile. (Idem.)
The broadcast also details the connections of this milieu to Cuban-Americans involved in the Contra support effort in the 1980's. (Idem.) Next, the discussion illuminates the role of a Cuban-American splinter group (Vigilia Mambisa) in the agitation that forced the halting of the recount. (Unpublished update by Professor Scott to "Miami's Cuban Americans May Get the Last Word" by Peter Dale Scott; Pacific News Service; http://pacificnews.org; 12/4/2000; made available to Mr. Emory by a kind listener.)
The talk also sets forth links between Florida Governor Jeb Bush, the CANF milieu, the Contra support effort, and the failure of the Broward Federal Savings & Loan Association. (Unpublished update by Professor Scott to "Miami-Dade ReversalÃ·A Cuban terrorist Payback to Bush Family?" by Peter Dale Scott; Pacific News Service; http://pacificnews.org; 12/7/2000.)
An "ex" CIA officer (Charles Kane) allegedly participated in a scheme to deliver some of the fraudulent absentee ballots that helped tip Florida to Bush. ("Absentee Ballot Fraud in 5 Florida Counties" by David E. Scheim; Associated Press; 12/7/2000; at http://www.campaignwatch.org.) The lecture highlighted the deliberate and fraudulent exclusion of African American voters in Florida was discussed. Many of them were labeled as "felons" and consequently prevented from voting.
In addition, it turns out that the head of the political desk at Fox News (who led the media stampede to reassign Florida from Gore to Bush) was Jeb and "W's" cousin John Ellis. ("One More election Embarrassment for the Press: Bush Cousin" by Tom Rosenstiel; The Los Angeles Times; 11/15/2000; p. B9.) Ellis was in close telephone contact with Jeb and "W" on election night, apparently feeding them political intelligence on the election. ("News Executive Called Races, and Bush" by Bill Carter; The New York Times; 11/14/2000; p. A17.) Ellis' call led the media charge to reverse the call of Florida as being won by Gore. This was critical to Bush's success, because it created the impression that Gore was a "sore loser" and facilitated the capitulation of the Democrats. The lecture also points out that Theodore Olson, the new Solicitor General, was one of the lead attorneys for the Bush campaign in Florida. (The Solicitor General is often referred to as "the tenth Supreme Court Justice.")
Olson was heavily involved in the campaign to discredit Bill Clinton, as well. The ascent of Olson and Ashcroft to two of the most important positions in the Department of Justice could be said to complete the electoral coup of the year 2000. The lecture concludes with analysis of the "energy crisis" in California as a deliberately structured destabilization of the California Democratic electoral base. California went heavily for Gore in 2000 and Gray Davis has been discussed as a possible opponent for Bush in 2004. The California "energy crisis" may well be setting the stage for "the electoral coup of the year 2004." (Recorded on 2/24/2001.)
The program discusses some of the mythology about, and substance of, the Skull and Bones society. (The New York Observer; 3/27/2000; pp. 15-16.) The discussion touches on the occult origins of the group's initiation rituals, some of the influential men who had belonged to the group, the group's on-going contacts with the elder George, and a circular letter instructing "bonesmen" to avoid discussion of the group (presumably because of the candidacy of George W. (Idem.) The discussion then highlights allegations that Prescott Bush (Sr) helped to rob Geronimo's grave, as well as related charges that the Apache warrior's remains were then taken back to the "Tomb" (the insider's nickname for the Skull and Bones headquarters.)
Next, the lecture answers the question posed in the title. The "W" in George Junior's name stands for Walker, the last name of Bush's great grandfather, one of Hitler's most powerful American financial backers.) The lecture highlights the profound involvement of George Herbert Walker and his son-in-law Prescott Bush (Senior) in financing of the German industrial concerns that financed and propelled the Third Reich. (Prescott Bush Sr. is the father of the former President and CIA Director and the grandfather of "W.") The discussion touches on the Hamburg-Amerika line, one of the Bush-connected companies that played a key role in Nazi espionage before, and during, World War II. In addition to helping to fund the operations of the SS, the Hamburg-Amerika line also played a significant role in the Bormann flight capital program. The discussion underscores the strong connections between Walker, Prescott Bush Sr. and Fritz Thyssen, the German steelmaker and one of Hitler's earliest and most prominent financial backers. The Union Banking Corporation was a Bush business that was, in essence, a front for the Thyssen interests.
The genesis of the Walker-Thyssen relationship was in 1924, the year after Thyssen began to develop the long relationship with Martin Bormann, a familial relationship that has spanned the generations. (Mr. Emory speculates that the Bush family may very well be deeply involved with the Bormann group.)
The discussion highlights George Sr.'s involvement with the Nazi emigre milieu that spawned the Republican Ethnic Heritage Organization, literally a Nazi wing of the Republican party. (This milieu had its genesis with the Crusade For Freedom, the centerpiece of Allen Dulles' fascist freedom fighters program, involving Bush's fellow bonesmen Weaver and Sloan Walker. This was an illegal domestic intelligence operation, which entailed the importation of Nazis and fascists into the United States for political purposes. A close political ally of Richard Nixon, George Bush midwived the formal inclusion of the Nazi "ethnics" in the GOP, utilizing his position as chairman of the Republican National Committee. Bush later used this same Nazi emigre network in his 1988 presidential campaign.
Another major focal point of the lecture is the involvement of George H.W. Bush in the assassination of President Kennedy. The lecture documents a number of connections between the milieu of "vice" Presidents George Bush Sr., Gerald Ford, Richard Nixon and V.P. candidate Dick Cheney and the assassination of President Kennedy. One of the acquisitions of Halliburton Oil (headed by Dick Cheney) was Dresser industries. (Wall Street Journal, 7/26/2000, p. B4.) The program recapitulates an excerpt from RFA-37, that documents Bush Sr.'s employment with Dresser industries, the firm's connections to the intelligence community and to Prescott Bush Sr. (George Sr.'s father), the firm's connections to the Skull and Bones society, to which both Bushes (and George W.) belong; the probability that Dresser served as a cover for George Sr.'s work for the CIA, and George Sr.'s close connections to Oswald handler and probable Nazi spy George de Mohrenschildt. ("In the Company of Friends", by Anthony L. Kimmery, Covert Action Information Bulletin, Issue #41, Summer 1992.) The lecture highlights the close relationship between Richard Nixon and George Bush, Sr. Nixon appointed Bush Sr. as head of the Republican National Committee during the Watergate scandal, just as he appointed Gerald Ford as Vice-President. Ford then succeeded Nixon, pardoned him, and appointed Bush as director of the CIA. Bush then helped to obstruct the House Select Committee on Assassinations' investigation of the Kennedy assassination. It should be noted that George Sr.'s name crops up in connection with the Kennedy assassination in several different different ways.
The talk details the links of George Bush Senior to the shooting of President Reagan. At the time Reagan was shot, former Director of Central Intelligence Bush was Vice-President.) John Hinckley was a former member of the National Socialist Party of America. (San Francisco Examiner, 3/31/81.) He was expelled for being so violent that his fellow Nazis suspected him of being a government agent. (Idem.) In October of 1980, Hinckley had been arrested at the Nashville (Tennessee) airport as then President Jimmy Carter was due to arrive. (Idem.) At the time, he had a .38 caliber pistol and two .22 caliber handguns in his possession, along with 50 rounds of ammunition. (Idem.) Interestingly, this former resident of Dallas, Texas, had purchased the weapons at Rocky's Pawn Shop, on the very street on which President Kennedy had been assassinated. (Idem.) One wonders to what extent some of these "coincidences" were intended to send a message. The Nazi party to which Hinckley belonged had been founded by George Lincoln Rockwell, whose Arlington (Virginia) name and address were in Lee Harvey Oswald's address book at the time of his (Oswald's) arrest. Hinckley had attended a memorial march to commemorate Rockwell. (San Francisco Chronicle, 4/1/81.)
The lecture sets forth evidence that Hinckley's father, John Hinckley Sr., had been a significant contributor to George Bush's primary campaign (when Bush Sr. was challenging Ronald Reagan for the nomination.) (Idem.) The night after the shooting, John Jr.'s brother, Scott Hinckley, was scheduled to have dinner with Neil Bush (George W.'s brother and, like "Dubya" and George Sr, a petroleum industry professional.) (San Francisco Chronicle, 4/1/81.) Scott was, at the time, an executive with the Hinckley family's independent oil company, Vanderbilt Energy. (San Jose Mercury, 4/1/81, p. 24A, San Francisco Chronicle, 4/1/81.) Hinckley Sr.'s participation in a Christian Evangelical organization called World Vision is of more than passing interest. (San Francisco Examiner, 3/31/81.) World Vision had served as a front for U.S. intelligence in Central America, employing former members of Anastazio Somoza's National Guard to inform on El Salvadorian refugees in Costa Rica. (National Catholic Reporter, 4/23/82.) A number of the refugees were liquidated, after being identified as guerilla sympathizers by World Vision operatives. (Idem.) World Vision had also functioned as a front for U.S. intelligence in Southeast Asia dring the Vietnam War. (Christian Century Magazine, 7/4-7/11/1979.) Hinckley Sr.'s participation in World Vision, the latter's connections to U.S. intelligence, and the closeness of the Bush and Hinckley families should be evaluated in light of the fact that George Sr. had been head of the CIA. Hinckley Jr. was eventually represented by the law firm of Edward Bennett Williams, one of the most powerful law firms in Washington D.C. (San Francisco Examiner, 4/1/81, p. A12.) The Williams firm's previous clients included former CIA director Richard Helms, Robert Vesco (also connected to U.S. intelligence), Jimmy Hoffa and John Connally. With the assistance of the Williams law firm's representation (and a pliant media establishment) Hinckley's documented Nazi connections were magically transformed into "delusions" of this "lone nut." (San Francisco Chronicle, 5/18/82.)
The lecture highlights the phony "oil shortage" of the late 1970's against the background of the allegedly real "oil shortage" of the year 2000. (The Secret War Against the Jews; pp. 333-335.) In this important and extensively-footnoted volume, the authors draw on veteran American and British intelligence officers in order to document collusion among elements of George Bush's CIA, the petroleum industry and the government of Saudi Arabia. Together, these elements fabricated an alleged Soviet petroleum shortfall, as well as a phony "decline" in Saudi oil production. Career oil industry professional George Bush gave Jimmy Carter a CIA report that falsely maintained forecast a world-wide oil shortage. (Idem.) The report also ruminated about the possibility that the Soviets might invade the Middle East in order to augment allegedly failing domestic production. The goal of the report was to influence Jimmy Carter to increase oil production and to mandate weapons sales to Saudi Arabia in order to "defend against the Soviet menace". (Idem.) Carter and Energy Secretary James Schlesinger instead responded with a program of conservation. This enraged the petroleum interests, which then responded with the phony "gas shortage" of 1979. This gas shortage helped to propel Jimmy Carter from office. (Schlesinger had resigned his post earlier in Carter's administration.)
Former CIA director Bush became Vice-President under Reagan and (according to some sources.) became "power behind the throne." Eventually, it became evident that the CIA report was false, and that the Middle East was swimming in oil. Nonetheless, the CIA/Saudi/petroleum industry fraud was successful in conning consumers into accepting dramatically higher gasoline prices, destabilizing the Carter administration, and persuading Congress and the President to authorize a Saudi military buildup. That Saudi build-up tipped the military balance of power in favor of the Arabs. Most importantly, the phony oil shortage set the stage for an unprecedented military build-up during the Reagan administrations. That military build-up tripled the U.S. national debt in eight years.
The talk highlights the manner in which the Reagan-Bush campaign conspired with the Muslim fundamentalist forces in Iran in order to assure Carter's defeat. Mr. Emory speculates that the rise in petroleum prices in the year 2000 was deliberately contrived to drive up oil prices, aggravate voters, weaken the economy and pave the way for the accession of George W. Bush. It was during the phony oil shortage of Ã979-80 that George W's first business venture took shape.
The genesis of his first oil company involved many of the conspiratorial forces that overlapped his father's tenure as CIA director (and, later, as Vice-President.) Bush's Arbusto Energy company was begun, in part, with money from one James R. Bath. Bath's reputed associations run from the Central Intelligence Agency to the failed BCCI. The latter was a financial institution involved in drug-dealing, terrorism and arms trafficking. (It was used by Oliver North for some of his Iran-Contra machinations.) Bath was the Texas business representative for Saudi terrorist Osama Bin Laden's family and the money he used to help start Arbusto may very well have come, in part, from the Bin Laden family. (Bath appears to have had little or no capital of his own at this time.) Bath told a business associate that he had been personally recruited into the CIA by George H.W. Bush, when he was director of the Agency. Bath also claimed that his involvement with his Saudi clients was undertaken at the specific request of the senior Bush. (Presumably, this would have included his work on behalf of the Bin Laden family.)
Next, the lecture focuses on George H.W. Bush's pivotal role in the Iran-Contra and "Iraqgate" scandals. After discussion of his pardoning of several key participants in the affair, the talk turns to his involvement in the events themselves. (The Los Angeles Times; 8/28/2000; p. A13.) The discussion focuses on Bush and the world of "international terrorism." (The Secret War Against the Jews; pp. 407-409; p. 429.) Having chaired the Vice-President's Task Force on Counter-Terrorism, George H.W. Bush oversaw and implemented recommendations issueing from that Task Force. In a series of National Security Decision Directives, Bush was given command of what authors John Loftus and Mark Aarons describe as "His (Bush's) own private spy agency," and "a White House within the White House." Ostensibly created to provide a rapid, prophylactic response to "international terrorism," these networks became the primary vehicle for the realization of the ill-fated, illegal and treasonous Iran-Contra and Iraqgate schemes.
Far from being "out of the loop," as he claimed, George Bush was the primary player in both affairs. (Idem.) His "private spy agency" was the most significant element in the both the administration and implementation of the operations. (Idem.) The name of George W's brother Neil also surfaced in connection with the S & L scandal. Neil Bush approved many of the bad loans that collapsed Denver's Silverado Savings and Loan. (The Houston Post, 2/4/1990.) (It should be noted that George H.W. Bush chaired the task force that crafted the "reforms" under which the looting of the S & L's took place. It should also be noted that Neil Bush's name also figures in the scenario surrounding the shooting of President Reagan.) Neil Bush's name also surfaced in connection with the Sun-Flo case in Colorado. ("Dealer's Choice: A Colorado Invention Was Supposed to End World Hunger, but Instead Left Investors High and Dry" by Bryan Abas; Westword; 7/13-19/1988.) Bush's name was used to help raise money for a dehydration device designed to preserve produce in Third World areas. (Idem.) It appears that the enterprise was a scam to raise money for cocaine trafficking, possibly in connection with the Contra support effort in Central America. (Idem.)
Neil and W's brother Jeb (currently governor of Florida) also assisted with the prosecution of the Contra War in Nicaragua. Jeb Bush served as his father's liaison to the anti-Castro Cuban community in Florida. ("The Family That Preys Together" by Jack Calhoun; Covert Action Information Bulletin #41; Summer 1992.) The anti-Castro Cubans were deeply involved in the Contra support effort. Jeb Bush also maintined contacts with figures from the Miami underworld milieu. (Idem.)
The discussion outlines forth a Byzantine series of machinations, through which an airplane purchased for smuggling operations by drug smuggler, DEA informant and Iran-Contra lynchpin Barry Seal wound up being Texas Governor George Bush's favorite aircraft. Barry Seal's expertise as a drug pilot par excellence, his aircraft, as well as his bases of operations were tailor-made for the Reagan adminsitration's clandestine wars in Central America, particularly the Contra support effort. Moreover, the winding path followed by "Zero-Eight Foxtrot" from Seal to the Governor's mansion is an excellent vantage point for examining the myriad and overlapping criminal conspiracies that helped to support the Contra war. (The plane's nickname is derived from its registration number.) Following the aircraft's trail, one will come across drug-smuggling, the savings and loan scandal, insurance scams and other "bust-out" operations, the proceeds from which went to finance the Contras.
The talk also details the probable murder of JFK, Jr. and the effect his death may have had on the campaign. The available evidence suggests the distinct possibility that the crash was not an accident. Contrary to news reports at the time, the weather was clear and the visibility was from between two and five miles. Kennedy was about four minutes from the airport, was within visual contact radius of the island and had radioed the airport to get permission to land. He did not broadcast a "Mayday" distress call. Eyewitnesses reported Kennedy's plane aproaching the airport at an altitude of less than 100 feet. (This contrasts markedly with the "radar track" which was leaked to the media, showing Kennedy's plane beginning its "graveyard spiral" at an altitude of 1800 ft. It is extraordinarily unlikely that Kennedy would have been at that altitude when coming in for a landing. Contrary to press reports at the time of Kennedy's death, he was an excellent pilot with over 300 hours of flying time. Some reports erroneously said he had as little as 35 hours.) Eyewitnesses reported seeing a "flash" or explosion over the water when Kennedy's plane disappeared. Most importantly, numerous media political pundits reported that Kennedy was going to be offered either the Presidential or (as is most likely) Vice-Presidential nomination, in an attempt to assure victory for the Democrats in the 2000 election! His death eliminated that possibility.