Showing posts with label Malcolm X. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Malcolm X. Show all posts

Tuesday, 4 December 2018

What's The Difference Between Me and You?







“ I must point this out because it shows you how tricky The Press can be. The Press can make you not have any sympathy whatsoever for the death of thousands of people who look just like yourself, but at the same time, they make tears roll down your face over the loss of a few lives that don’t look anything like yourself. They manipulate your feelings.

So my advice to any of you who at any time think that you’ll ever be placed in a position of responsibility—you owe it to others as well as to yourself to be very careful about letting others make up your mind for you. You have to learn how to see for yourself, hear for yourself, think for yourself, and then judge for yourself.

Secondly, I would like to say this: It concerns my own personal self, whose image they have projected in their own light. I am against any form of racism. We are all against racism. 



The only difference between You and Me is that 
You want to fight racism and racists non-violently and lovingly 
and 
I’ll fight Them the way They fight me

Whatever weapon They use, that’s the one I’ll use. 

I go for talking the kind of language He talks. 

You can’t communicate with a person unless you use the language He uses. 

If a man is speaking French, you can talk German all night long, he won’t know what you’re talking about. You have to find out what kind of language he understands and then you put it to him in the language that he understands.

I’m a Muslim, which means my religion is Islam. I believe in Allah. I believe in all of the prophets, whoever represented God on This Earth. 

I believe what Muslims believe: prayer, fasting, charity, and the pilgrimage to the Holy Land, Mecca, which I’ve been fortunate to have made four or five times. 


I believe in the Brotherhood of Man, all Men, but I don’t believe in brotherhood with anybody who doesn’t want brotherhood with me. 

I believe in treating people right, but I’m not going to waste my time trying to treat somebody right who doesn’t know how to return that treatment. 

This is the only difference between You and Me.

You believe in treating everybody right whether they put a rope around your neck or whether they put you in the grave. 

Well, my belief isn’t that strong. 

[ And I Doubt Very Much That Yours' is, Either - It's just simply never been tested... That's All. ]


I believe in The Brotherhood of Man, but I think that anybody who wants to lynch a Negro is not qualified for that Brotherhood and I don’t put forth any effort to get them into that Brotherhood. 

You want to Save Him and I don’t.

Despite the fact that I believe in the Brotherhood of Man as a Muslim, and in the religion of Islam, there is one fact also that I can’t overlook: I’m an Afro-American and Afro-Americans have problems that go well beyond religion. 

We have problems that our religious organization in itself cannot solve and we have problems that no one organization can solve or no one leader can solve. We have a problem that is going to take the combined efforts of every leader and every organization if we are going to get a solution. 

For that reason, I don’t believe that as a Muslim it is possible for me to bring my religion into any discussion with non-Muslims without causing more division, animosity, and hostility; then we will only be involved in a self-defeating action. 

So based upon that, there is a group of us that have formed an organization. Besides being Muslims, we have gotten together and formed an organization that has nothing to do with religion at all; it is known as the Organization of Afro-American Unity.

In this organization we involve ourselves in the complete struggle of the Afro-American in this country, and Our Purpose in becoming involved with a non-religious group is to give us the latitude to use any means necessary for us to bring an end to the injustices that confront us. 


I believe in Any Means Necessary. 

I believe that the injustices that we have suffered and will continue to suffer will never be brought to a halt as long as we put ourselves in a straitjacket when fighting those injustices.

Those of us in the Organization of Afro-American Unity have adopted as our slogan “By Any Means Necessary” and we feel we are justified. 

Whenever someone is treating you in a criminal, illegal, or immoral way, why, you are well within your rights to use anything at your disposal to bring an end to that unjust, illegal, and immoral condition. If we do it like that, we will find that we will get more respect and will be further down the road toward freedom, toward recognition and respect as human beings. But as long as we dillydally and try to appear that we’re more moral by taking a beating without fighting back, people will continue to refer to us as very moral and well disciplined persons, but at the same time we will be as far back a hundred years from now as we are today. So I believe that fighting those who fight us is the best course of action in any situation.

Again, if the Government doesn’t want Negroes fighting anyone who is fighting us, then the Government should do its job; the Government shouldn’t put the weight on us. If the Ku Klux Klan in Mississippi is carrying on criminal activities to the point of murdering black people, then I think if black people are men, human beings, the same as anybody else, you and I should have the right to do the same thing in defense of our lives and our property that all other human beings on this earth do in defense of their lives and in defense of their property, and that is to talk the language that the Klan understands.

So I must emphasize, we are dealing with a powerful enemy, and again, I am not anti-American or un-American. I think there are plenty of good people in America, but there are also plenty of bad people in America and the bad ones are the ones who seem to have all the power and be in these positions to block things that you and I need. Because this is the situation, you and I have to preserve the right to do what is necessary to bring an end to that situation, and it doesn’t mean that I advocate violence, but at the same time I am not against using violence in self-defense. 



I don’t even call it Violence when it’s Self-Defense, I call it Intelligence.



https://malcolmxfiles.blogspot.com/2013/07/speech-to-peace-corps-workers-december.html

Thursday, 28 June 2018

House Negroes



A 'Spencer', or 'Spence' is a butler; 

An indoor servant 
(as opposed to a groom or field-worker);

A House Negro.

Rick is Field Negro (at this point - all he is doing is, he is going out into The World, earning and producing for Negan)





"Back during slavery, when Black people like me talked to the slaves, they didn't kill 'em, they sent some old House Negro along behind him to undo what he said. You have to read the history of slavery to understand this. There were two kinds of Negroes. There was that old House Negro and the Field Negro.

And the house Negro always looked out for his master. When the field Negroes got too much out of line, he held them back in check. He put 'em back on the plantation. The House Negro could afford to do that because he lived better than the field Negro. 

He ate better, he dressed better, and he lived in a better house. He lived right up next to his master - in the attic or the basement. He ate the same food his master ate and wore his same clothes. And he could talk just like his master - good diction. And he loved his master more than his master loved himself. That's why he didn't want his master hurt. If the master got sick, he'd say, "What's the matter, boss, we sick?" 

When the master's house caught afire, he'd try and put the fire out. He didn't want his master's house burned. He never wanted his master's property threatened. And he was more defensive of it than The Master was.

That was the House Negro. But then you had some field Negroes, who lived in huts, had nothing to lose. They wore the worst kind of clothes. They ate the worst food. And they caught hell. They felt the sting of the lash. They hated their master. Oh yes, they did. If The Master got sick, they'd pray that the master died. If the master's house caught afire, they'd pray for a strong wind to come along. This was the difference between the two.

And today you still have house Negroes and field Negroes. 


I'm a Field Negro." 


~~~ Malcolm X

http://www.malcolm-x.org

http://www.malcolmx.com/







To understand this, you have to go back to what [the] young brother here referred to as the house Negro and the field Negro -- back during slavery. There was two kinds of slaves. There was the house Negro and the field Negro. The house Negroes - they lived in the house with master, they dressed pretty good, they ate good 'cause they ate his food -- what he left. They lived in the attic or the basement, but still they lived near the master; and they loved their master more than the master loved himself. They would give their life to save the master's house quicker than the master would. The house Negro, if the master said, "We got a good house here," the house Negro would say, "Yeah, we got a good house here." Whenever the master said "we," he said "we." That's how you can tell a house Negro.

If the master's house caught on fire, the house Negro would fight harder to put the blaze out than the master would. If the master got sick, the house Negro would say, "What's the matter, boss, we sick?" We sick! He identified himself with his master more than his master identified with himself. And if you came to the house Negro and said, "Let's run away, let's escape, let's separate," the house Negro would look at you and say, "Man, you crazy. What you mean, separate? Where is there a better house than this? Where can I wear better clothes than this? Where can I eat better food than this?" That was that house Negro. In those days he was called a "house nigger." And that's what we call him today, because we've still got some house niggers running around here. This modern house Negro loves his master. He wants to live near him. He'll pay three times as much as the house is worth just to live near his master, and then brag about "I'm the only Negro out here." "I'm the only one on my job." "I'm the only one in this school." You're nothing but a house Negro. And if someone comes to you right now and says, "Let's separate," you say the same thing that the house Negro said on the plantation. "What you mean, separate? From America? This good white man? Where you going to get a better job than you get here?" I mean, this is what you say. "I ain't left nothing in Africa," that's what you say. Why, you left your mind in Africa.


On that same plantation, there was the field Negro. The field Negro -- those were the masses. There were always more Negroes in the field than there was Negroes in the house. The Negro in the field caught hell. He ate leftovers. In the house they ate high up on the hog. The Negro in the field didn't get nothing but what was left of the insides of the hog. They call 'em "chitt'lings" nowadays. In those days they called them what they were: guts. That's what you were -- a gut-eater. And some of you all still gut-eaters.


The field Negro was beaten from morning to night. He lived in a shack, in a hut; He wore old, castoff clothes. He hated his master. I say he hated his master. He was intelligent. That house Negro loved his master. But that field Negro -- remember, they were in the majority, and they hated the master. When the house caught on fire, he didn't try and put it out; that field Negro prayed for a wind, for a breeze. When the master got sick, the field Negro prayed that he'd die. If someone come to the field Negro and said, "Let's separate, let's run," he didn't say "Where we going?" He'd say, "Any place is better than here." You've got field Negroes in America today. I'm a field Negro. The masses are the field Negroes. When they see this man's house on fire, you don't hear these little Negroes talking about "our government is in trouble." They say, "The government is in trouble." Imagine a Negro: "Our government"! I even heard one say "our astronauts." They won't even let him near the plant -- and "our astronauts"! "Our Navy" -- that's a Negro that's out of his mind. That's a Negro that's out of his mind.


Just as the slavemaster of that day used Tom, the house Negro, to keep the field Negroes in check, the same old slavemaster today has Negroes who are nothing but modern Uncle Toms, 20th century Uncle Toms, to keep you and me in check, keep us under control, keep us passive and peaceful and nonviolent. That's Tom making you nonviolent. It's like when you go to the dentist, and the man's going to take your tooth. You're going to fight him when he starts pulling. So he squirts some stuff in your jaw called novocaine, to make you think they're not doing anything to you. So you sit there and 'cause you've got all of that novocaine in your jaw, you suffer peacefully. Blood running all down your jaw, and you don't know what's happening. 'Cause someone has taught you to suffer -- peacefully.


The white man do the same thing to you in the street, when he want to put knots on your head and take advantage of you and don't have to be afraid of your fighting back. To keep you from fighting back, he gets these old religious Uncle Toms to teach you and me, just like novocaine, suffer peacefully. Don't stop suffering -- just suffer peacefully. As Reverend Cleage pointed out, "Let your blood flow In the streets." This is a shame. And you know he's a Christian preacher. If it's a shame to him, you know what it is to me.


There's nothing in our book, the Quran -- you call it "Ko-ran" -- that teaches us to suffer peacefully. Our religion teaches us to be intelligent. Be peaceful, be courteous, obey the law, respect everyone; but if someone puts his hand on you, send him to the cemetery. That's a good religion. In fact, that's that old-time religion. That's the one that Ma and Pa used to talk about: an eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth, and a head for a head, and a life for a life: That's a good religion. And doesn't nobody resent that kind of religion being taught but a wolf, who intends to make you his meal.


This is the way it is with the white man in America. He's a wolf and you're sheep. Any time a shepherd, a pastor, teach you and me not to run from the white man and, at the same time, teach us not to fight the white man, he's a traitor to you and me. Don't lay down our life all by itself. No, preserve your life. it's the best thing you got. And if you got to give it up, let it be even-steven.


The slavemaster took Tom and dressed him well, and fed him well, and even gave him a little education -- a little education; gave him a long coat and a top hat and made all the other slaves look up to him. Then he used Tom to control them. The same strategy that was used in those days is used today, by the same white man. He takes a Negro, a so-called Negro, and make him prominent, build him up, publicize him, make him a celebrity. And then he becomes a spokesman for Negroes -- and a Negro leader.


I would like to just mention just one other thing else quickly, and that is the method that the white man uses, how the white man uses these "big guns," or Negro leaders, against the black revolution. They are not a part of the Negro revolution. They are used against the Negro revolution.


When Martin Luther King failed to desegregate Albany, Georgia, the civil-rights struggle in America reached its low point. King became bankrupt almost, as a leader. Plus, even financially, the Southern Christian Leadership Conference was in financial trouble; plus it was in trouble, period, with the people when they failed to desegregate Albany, Georgia. Other Negro civil-rights leaders of so-called national stature became fallen idols. As they became fallen idols, began to lose their prestige and influence, local Negro leaders began to stir up the masses. In Cambridge, Maryland, Gloria Richardson; in Danville, Virginia, and other parts of the country, local leaders began to stir up our people at the grassroots level. This was never done by these Negroes, whom you recognize, of national stature. They controlled you, but they never incited you or excited you. They controlled you; they contained you; they kept you on the plantation.


As soon as King failed in Birmingham, Negroes took to the streets. King got out and went out to California to a big rally and raised about -- I don't know how many thousands of dollars. [He] come to Detroit and had a march and raised some more thousands of dollars. And recall, right after that [Roy] Wilkins attacked King, accused King and the CORE [Congress Of Racial Equality] of starting trouble everywhere and then making the NAACP [National Association for the Advancement of Colored People] get them out of jail and spend a lot of money; and then they accused King and CORE of raising all the money and not paying it back. This happened; I've got it in documented evidence in the newspaper. Roy started attacking King, and King started attacking Roy, and Farmer started attacking both of them. And as these Negroes of national stature began to attack each other, they began to lose their control of the Negro masses.


And Negroes was out there in the streets. They was talking about [how] we was going to march on Washington. By the way, right at that time Birmingham had exploded, and the Negroes in Birmingham -- remember, they also exploded. They began to stab the crackers in the back and bust them up 'side their head -- yes, they did. That's when Kennedy sent in the troops, down in Birmingham. So, and right after that, Kennedy got on the television and said "this is a moral issue." That's when he said he was going to put out a civil-rights bill. And when he mentioned civil-rights bill and the Southern crackers started talking about [how] they were going to boycott or filibuster it, then the Negroes started talking -- about what? We're going to march on Washington, march on the Senate, march on the White House, march on the Congress, and tie it up, bring it to a halt; don't let the government proceed. They even said they was going out to the airport and lay down on the runway and don't let no airplanes land. I'm telling you what they said. That was revolution. That was revolution. That was the black revolution.


It was the grass roots out there in the street. [It] scared the white man to death, scared the white power structure in Washington, D. C. to death; I was there. When they found out that this black steamroller was going to come down on the capital, they called in Wilkins; they called in Randolph; they called in these national Negro leaders that you respect and told them, "Call it off." Kennedy said, "Look, you all letting this thing go too far." And Old Tom said, "Boss, I can't stop it, because I didn't start it." I'm telling you what they said. They said, "I'm not even in it, much less at the head of it." They said, "These Negroes are doing things on their own. They're running ahead of us." And that old shrewd fox, he said, "Well If you all aren't in it, I'll put you in it. I'll put you at the head of it. I'll endorse it. I'll welcome it. I'll help it. I'll join it."


A matter of hours went by. They had a meeting at the Carlyle Hotel in New York City. The Carlyle Hotel is owned by the Kennedy family; that's the hotel Kennedy spent the night at, two nights ago; [it] belongs to his family. A philanthropic society headed by a white man named Stephen Currier called all the top civil-rights leaders together at the Carlyle Hotel. And he told them that, "By you all fighting each other, you are destroying the civil-rights movement. And since you're fighting over money from white liberals, let us set up what is known as the Council for United Civil Rights Leadership. Let's form this council, and all the civil-rights organizations will belong to it, and we'll use it for fund-raising purposes." Let me show you how tricky the white man is. And as soon as they got it formed, they elected Whitney Young as the chairman, and who [do] you think became the co-chairman? Stephen Currier, the white man, a millionaire. Powell was talking about it down at the Cobo [Hall] today. This is what he was talking about. Powell knows it happened. Randolph knows it happened. Wilkins knows it happened. King knows it happened. Everyone of that so-called Big Six -- they know what happened.


Once they formed it, with the white man over it, he promised them and gave them $800,000 to split up between the Big Six; and told them that after the march was over they'd give them $700,000 more. A million and a half dollars -- split up between leaders that you've been following, going to jail for, crying crocodile tears for. And they're nothing but Frank James and Jesse James and the what-do-you-call-'em brothers.


[As] soon as they got the setup organized, the white man made available to them top public relations experts; opened the news media across the country at their disposal; and then they begin to project these Big Six as the leaders of the march.


Originally, they weren't even in the march. You was [sic ] talking this march talk on Hastings Street -- Is Hastings Street still here? -- on Hasting Street. You was talking the march talk on Lenox Avenue, and out on -- What you call it? -- Fillmore Street, and Central Avenue, and 32nd Street and 63rd Street. That's where the march talk was being talked. But the white man put the Big Six [at the] head of it; made them the march. They became the march. They took it over. And the first move they made after they took it over, they invited Walter Reuther, a white man; they invited a priest, a rabbi, and an old white preacher. Yes, an old white preacher. The same white element that put Kennedy in power -- labor, the Catholics, the Jews, and liberal Protestants; [the] same clique that put Kennedy in power, joined the march on Washington.


It's just like when you've got some coffee that's too black, which means it's too strong. What you do? You integrate it with cream; you make it weak. If you pour too much cream in, you won't even know you ever had coffee. It used to be hot, it becomes cool. It used to be strong, it becomes weak. It used to wake you up, now it'll put you to sleep. This is what they did with the march on Washington. They joined it. They didn't integrate it; they infiltrated it. They joined it, became a part of it, took it over. And as they took it over, it lost its militancy. They ceased to be angry. They ceased to be hot. They ceased to be uncompromising. Why, it even ceased to be a march. It became a picnic, a circus. Nothing but a circus, with clowns and all. You had one right here in Detroit -- I saw it on television -- with clowns leading it, white clowns and black clowns. I know you don't like what I'm saying, but I'm going to tell you anyway. 'Cause I can prove what I'm saying. If you think I'm telling you wrong, you bring me Martin Luther King and A. Philip Randolph and James Farmer and those other three, and see if they'll deny it over a microphone.


No, it was a sellout. It was a takeover. When James Baldwin came in from Paris, they wouldn't let him talk, 'cause they couldn't make him go by the script. Burt Lancaster read the speech that Baldwin was supposed to make; they wouldn't let Baldwin get up there, 'cause they know Baldwin's liable to say anything. They controlled it so tight -- they told those Negroes what time to hit town, how to come, where to stop, what signs to carry, what song to sing, what speech they could make, and what speech they couldn't make; and then told them to get out town by sundown. And everyone of those Toms was out of town by sundown. Now I know you don't like my saying this. But I can back it up. It was a circus, a performance that beat anything Hollywood could ever do, the performance of the year. Reuther and those other three devils should get a Academy Award for the best actors 'cause they acted like they really loved Negroes and fooled a whole lot of Negroes. And the six Negro leaders should get an award too, for the best supporting cast.


Monday, 24 July 2017

Opportunity Defined by Others


Life style is defined by others,

Opportunity Defined by Others

Role in society by others 


You don't have to be black to be a n*gger in this society

Most people in America are n*ggers







Malcolm explains the difference between separation and segregation.

Transcribed text from audio excerpt.
The black man that you're not familiar with is the one that we would like to point out now. He is a new type. He is the type that seldom the white man ever comes into contact with. And when you do come into contact with him you're shocked because you didn't know that this type of black man existed. And immediately you think, "Well here's one of those black supremacists or racists or extremists who believe in violence and all that other kind of..." Well, that's what they call it.

This new type of black man, he doesn't want integration; he wants separation. Not segregation, separation. To him, segregation, as we're taught by the Honorable Elijah Muhammad, means that which is forced upon inferiors by superiors. A segregated community is a Negro community. But the white community, though it's all white, is never called a segregated community. It's a separate community. In the white community, the white man controls the economy, his own economy, his own politics, his own everything. That's his community. But at the same time while the Negro lives in a separate community, it's a segregated community. Which means it's regulated from the outside by outsiders. The white man has all of the businesses in the Negro community. He runs the politics of the Negro community. He controls all the civic organizations in the Negro community. This is a segregated community.

We don't go for segregation. We go for separation. Separation is when you have your own. You control your own economy; you control your own politics; you control your own society; you control your own everything. You have yours and you control yours; we have ours and we control ours.

They don't call Chinatown in New York City or on the West Coast a segregated community, yet it's all Chinese. But the Chinese control it. Chinese voluntarily live there, they control it. They run it. They have their own schools. They control their own politics, control their own industry. And they don't feel like they're being made inferior because they have to live to themselves. They choose to live to themselves. They live there voluntarily. And they are doing for themselves in their community the same thing you do for yourself in your community. This makes them equal because they have what you have. But if they didn't have what you have, then they'd be controlled from your side; even though they would be on their side, they'd be controlled from your side by you.

So when we who follow the Honorable Elijah Muhammad say that we're for separation, it should be emphasized we're not for segregation; we're for separation. We want the same for ourselves as you have for yourselves. And when we get it, then it's possible to think more intelligently and to think in terms that are along peaceful lines. But a man who doesn't have what is his, he can never think always in terms that are along peaceful lines.

SOURCE: X, Malcolm. "The Race Problem." African Students Association and NAACP Campus Chapter. Michigan State University, East Lansing, Michigan. 23 January 1963.

Friday, 24 July 2015

Adlai E. Stevenson, B'nai Brith and the Assassination of Black Leaders

Adlai E. Stevenson chides some African delegates on race issues at the Security Council meeting on the Congo, 
December 14, 1964.

Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba

"On November 3, Mulroney arrived in the Congo. Eleven days later, a plan was finalized to lure Lumumba to Stanleyville. In a cable to CIA headquarters dated November 14, Devlin wrote that Lumumba's "escape" had been arranged. Addressed to Bronson Tweedy, the cable read in part: 

Political followers in Stanleyville desire that he [Lumumba] break out of his confinement and proceed to that city by car to engage in political activity. . . . Decision on breakout will probably be made shortly. Station expects to be advised by [CIA agent] of decision was [sic] made. .. . Station has several possible assets to use in event of breakout and studying several plans of action.       

Shortly before Thanksgiving, Lumumba was informed by a UN representative that his young daughter was on her deathbed. On the night of November 27, the Congolese revolutionary noticed that the house wasn't as heavily guarded as the night before. Desperate to see his "dying" daughter, Lumumba decided to "escape." He headed for Stanleyville, one of his strongholds before house arrest. Mobutu's forces had no trouble capturing him, since they knew he was coming, along with two of his top aides, Joseph Okito and Maurice Mpolo. On November 28, Henderson held another meeting with Tshombe, Munongo, Adoula, Kasavubu, and several other Congolese politicians in Elisabethville. 

According to Tshombe, "the question of Lumumba's liquidation" was finalized at this meeting. The conference was also attended by a Belgian mercenary known as "Colonel Huyghe," His CIA code name was "QJ/WIN." A career criminal, Huyghe had joined the "ZR/RIFLE" project years earlier. Huyghe hired three more mercenaries to help him execute Lumumba: William R. Brown of Great Britain, Belgian Colonel Julien Gat (Gat's CIA code name was "WI/ROGUE," an indicator of his notorious criminal background), and one "Captain Ruys." All but Brown were serving under Guy Weber in Katanga. 

On January 11, William Harvey, Mulroney's supervisor in the "dirty tricks" department, sent a memo to the CIA's accounting department requesting it to arrange payment to QJ/WIN. "QJ/WIN was sent on this trip for a specific, highly sensitive operational purpose which has been completed," Harvey's memo stated. On January 17, Lumumba and his two aides were en route by plane to a prison in Bakwanga, the capital city of one of the Congo's six provinces, when the assassination plan hit a snag. 

UN forces were at the improvised airport, so the plane carrying the prisoners couldn't land without unraveling the conspiracy. The flight was redirected to Elisabethville in Katanga, the province controlled by Tshombe and Kasavubu, who were on a plane with the British and Belgian mercenaries. During the flight, Lumumba was ruthlessly beaten by the mercenaries. 

Chemicals supplied by CIA scientist Gottlieb were applied to his face, making his facial hair fall off. After the plane landed in Elisabethville, Lumumba and his aides were taken to a safe house. 

While Lumumba's hands were still tied behind his back, Munongo plunged a bayonet into Lumumba's chest. Lumumba begged them to spare his life, which angered Huyghe. "Pray, you bastard!" Huyghe shouted. "You had no pity on women or children or nuns of your own faith, so pray!" Huyghe put the barrel of his gun against Lumumba's head and blew his brains out. Lumumba's two aides were also shot dead. 

After Lumumba was killed, Devlin placed the fallen leader's body in the trunk of his vehicle. The body was dumped into a vat of acid supplied by the CIA. Two days later, the CIA station in Katanga sent a cable to CIA headquarters in Langley which stated: 

THANKS FOR PATRICE. IF WE HAD KNOWN HE WAS COMING WE WOULD HAVE BAKED A SNAKE. 

In early April, Brown, one of the mercenaries, was captured by UN forces, at which time he tried to bargain for his freedom by confessing his role in the assassination of Lumumba. Based upon Brown's confession, Tshombe was placed under house arrest on April 26, pending a UN investigation. The UN commission, which issued its findings in November the same year, concluded that Lumumba's body would never be found. Three weeks after Lumumba's death, CIA agents in the Congo cabled the Langley headquarters to notify Dulles that Lumumba had been "liquidated." The February 10 cable from the CIA officer involved in the plot stated: "Lumumba's fate is best kept secret in Katanga." The assassination of Lumumba wasn't confirmed in the international press until a month later, on February 16, when the New York Times reported that Tanyug, the official Yugoslavian press agency, had run an article claiming that Belgian mercenaries played a role in Lumumba's assassination. On February 13, shortly before the story broke, Tshombe told reporters at his home in Katanga that he had notified the UN that he would refuse to deal with any commission investigating Lumumba's assassination. The reports confirming the murder evoked worldwide riots against symbols of the United States, France, Great Britain, and Belgium. Embassies were sacked in Egypt, Poland, France, Great Britain, Ghana, Iran, India, Moscow—practically everywhere. African Americans threw eggs at Belgian Embassy officials in Washington, and Nigerian students in Chicago staged a demonstration at the Belgian Consulate. 

But the strongest outcry against Lumumba's brutal murder affected the United Nations, where a violent demonstration occurred on February 14 amid rumors that Lumumba was dead. During a Security Council meeting that morning, about sixty demonstrators, most of them American black nationalists, burst into the room. 

Holding placards reading "Congo, Yes! Yankee, No!" the activists demanded the resignation of Secretary General Dag Hammarskjold for failing to protect Lumumba as the slain leader had requested. Among the leaders of the protest, which quickly turned violent, were James Lawson, president of the United African Nationalist Movement, Daniel Watts, president of the Liberation Committee for Africa, and Richard Gibson, president of the New York chapter of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee (FPCC). Another group of activists led a large crowd of demonstrators outside the United Nations Plaza. The group included Paul Robeson, Jr., Benjamin A. Davis of the Communist Party, USA, and Mustafa Bashir of the Muslim Brotherhood (a Harlem-based orthodox Islamic sect not, at least technically, restricted to blacks). One of the signs read "Murder Inc.: Hammarskjold, Ralph Bunche, Kasavubu, Tshombe, Mobutu." 

The scene inside the Security Council turned violent when police tried to expel the demonstrators, whom U.S. representative Adlai Stevenson described as Communists. No one was killed, fortunately, although there were a number of minor injuries."

Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.


It is claimed that the original intention was to kill first Malcolm and then Martin King in the same week in Feburary 1965 - you cannot kill the moderate until you take out the militant....


... so why is Adlai stalling here...?




Malcolm X. Shabbaz