Sunday, 5 October 2014
Maudsley
Richard the Lionheart and the Knights Templar
"The Arabian Peninsula has never -- since God made it flat, created its desert, and encircled it with seas -- been stormed by any forces like the crusader armies spreading in it like locusts, eating its riches and wiping out its plantations. All this is happening at a time in which nations are attacking Muslims like people fighting over a plate of food. In the light of the grave situation and the lack of support, we and you are obliged to discuss current events, and we should all agree on how to settle the matter."
Bertrand Russell and the Scientific Dictatorship
Saturday, 4 October 2014
The Million Man March - Esoteric Washington
Friday, 3 October 2014
Sept. 11th 1994
"Remember the guy who in 1994 crashed his plane onto the White House lawn? That was me trying to get an appointment to see President Clinton."
"Never once in his two-year tenure did CIA director James Woolsey ever have a one-on-one meeting with Clinton. Even semi-private meetings were rare. They only happened twice. Woolsey told me: "It wasn't that I had a bad relationship with the president. It just didn't exist."
Thursday, 2 October 2014
Syria and the ISIS Crisis - Effective Counterterrorism
Medea Benjamin: "We [also] heard a lot of people [in Afghanistan] say they didn't want more troops to be sent in and they wanted the U.S. to have a responsible exit strategy that included the training of Afghan troops, included being part of promoting a real reconciliation process and included economic development; that the United States shouldn't be allowed to just walk away from the problem. So that's really our position."
Foundation Cash Funds Antiwar Movement
By: Julia Duin
Washington Times | Thursday, April 03, 2003
The American antiwar movement is decked out with all the elements of the counterculture, but it is getting some very establishment funding.
In a few months, foundations and donors have kicked in millions of dollars to help antiwar groups stage demonstrations, take out expensive newspaper and TV ads, maintain Web sites, hire and pay staff, and lease office space in high-rent New York, Washington and San Francisco locales.
Most work under the umbrella of sympathetic "fiscal sponsors," groups with tax-exempt status that have also lent out staff and office space. For instance, Code Pink Women for Peace, a feminist movement known for its pink clothing and awarding of "pink slips," or pink lingerie, to legislators they deem pro-war, operates under the aegis of Global Exchange, a San Francisco organization with a $4.2 million budget.
Code Pink co-founder Medea Benjamin, a director for Global Exchange, says they are paying a bargain $400 a month for a cubicle office at 15th and H streets in the District. More space for Code Pink is on loan from two organizations down the hall, the National Organization for Women and the Institute for Policy Studies.
Code Pink has raised $70,000 to $80,000 in its four-month existence, mostly through its www.codepinkalert.org site and sales of Code Pink buttons and T-shirts, "which we can't keep in stock," she adds.
The Institute for Policy Studies, a left-wing think tank, has released a drumbeat of antiwar essays in recent months. The institute has a $2.2 million budget for 2003 provided by the Turner, Ford, MacArthur and Charles Stewart Mott foundations, among others.
The brunt of the peace funding, says institute director John Cavannagh, is being done by smaller foundations able to quickly shift funds from other programs.
"Individual peace groups have all gone out and raised funds," he says. "It's a lot of money, but I don't know how much. There's a pooling of resources between peace groups I've not seen before, which explains the large numbers of demonstrations and peace marches created."
For instance, the institute's 2002 foreign policy budget of $400,000, which includes antiwar activism, received $50,000 from the HKH Foundation, $50,000 from the Arca Foundation, $20,000 from the Samuel Rubin Foundation, $15,000 from the Solidago Foundation and $50,000 from the MacArthur Foundation.
18 U.S. Code § 871 - Threats against President and successors to the Presidency
Whoever knowingly and willfully deposits for conveyance in the mail or for a delivery from any post office or by any letter carrier any letter, paper, writing, print, missive, or document containing any threat to take the life of, to kidnap, or to inflict bodily harm upon the President of the United States, the President-elect, the Vice President or other officer next in the order of succession to the office of President of the United States, or the Vice President-elect, or knowingly and willfully otherwise makes any such threat against the President, President-elect, Vice President or other officer next in the order of succession to the office of President, or Vice President-elect, shall be fined under this title or imprisoned not more than five years, or both.
(b) The terms “President-elect” and “Vice President-elect” as used in this section shall mean such persons as are the apparent successful candidates for the offices of President and Vice President, respectively, as ascertained from the results of the general elections held to determine the electors of President and Vice President in accordance with title 3, United States Code, sections 1 and 2. The phrase “other officer next in the order of succession to the office of President” as used in this section shall mean the person next in the order of succession to act as President in accordance with title 3, United States Code, sections 19 and 20.
President Haig
"...unnamed sources had told him that Haig had been 'set up' by White House rivals. Bob quoted a Haig deputy as saying, 'There was a master plan to get rid of him.' Bob reported that the Haig associate named George Bush, James A.Baker, Michael Deaver and Richard Darman as the four White House insiders responsible for his ouster. The Haig ally, Bob wrote, believed that the General was ousted as a result of personality and policy differences with White House staff. He added that George Bush considered Haig a future rival for the Presidency and was "no friend."
NEW YORK — Former Secretary of State Alexander M. Haig Jr., charging that some of President Reagan's closest advisers had concentrated too much on bolstering the chief executive's popularity and not enough on the interest of the American people, announced Tuesday that he will be a candidate for the Republican presidential nomination.
"The issues in the 1988 campaign, I think, above all are leadership and competence for America," the 62-year-old former four-star general told a news conference here.
"There is no question that sophistication of statecraft in the modern world, the globalization of America, the emerging intimacy of our relationship with like-minded nations in political, economic and security affairs, demand a high level of experience in all of those fields. For that reason, as Mort Sahl said, I am going to throw my helmet in the ring."
Sahl, the stand-up comic who based his career on assaults on political figures, supports Haig.
"The President's pre-eminent task is to lead," Haig said. "To lead, a President must be a driven man, driven by the force of his conviction in the rightness of his cause. . . . To lead, a President must realize that his popularity is his greatest strength, yet also his greatest temptation. He cannot mistake his standing in the polls for the real quality of his policy."
Haig, whose 18 months as secretary of state under President Reagan were marked by disagreements and turbulence with some key White House staff members, charged that the men around Reagan have stressed "keeping polls high and popularity up" and have not shown enough interest "in substance and the best interest of the American people." Such political strategy, he charged, contributed to the budget deficit and "fiscal flabbiness."
Answering a question about whether his personality "is too wound up, too intense to make voters comfortable," Haig sought to soften the perception that he is thin-skinned and short-tempered.
Big Heart Inside
With a smile he told reporters that, "inside this exterior of militant, turf-conscious, excessively ambitious demeanor is a heart as big as all outdoors."
Speaking in the Waldorf-Astoria Hotel, Haig, the former chief of staff in the Richard M. Nixon White House during the final months of Watergate, admitted that his candidacy--his first for any public office--is a long shot.
Haig joins a crowded field of announced or potential Republican presidential contenders. He addressed a problem troubling all members of the field--the amount of proximity that they should show to the Reagan Administration, which has been shaken by disclosures over arms sales to Iran and the diversion of funds to the contras seeking to overthrow the government of Nicaragua.
Cites 'Differences'
"On some of the questions of Central America, I have differences with the Administration," he said. "I never supported the covert program, but now that we are there, I do support aid to the contras because the consequences of suddenly terminating the aid once we started it would be devastating."
He went on to say: "I think President Reagan's contribution to the renaissance of the American spirit which has characterized America in this decade of the '80s is an accomplishment of historic proportions. . . . "
At the same time, Haig drew a series of differences with the Administration. He asserted that greater emphasis should be placed on attacking narcotics in drug-producing countries. He said a more vigorous attack could be launched on the problems of the "rust belt" through greater use of tax incentives, global economic pressures, job retraining and changes in the antitrust laws. He called for an overhaul of the court system and the appointment of more judges to shorten the time between crime and trial.
Name Recognition
Haig, who briefly considered running for the presidency in 1980, brings to the race broad experience in domestic and foreign policy, name recognition and contacts with Republican leaders and the business community. Some polls, however, show him running a distant fifth among announced and potential contenders. Some polls show that he is known by as many as 80% of the voters, but that does not appear to translate into much support at this point.
Critics say the image he sought to soften Tuesday--of toughness and occasional arrogance--was clearly on display when President Reagan was shot six years ago. His statement from the White House that, "As of now, I am in control here," and his misstating of the order of presidential succession continued to cause Haig problems far after Reagan was well on the way to recovery.
"Certainly, I was guilty of a poor choice of words, and optimistic if I imagined that I would be forgiven the imprecision out of respect for the tragedy of the occasion," Haig wrote in "Caveat," the memoir of his months at the State Department. "My remark that I was 'in control . . . pending the return of the vice president' was a statement of the fact that I was the senior Cabinet officer present."
West Point Commandant
Haig, who was born in Philadelphia, was a student at the University of Notre Dame before being graduated from the U.S. Military Academy at West Point in 1947. Twenty years later, he returned to the academy as its commandant. He received an MA from Georgetown University in 1961.
During his long and varied career, he saw combat duty in Vietnam, became military assistant to the secretary of the Army and later military assistant to Henry A. Kissinger, Nixon's national security adviser. He headed preparations for the Nixon visit that opened relations with China and, with Kissinger, participated in the Vietnam peace negotiations.
After he served as White House chief of staff in the last days of the Nixon Administration, President Gerald R. Ford appointed him commander of NATO forces in Europe. While serving in that post, he escaped an assassination attempt in Belgium in June, 1979, when a bomb went off just after his car had passed.
Double-Bypass Surgery
In 1979, after retiring from the Army, he became president and chief operating officer of United Technologies Corp. in Hartford, Conn. A pre-employment physical in connection with a life insurance policy disclosed blockages in coronary arteries and in late March, 1980, Haig underwent double-bypass surgery.
During the last four years, he has headed his own consulting company, Worldwide Associates.
After his experience with press leaks against him as secretary of state, Haig wrote of Washington life in his memoirs: "The press is a peculiar, disembodied, melancholy creature driven by strange hungers, never happy with its triumphs, wanting always to be loved and incessantly suspecting that it is not. In this, of course, it closely resembles the politician."
Staff writer Paul Houston in Washington contributed to this story.
ALEXANDER MEIGS HAIG JR.
Born: Dec. 2, 1924, Philadelphia.
Parents: The late Alexander Meigs Haig, a lawyer, and the late Regina Anne Murphy Haig.
Education: BS, military science, U.S. Military Academy, 1947; MA, international relations, Georgetown University, 1961.
Professional career: U.S. Army, 1947-79 (made general 1973); special assistant to secretary of defense, 1964-65; field commander, Vietnam, 1966-67; deputy to President's national security adviser, 1969-73; Army vice chief of staff, 1973; White House chief of staff, 1973-74; supreme allied commander of NATO, 1974-79; president, United Technologies Corp., 1979-81; secretary of state, 1981-82; president, Worldwide Associates Inc. consulting firm, 1982-present.
Family: Wife, Patricia Antoinette Fox; daughter and two sons.
Religion: Roman Catholic.
Accomplishments: Battlefield decorations include Distinguished Service Cross, Silver Star with oak leaf cluster, Purple Heart. Member of President's commissions on MX missile and chemical warfare. Author of "Caveat: Reagan, Realism and Foreign Policy."
Positions:
For linking progress on strategic arms control to halt of Soviet intervention in Nicaragua, Afghanistan, Angola. For linking reductions of U.S. medium-range missiles in Europe to cuts in Soviet short-range missiles and joint agreements on chemical weapons and conventional forces. For line-item budget veto, against constitutional amendment to balance budget. For "Star Wars" missile-defense testing. For aid to Nicaraguan contras . Against federal funding of abortion, against constitutional amendment banning abortion. Against trade protectionism; for cutting deficit with economic summits, revised antitrust laws, restoration of investment tax credit.
Strengths: Extensive foreign policy experience. Self-assured. Knowledgeable. Careful planner. Strong platform presence. Wry wit.
Vulnerabilities: Abrasive hard-charger. Volatile. Pompous. Association with Henry A. Kissinger during detente with Soviets, Richard M. Nixon during Watergate, Gerald R. Ford during pardon of Nixon.