Monday, 15 June 2015

John Judge on Racism



John Judge: I'm real sorry that Dr. Nathan Hare wasn't able to be here with us. He was to have been another panelist. And I do recommend that people try to get in touch with his work. He was recommended to me as a speaker when I first started trying to form this panel from Washington, and work on the panelists, by Samuel Yette. I don't know if you know that name, but he wrote a very interesting book back in the '70s called The Choice: The Question of Black Survival in America. Dr. Hare's specialty is reproductive control and racism, especially in terms of the Black community, the Black family, but also in general, and internationally. And the main issues we've touched on through the questions here, and what's been said so far, I think he has very specific knowledge. Among his recent works are Bringing the Black Boy to Manhood, and Endangering the Black Family. He and his wife are working on a new book, he told me, called The Crisis in Black Sexual Politics. So those are some works of Nathan Hare I'm sorry we didn't get a chance to hear him.

Racism, like any other ism, is first a set of beliefs. Racism asserts that a group, within the human community, can be distinguished, and isolated out, on the basis of skin color, and deemed inferior. And because of this assumption of, and ability to assert, inferiority, then other assertions follow. The right to exploit labor. The right to deny privileges. The right to deny full social participation. The right to disenfranchise from social opportunities, or even survival. The right to exploit and control sexuality and birth. And the right to do violence and murder.

This is not so much a question of personal beliefs, at this point in this society, as it is an ingrained social system. The privilege of White skin is established in all areas of life. Ann Braden in a recent article defined racism as "a society run by Whites, for Whites, in the American context." This is prejudice plus power. Racism is the dominant culture, and this privilege is the equivalent of violence.

I am a racist. I am raised in a racist culture. I think that most White people refuse to deal with their racism, feeling that it's enough for them to claim that they are not personally racist. But this position takes no responsibility for changing the culture or the institutions that perpetuate the racism, institutionalize it. It does nothing to end privilege. Participating day in and day out in our lives, in that privilege is racist, unless we act to end it.

I am also anti-racist. No easy task. To become anti-racist we must be aware of our own racism and contradictions. Hard work. And subtle. But we also must act to change that system of racist privilege. That starts in the home, in our personal life, in our neighborhood, but it has to go further. It has to include; our families, the organizations that we are part of, the work places where we are, the churches that we belong to, the politics and priorities that we have.


And I think we have to take responsibility to challenge that racism with other Whites. That's not the responsibility of the victims alone, to end their oppression. This is not a Black problem, or a Native American problem, or an Asian problem. I think that those being oppressed are in the best position to define their oppression, but that doesn't make them experts in some sense that they are the only ones who can, or need, to talk about racism. Whites need to talk about racism now, and stop playing dumb, and stop playing helpless. One poll I remember, of people living in Baltimore, revealed that 100% of the Whites there claimed that they were not racist but all their neighbors were. [laughter] That's the kind of denial that serves to perpetuate privilege.

The effects of that racism are deadly. Institutionalized racism becomes more apparent every day. The gains that were made by the Civil Rights movements in the 50s and 60s are being eroded. There's a constant pressure of racism in every aspect of the society that's leading, in it's result, if not it's intent, to genocide. If you consider the separate, supposed, problems I'm about to talk about, as a whole, I think you can see that: tremendous cuts in social services; the primary effect of the militarization and the wars that we've talked about; drugs, and deaths related to drugs and drug murders; military service itself, sort of paid suicidal duty; war death and maiming from that; also unemployment, and suicide itself; unsafe jobs; non-union shops; constantly low pay; poor health care; pregnancy problems and a high infant mortality rate; crime and prisons; prison life and prison death, the violence in those societies turned inward as an encouragement by the system; ongoing attacks by the police; KKK attacks and the growth of KKK and the right wing in this period, open racism; the rapes, the lynchings that continue right to this day; the murders, the cases going on in New York and in Atlanta; the disproportionate amount of Blacks that are affected by AIDS and other diseases, and the same for other People of Color; who gets health care or support; who has survival privilege; the population control policies, and where the information and the things are focused; like the zero growth movement that talks about not having to bother organizing Whites because they have a lower per capita birth rate, they have less babies, so to really make the population problem (as it's called) end, you have to go after other people's birth rates; the youth who, under the age of 18, in Black and other non-White communities, have probably the largest percent of unemployment and suicide rates; the destruction of the family itself, and the cohesiveness of any community structure from all these effects; the targeting of Black leadership and other leadership in the communities and political organization, and the threats to that leadership; and then the secret plans that exist for round-up of these populations into camps, and the concurrent genocide.

I think it's important to note that the two people who devised the massive round-up plans for Central American refugees here, in case of a US intervention into Central America, were Oliver North in the Pentagon, and a Mr. Louis Guiffreda from the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA). Guiffreda himself had earlier drafted a plan for Black Americans at the Army War College, in 1970. And his assistant in the FEMA Mobilization Planning Office has currently gotten a job as the Director of the Selective Service System. All draft and intervention planning at this point, is based on massive mobilization scenarios, worked out, in part, by Oliver North himself, like this "Rex 84" round-up plan, to take hundreds of thousands of Central American refugees into concentration centers here in the United States.

But this is really older plans that go back in our history. We didn't have to wait for Nazi Germany to find out what a concentration camp was. We didn't have to wait for them to find out what genocide was. We had functioned by it. The technology changed, but not the purpose. And I think there have been some critical things that have happened, that point the way to how this particular horror is carrying itself out.

One of those is the COINTELPRO and CHAOS programs from the 60s, that targeted Black leadership, and wanted to get rid of what they called "Black messiahs." Or any chance for people of color to have leadership in their own communities that could go some place. And these weren't just idle plans. They were plans that were talked about and worked out at a very detailed level. The recent murders there in Atlanta, the children. And all the ridiculousness of taking this guy Wayne Williams, and even the parents knew that the murders continued after he was arrested. And hints about whether they were doing experimentation on the bodies. And information that KKK families had been involved in at least some of them. But way too many murders to be explained by one person. And an ongoing number of them.

And, I think another thing we haven't looked at closely enough, is the situation in Cameroon, where all this gas supposedly came up off of a lake. It was waiting, somehow, in a bubble at the bottom of the lake, you know, against the laws of physics, for it's chance to come up. With poison gas. First they said volcanic gas. Then they admitted no volcano. Now the world scientific community meets by the hundreds, and they can't figure out what happened there. Supposedly this gas came up off of a lake naturally. People in the area heard explosions. And the gas came up and just kills everybody, literally, for a ten mile area, or radius around the area. It's just tremendous. Everybody's dead. It's not gas, like raises with the wind, or pockets some place else, or goes here, you know like gas will. And it's a gas that's not lethal by itself, carbon dioxide, unless you're in a situation where you can't get any oxygen. And yet they say that this gas came out and murdered all these people.

But I was suspicious from the beginning of it because it looked like yet another mass death situation involving People of Color. I looked into it a little further and the investigators were the same old crew that I always see: the Center for Disease Control went, with the US Army Pathology Division. They're over there in these planes; some doctors from Israel went, and they got on the plane with Peres before the incident was known to the government in Cameroon. If you take a look at the timing, they got on to go over there to look into an incident that, at least by all official accounts, the government didn't know anything of. They leave Thursday night, and Friday morning they get the report.

And, although they were coming there (Peres and the others from Israel) to reestablish diplomatic relations that had been broken off for two years, the situation in secret was that the Cameroon military was being trained by the Israeli troops.

And, what Mae Brussell suggests is that they tested a neutron bomb. One of the reasons Vannunu was put in prison, for speaking out about the nuclear capability in Israel, was that he mentioned the neutron capability. And he's been hushed up. He's in jail, no one can get to him, there's no public recourse. Because he spoke out about what was happening there.

Not to say they developed it on their own. Probably given it by US for that testing. But in any case it was those Israeli-trained troops that then went up into the area and got there first, and did what? They did a mass burial of all the bodies, with no autopsies. Also reminiscent of earlier situations. No one is allowed back in that area to this day by the government.

There were people living up there. It's right on the border of Chad. It would not surprise me if a major development corporation goes in there fairly soon, and that there's something there. But they felt they couldn't manipulate that indigenous population to labor to get out of there, and so they just wiped them out. So they think either you control them or you move them . . . relocate them like what Richard is talking about . . . or you kill them. That's the scenario when they're ready to go for broke. And so it's an expendable population. They were outside the government control, they were living some distance off from communications. A lot of them lived communally. They had a little different society than what was down in the cities and the concentrated populations. I think they were just a group that they felt they couldn't control and so a good target population to do this. Whether it was a chemical or biological weapon, or in fact, a neutron bomb, is hard to say without the evidence. But it wasn't what the government says it is.

The same situation with all those deaths in Bhopol. With the "accidental" spill of the gas there. I mean, how much is accident, and how much is to try to see both what will kill people and secondly what will our response be? Will our continued response to mass murders of People of Color around the world be silence? Be indifference? Be not taking the time to try to even find out what happened? Or will it instead be, a response that we would have, had that been a population that we belonged to? It's the difference between Jackson State and Kent State. I mean, it's whether or not we're a human community, and whether or not all of our lives matter. This system doesn't want us to think so. This decision with Goetz, for instance, is I think, an almost open season ruling. The guy on the New York subway that was supposedly approached by these kids, and got scared, and pulls out a gun and instead of just threatening them, starts to shoot them down. And is applauded openly by the racists and the right wing. Or the violence at Howard Beach. Or against this young woman now, up in New York.

These round-up lists that they have date back into the 50s. The McCarren Act, during the McCarthy period, allowed formally, for Federal institutions, prisons and other Japanese relocation camps from WWII. It's interesting also, I mentioned to Richard yesterday, that they guy who directed one of the worst concentration camps for the Japanese, was rewarded by being given the job as the Director of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, afterwards. See, because the pattern follows. And it's not just one group. These are techniques that you can figure out how they work.

But I've talked to GI's who've seen the round-up plans down to the neighborhood level. The isolation of people in certain parts of the community without access to the interstate highways. How certain things like gas, electricity or water can be cut off. And that's thought through on a military level. And people are forced economically and otherwise into these areas that are easy to control, easy to surround. Once we go into a martial law situation, the interstate highways become military controlled roads, with no civilian access. They will be guarded.

At the time of Kent State, I talked to Guardsmen who were setting up the water and the gas and the food, for these prison centers. And were ready to round-up, had people instead of being scared by Kent State, and backing off, had students gone into the street (we were in the middle of a nationwide strike on the campuses against Cambodian involvement) had they reacted the other way and gotten angry, the Government was ready to round them up. With the National Guard. And they had eighteen camps open. They have thirty six camps, constantly maintained now that we know about. Those things exist.

It's not impossible for them, by manipulating weather, by manipulating heat from outer space, to create droughts or famine in certain areas. And quite often those areas, after the people move out or die, are then developed. And miraculously recover. The water table comes back up. You know, and then they're a profit to the system. To the corporations and to the system that wanted to move them out.

I think another recent example that we should have had more reaction to, was the Move situation in Philadelphia. And now yet another "explosive device" has been used in Maryland. In October, in a Black community there. You remember "explosive device"? That's a police name for a police bomb. You know, a bomb dropped on a house, and a whole neighborhood burned down. People repeatedly asked the firemen to turn on the hoses, and they refused. And the only excuse given, "Oh," they said, "The people in the Move house would shoot at them, if they went out there and ran the hoses." I mean, these weren't things that you just have to stand there and hold the hose 15 feet from the house. It's all the way across the street. But they wanted the area to burn down.

And I looked into the background of the police that did it, and they were the same police that attacked the other Move house and razed it to the ground in l978. The old Rizzo cop team. They just waited until they got Green, the Mayor, out of town for a little bit, and then they went in. They went for broke.

And it was a military operation. I talked to people who knew that they were testing the helicopter and dropping the bomb on a little house down at the Army bases in New Jersey. Till they got it perfected, so they could drop it right in. Also, the Move attack represents, clearly, the militarization of police. You remember when they shot Mark Clark and Fred Hampton, one of the ways we found out what happened was that people went in the house and they put these ballistic rods through the rooms, and they figured out that 400 police bullets went in and 2 bullets went out. OK? Well, after the Move shootout, within 48 hours, a special police demolition team . . . have you ever heard of one of them? Do you have one out here in San Francisco? A police demolition team razed the house to the ground. So that there was no evidence to work with. Now that's Fascism. I mean, attack is one thing. But the Fascism is where all the evidence is destroyed.

At Jackson State, after they calmed down and stopped shooting for a few minutes, the next thing they did was to start to remove all the wall panels where there were bullet holes. All over the buildings. And the outside walls. So that they couldn't find any evidence. And everybody was picking up shells. The only way they finally got any evidence in, was that a State Trooper got mad, and didn't want the State Troopers to be blamed for all of it, so he gave them some shells, he gave the investigators some shells from the local police. So that they wouldn't get blamed. Otherwise they had all been picked up and the incident had been denied. So what, you got 6 people shot?

And, because we don't look, and because we're silent, I think that they they feel they can go on with this. These experiments we talked about, the syphilis experiments? They also tested lactose gas, because they know that a number of Black people have trouble digesting dairy products. And so they wanted to find out: what are they reacting to? can we gasify it? and can we concentrate it enough to make it lethal? And then, in their dream world, they're going to kill only Blacks. But they don't understand, that they can't get these things to kill just one group of people; and that the groups of people just aren't that different. They'd like to believe that they're that different. They'd like to believe that there's some sort of pure White genetic strain in the United States. But, the reality is, that the people just aren't that different.

They studied blood types, from the 50s on, extensive studies, of blood types. They tried to determine, ethnic differences, genetic differences in blood. So I think it's very interesting that AIDS, somehow, is a blood disease. Because this is exactly the area they looked at for racially and ethnically-oriented chemical/biological warfare.

Now they want to do some kind of early detection of sickle cell babies and abort them, once they find them. Well, sickle cell isn't always fatal. The abortion will be.

So it's not by choice except by choice of the state which babies they want born and which ones not. Which was eventually the point they came to between the wars. They had mass sterilization in Nazi Germany, but it started here in Indiana in l926. And it spread to over 30 states. So it was automatic that people with certain mental illnesses, and so-called retardation, which is often just the racist effects of the IQ test, and the tracking in the schools, that gets you into this retarded category. But those people aren't going to be allowed to have babies, because they have to "protect the gene pool."

We talked a little bit before about Grenada. Grenada's a pretty telling example (Nicaragua's yet another one, El Salvador too) of the fact that they don't want indigenous communities to have control over their own lives, over their own resources, over their own politics.

That's all they mean when they talk about "Democracy" and "Communism." Those words don't mean anything to this system. "Democracy" means we can control them, "Communism" means we can't. [laughter] That's what they mean. When the people come up to you and they say, "We want democracy and blah blah blah," they mean, "We want to be able to go in with the corporations, exploit the labor, steal the resources. Anybody against that, then that's what Communism is." That's all we're talking about. They have you believing it's some kind of great difference in systems.

Well, it is a great difference when people control their own lives; when people take back the power to make decisions about what happens to them. It's a revolutionary difference. They want us to believe that those societies where people try to do that are "Communist," and they do their damnedest to isolate them economically and break their back, and they then say, "See, it doesn't work," to you. But the reality is, that even if what's being adopted on the face of it is these societies "calling" themselves "Communist," it doesn't matter. It's not the rhetoric that matters, it's the control level that matters. Who is in charge? That's what you have to look at.

But in the Grenada thing, their going after this New Jewel movement, in the independent Black community there, and trying to crush it because they don't want it to be an example in Caribbean region. Then they set up this phoney Organization of Eastern Caribbean States under a Kissinger protege, who had headed up NATO and the Allied Intelligence in Europe, and he worked in there, and he comes in, and then we claim that we were invited by six Caribbean countries to go in and invade another Caribbean country. I mean it would be like if six of you wanted to go out back right now and beat the shit out of somebody. And you invited me along, and when the police came, I said, "I was just invited by the other six." [laughter] "You got no charge against me." What does it mean to be invited by countries to invade other countries? Some kind of neutral position?.

This little country, they're no threat to anybody. They're putting in an airport so they can deliver their spice, and we're supposed to believe, like, the minute there's an airport anywhere within an thousand miles south of us, the Soviet Union has already taken us over. So it's only purpose could have been to land big Soviet military planes, and what? Launch the invasion of the United States from Grenada? I mean, how many Soviets could fit there? [laughter] Maybe enough to take over Newark. The joke on the East coast was, "Why didn't Reagan invade Rhode Island?" It's too big! [loud laughter and applause]

But on the field, they tried to use their best Black troops, the 101st and 82nd Airborne. The traditional front line troops. But these are predominantly Black units.


Audience Member: Why?


John Judge: Why are they predominantly Black? There's a series of reasons for that. There's a predominance, first, of Blacks who go into the military in the first place, under economic impressment in the poverty draft. There's a large number of People of Color, Hispanics and Blacks, disproportionate to their general representation in the population. Secondly, there's a concentration of those people just by the tests that they do in the military are racist. They have these skills tests, called ASVAB and they route all the Black and Third World people into the dead end jobs and a lot of them into infantry. But also, I think there's a cultural matter that, within the Black community, with the few outlets that there are for somebody to sort of make something of themselves, or come to manhood, prove themselves, the military has, since the integration in WWII, been a way, for certain Blacks, to get a certain amount of prestige for themselves, to prove themselves, you know, as people, as men or women, to show that they could do something. It's a chance sometimes for somebody to advance, not many but a certain percentage do well, or at least become NCO's in the military, and can make a career out of it. And it used to be, it's much worse now, but it used to be a way to get housing afterwards, like the GI Bills, get education thought a lot of that's been stripped, away now. So there were those reasons, and the idea of sort of, the proving the manhood, I think is a piece of it, of like, being the toughest of the troops. And being the ones who can go out there. But, they knew, since Vietnam, that it was also those troops, Black and Third World troops, who were the ones that led the struggle in the field, to stop the war. Because they were the quickest to get the point, that they were going out killing people on behalf of a country, that wasn't treating them much better than the people they were attacking. And they could see that those people were living in about the same relation, with some economic differences, you know, but about the same relation they were living back home. So why go fight this war against those People of Color, on behalf of a society that wasn't going do deal with them when they came back, anyway, and never had.

The very first march against Vietnam came out of Harlem. Down into New York, and the signs were: No Vietnamese Ever Called Me Nigger. [Applause] That was the organizing point. And that slogan, you remember, "Hell no, we won't go," that was SNCC, the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee. That was their organizing slogan. All the first Vietnam stuff came out of the Black community, and they know that. And they were afraid of it because it was effective in the field. And the Blacks could organize much quicker than Whites. Whites have to build a coffee house, and have a newspaper for ten months. Over night, the Blacks could see what's coming down, and this happened, and bam! you've got an organized thing. Because they're a little more used to getting messed with so they have a little more natural response to understanding the oppression.

And then there were very bad racial situations everywhere that the Blacks were, and still, in the military, and Klan organizing and all that stuff. In any case, they were afraid, since Vietnam, and they still are, of how these troops were going to perform. And they were very wary of Grenada, because here they were sending Black troops into an English-speaking Black country, that they would refuse. And they did, they refused. We helped Corporal Al Griffin, who said "I'm not going to shoot Blacks in Grenada, I'm not going to shoot Moslems in Lebanon." He wouldn't go either place, and he was a model Marine, he'd been in the White House. And they court marshaled him. We helped to try to get him legal defense. And we talked to a lot of AWOL's coming back. And many of those units refused to fight there.

One of the things that happened out of that, is that part of the 101st, which was, again, a largely Black unit, was moved out of the situation in Lebanon. Eventually some of the ones that went to Grenada then went overseas there (they were sending the units both ways) and they flew out of there in this plane. Aero Air, was the company. It was a commercial carrier, and the plane was no good. It was bottoming out every time it tried to take off, and it did that twice, and then it crashed in Newfoundland. And you had this, about 180, if my memory's right on the figure, predominantly Black, 140? [in response to a correction offered by a member of the audience] anyway, it was a lot of people died in this crash, I don't remember the exact number, but it was quite a few, and predominantly Black troops.

At the same time, I was reading Army Times, and right after Grenada, all of the planning for the Rapid Deployment Force, (which was this idea of, taking a force, like quick as they could, somewhere in the world.) they dropped the 82nd and 101st from all the future planning for the RDF. And they went to the White division concept, and they made up these new ten thousand person divisions. In the interim they were going to use the 191st out of Dyess Air Force Base, which is a 90% White unit. And then, when I looked at the pictures of the new guys coming out of Campbell to fill up the 101st, they were almost all White, in the training units. So they wanted to change the race composition after Grenada



John Judge on Jonestown

http://www.transbay.net/~nessie/Pages/genocide.html 

(snip) 

"The situation that I found when I looked into Jonestown, is the last thing that I just want to touch on, and one of the worst. Jones grew up in Southern Indiana, in a Klan family. His father was KKK. He grew up in a racist environment. He was not an anti-racist. He was a phoney bible-thumper preacher, fake healer, from the time he was fairly young. And he was friends, back there in Indiana, for a long time, family friends and otherwise, with an older kid, who eventually moved into a position in the police department in Indianapolis when Jones went up and did his tent healing shows in Indianapolis. And in the Sheriff's office this guy was there, his friend. And usually, you do those tent healings, and you start ripping people off, and you can get chased out of town by the law, pretty quick. But he had police cover. I think from his friend. And his friend's name was Dan Mitrione. 

Now Dan Mitrione went on to the International Police Academy, and then he was moved to Brazil to work with USAID funding, to do torture training, taking the old Nazi torture methods from WWII, and training the secret police in Central America. And one of the first places he did that was down in Brazil. And he was out of Minas Gerais, and it was during those years that a Green Beret, part of the Operation Phoenix program, and the killing in Vietnam, the genocide there, named Charles Beekman, came into Jones' temple, and his wife, back there in Indiana, and Jones suddenly had this idea that he ought to go to Brazil. And he took his family, and Beekman, and went down to Brazil, and he lived in a house down there, and the neighbors said that the cars that would come and drive him around and deliver his groceries, were from the US embassy. While he lived in Brazil. And he told the neighbors that he was working for Naval Intelligence, while he was down there. And his son, in one interview I found, said that he spent a lot of time going out to Minas Gerais and visiting with Mitrione at the CIA headquarters out there. 

Then he suddenly had a hundred thousand dollars and he came back to the United States. He told his followers that he had slept with the Ambassador's wife, and she had paid him that much for the sex. [laughter] So, I mean, you can make what you want of that story. But he came back, and he moved out to Ukiah, California, and he set up this Happy Havens Rest Home, and he didn't have a license, he didn't have a medical degree. But suddenly he got 150 children as wards of the court. He got elderly out of the homes. He got psychiatric inmates out of the institutions. He got people coming in there out of all different institutional settings. They were handed over into his care. 

I have pictures of the place: it has barbed wire, it had an electric fence, it has armed guards in black boots and black uniforms guarding the perimeters. These people were taken in there, to so-called Happy Havens Rest Home, and they began the pressure and experimentation there. 

It was during that period that the top lieutenants moved in: the Layton family, and the Blakeys eventually were to come, and Terry Buford. Now, these people were not people off the street, who just wandered in, messed up, looking for some kind of a religious ecstasy. 

Larry Layton is from an aristocratic family. His father, who was a professor, out in Pennsylvania, in the 50s, although he claimed to be a Quaker, he was appointed Head of all chemical and biological warfare research, for l956 up into the mid-60s, at Dugway Proving Grounds, in Utah. Which was also one of the places that all this radiation was blowing across, and Larry Layton's mother died of cancer, I believe from that radiation, years later, down in Jonestown. His mother, was from Germany. Her initial claim when she came and met him, was that she was a Methodist. She always told the children she was a Methodist, and then they became Quakers. But after Jonestown, she told the children a completely different story, and said that she had been a Jewish girl who had run from the Nazis, but that she didn't want to bring that up to the children. In hiding her Jewishness and hiding her escape from the Nazis. And that her parents had been on a train on the way to a death camp, but they had gotten ill on the train, so the train stopped and they were taken off, and saved by other people. [laughter] 

Now these are the stories that she was telling in the New York Times. I mean, huh!?! 

Her father, Hugo Phillips, was a stockbroker for Interessen Gemeinschaft Farben, IG Farben, the huge Nazi dye and drug cartel, that brought Hitler to power. 

Terry Buford's father was the head of Naval Intelligence at the fleet in Philadelphia, for many, many years. 

Blakey, married into the family. Debbie Layton married George Blakey when the family sent her to be educated at an upper class school in England. His parents are major investors and stockholders in Solvay Drugs which is the largest pharmaceutical subsidiary of Interessen Gemeinschaft Farben, IG Farben. 

So they came from Nazi money. They came from aristocratic wealth. They weren't from nowhere. 

Timothy Stone and his wife Grace: He was from the Justice Department. He was well placed here in San Francisco. And while Jones was in Ukiah, his best friend was Walter Headley, the head of the John Birch Society there. And he was using people in his encampment to write letters in favor of Nixon going into office, and had been right wing all along. 

Suddenly, when it was time to bring him into San Francisco, he changed the tune, and came in here as a liberal. In a political vacuum, and used the techniques that he had studied under Father Divine, a Black charismatic religious leader in Philadelphia (the techniques that I just mean in terms of the recruiting and the preaching) in order to bring people into the church here and make it seem as though it were progressive or liberal. To compromise the liberal community here, who would support him. 

But still, the vast majority of people coming to him were not, again, converts, but people who he got because Mayor Moscone put him in charge of the Housing Authority and appointed many of his people into jobs in the Welfare rolls. And it was off of those rolls, of the indigenous Black community, that they made up the bulk of the People's Temple. 

When he began to be exposed here, he took those people and put them in buses, he stuffed the children into the luggage racks, underneath. He drove all the way to Florida, he got on Pan Am planes, and there's a whole other history of who Pan Am is (but it's the same money and the same people that are involved in these other assassinations and things) and the Pan Am plane landed in Guyana. And I talked to the air traffic controller there, who was present at the time, and he told me every Black that came off the plane was bound and gagged. He told me that people who lived as close as 5 miles away, and I've gotten this from other sources, in the bush, did not know that there was a single Black living at Matthew's Ridge in Guyana. All they had ever seen were the Whites. Because the Whites were the only ones allowed in and out of the camp, allowed to have money; allowed to carry a gun; allowed to go into the city. 

In the city they were paying off Black and Indian women to sell their babies. Which they were taking back to the camp. And all of these people were being experimented on by Dr. Lawrence Schacht, the camp doctor, and a crew of about 40 nurses. For a population of about 1200 people, 40 nurses. And he was infamous for participating in the torture, for doing suturing without anesthetic. I believe that he is none other than the grandson of Hjalmar Schacht, the Reichminister of Economics, who moved to Houston Texas where Larry Schacht's family is from, at the end of the war. And it was Hjalmar Schacht who invented the slogan, over the gate at Auschwitz: Arbeit Macht Frei, "Work will make you free." That's the family that I think Schacht is from, and carrying on the tradition. 

The people there knew that this was a slave labor camp, a concentration camp. They were drugged day in and day out. There were enough drugs found on site, after the massacre, to drug the entire population of Georgetown, Guyana, a city of over l00000 people, for more than a year. Being used on a population of 1200 people. In one foot locker alone, there were ll,000 doses of Thorazine. The other drugs that were named on the site were the exact drugs that I have been following all through my research of CIA MK/ULTRA and MK/DELTA and MK/NAOMI. They were the mind control drugs. 

They had the drugs, they worked them 16-18 hours a day, they fed them poorly, they disoriented them, they kept them up all night yelling at them with lectures, lack of sleep, classic conditioning techniques. 

They also abused them physically: they had sensory deprivation cells, live burials, wells for the children, electric prods to torture them with, public rape, sexual humiliation in public, and any combination of techniques they could think of. 

They kept extensive notes. All those notes disappeared. I believe Schacht disappeared. His name wasn't in the first list of the dead; it only showed up later in the second list. 

There were, by all accounts, 1100-1200 people there. Original press report: 400 dead, 700 flee into the woods. Evaluation of the number of people there: 800 adults with passports, 300 children. These add to 1100. How many dead in the final count? 915 How many official survivors returned to the United States? 16. Where are the rest? Who were they? 

They were the trained guards. The sadistic torturers. The programmed killers. The ones who came to Port Kaituma and were described as acting mechanically, moving without emotion in their face, picking certain people to kill, not bothering with others; zombies was the word used to describe them. Programmed killers. Mind controlled killers. 

Phillip Blakey was putting them on boats and shipping them to Angola, for use by Joseph Savimibi in the CIA-controlled UNITA forces, as mercenaries. Afterwards, they moved to the Honduran camps of the Contras, and for mercenary work in Central America. 

The main leadership (Blakey, Stephen Jones, the son of Jim Jones, the people that were at the top, the White lieutenants), went to Trinidad briefly, stopped off in Panama and drained a Swiss bank account under the name Associacion Religioso do San Pedro, the Religious Association of Saint Peter, which I believe was one of the Vatican money front companies for Roberto Calvi, in the Panama shell companies. In a bank account there, under that name, took 5,000,000 dollars out of it, and went where? Where did they set up shop? 

Grenada. Who did they work with? Dr. Peter Borne and Sir Jeffrey Borne, the two MK/ULTRA experts from the Vietnam period. Who tested methadone in Vietnam. Who worked at the Yerkes Primate Research Center on monkeys. Who know the drugs and the techniques. Dr. Peter Borne was responsible for setting up the the methadone programs in the Black communities all over the United States. He finally got chased out of the Carter White House, briefly, because of a drug scandal. 

They were the ones that set up the medical school. They were the ones that set up the hospitals there. And the mental hospital, which was the only building bombed in Grenada. And I have the Air Force magazine reports bragging about the accuracy. It wasn't a mistake. It was the only building bombed. They even talked about pumping 40,000,000 dollars back in there to build a new one. 

And what happened to the bodies? Mass burial. Within 48 hours. No autopsies. That was the continuation of Jonestown, up in that area. 

When Dr. Mootoo came on site and found the bodies, he found 408, the vast majority, 80-90%, with a fresh needle mark on the back of their arms, without a single sign of cyanide pathology, with no hint of suicide, in neat rows, face down, calm and dead. The remainder he found were either strangled or shot. 

Over the next 5-6 days, the count went up, until it reached 915. In order to explain it ending up with 915, the Army said the Guyanese couldn't count. They said there were bodies on top of bodies. They said that families fell in piles together. Their final explanation, all those failing, was that they had forgotten to go to the back of the pavilion for 6 days, and they found 500 bodies there. 

The reason the body count went up, is that 700 did flee into the woods, but they were surrounded. They were surrounded by British Black Watch troops, the equivalent of our Green Berets, on maneuvers at Matthew's Ridge those days. They were surrounded by about 200 American Green Berets, who were not doing the body clean up, but creating the bodies. And they were surrounded by Guyanese troops, about 350 strong, that had been trained under the auspices of Dan Mitrione. 

They were murdered. They were dragged back to the camp. You can see the drag marks. You can see the shot marks on the bodies. And then they were left to rot. They were stripped of all medical tags (you can see them in the early photos because they were under experimentation) under the orders of who? Robert Pastor; taking his orders from Alexander Haig; taking his orders from Zbigniew Brzezinski in the Carter administration. 

Stripped the bodies of all identification. Even the little tags that Dr. Mootoo put on, with the help of Odell Rhodes were taken off, and then let them rot for 6 days in the sun. They claimed you can't bring more than 43 bodies back in these huge C-5 Starlifters. They dragged them off to the other end of the country to a military mortuary. 

They got an open letter, from the American College of Medical Examiners to the US Army, criticizing them because they could have done fluid autopsy on the site. Dr. Mootoo asked for help. The US Pathology Institute people, and the CDC people arrived without any autopsy equipment, or chemicals. To the mass "suicide site" of Jonestown. 

They didn't want an autopsy done. They didn't want us to know what drugs were in the bodies. They didn't want us to identify who they were and who they weren't. They wanted them dead and finished with. They murdered all of them. They came on television and told us the racist lie that Black parents squirted poison in their kids' mouths. And instead of rising up and saying, "What the hell happened there?" for the most part, we were silent. 

But we can turn these things around, if we will look at them. If we'll just use simple arithmetic, would tell you, that if you start with 408 bodies, and end up with 915, the 408 have a lot of covering to do, don't they? Especially if a third of them are children. 

These things are obvious if you will look. If you will just have the idea in your mind, that this government is killing people. It's doing genocide right now. It's doing it with your tax money. And in your name. And if you don't understand how the Germans could have let that happen, go home and think about it. "

[stunned silence followed by loud applause]  


(snip)

Sunday, 14 June 2015

From the End of the War to Stalin’s Death

“the cooling of relations [with Israel] was mutual. 

Israel more and more often turned towards American Jewry which became its main support” 


Chapter 22. From the End of the War to Stalin’s Death

At the beginning of the 1920s the authors of a collection of articles titled Russia and the Jews foresaw that “all these bright perspectives” (for the Jews in the USSR) looked so bright only “if one supposes that the Bolsheviks would want to protect us. But would they? Can we assume that the people who in their struggle for power betrayed everything, from the Motherland to Communism, would remain faithful to us even when it stops benefiting them?”[1]

However, during so favorable a time to them as the 1920s and 1930s the great majority of Soviet Jews chose to ignore this sober warning or simply did not hear it.

Yet the Jews with their contribution to the Russian Revolution should have expected that one day the inevitable recoil of revolution would hit even them, at least during its ebb.
The postwar period became “the years of deep disappointments” [2] and adversity for Soviet Jews. During Stalin’s last eight years, Soviet Jewry was tested by persecutions of the “cosmopolitans,” the loss of positions in science, arts and press, the crushing of theJewish Anti-Fascist Committee (EAK) with the execution of its leadership and, finally, by the “Doctors’ Plot.”
By the nature of a totalitarian regime, only Stalin himself could initiate the campaign aimed at weakening the Jewish presence and influence in the Soviet system. Only he could make the first move.
Yet because of the rigidity of Soviet propaganda and Stalin’s craftiness, not a single sound could be uttered nor a single step made in the open. We have seen already that Soviet propaganda did not raise any alarm about the annihilation of Jews in Germany during the war; indeed it covered up those things, obviously being afraid of appearing pro-Jewish in the eyes of its own citizens.
The disposition of the Soviet authorities towards Jews could evolve for years without ever really surfacing at the level of official propaganda. The first changes and shuffles in the bureaucracy began quite inconspicuously at the time of growing rapprochement between Stalin and Hitler in 1939. 

By then Litvinov, a Jewish Minister of Foreign Affairs, was replaced by Molotov (an ethnic Russian) and a ‘cleansing’ of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (NKID) was underway. 

Simultaneously, Jews were barred from entrance into diplomatic schools and military academies. Still, it took many more years before the disappearance of Jews from the NKID and the sharp decline of their influence in the Ministry of Foreign Trade became apparent.

Because of the intrinsic secrecy of all Soviet inner party moves, only very few were aware of the presence of the subtle anti-Jewish undercurrents in the Agitprop apparatus by the end of 1942 that aimed to push out Jews from the major art centers such as the Bolshoi Theatre, the Moscow Conservatory, and the Moscow Philarmonic, where, according to the note which Alexandrov, Head of Agitprop, presented to the Central Committee in the summer of 1942, ‘everything was almost completely in the hands of non-Russians’ and ‘Russians had become an ethnic minority’ (accompanied by a detailed table to convey particulars) [3]. Later, there had been attempts to “begin national regulation of cadres… from the top down, which essentially meant primarily pushing out Jews from the managerial positions” [4]. By and large, Stalin regulated this process by either supporting or checking such efforts depending on the circumstances.

The wartime tension in the attitudes toward Jews was also manifested during post-war re-evacuation. In Siberia and Central Asia, wartime Jewish refugees were not welcomed by the local populace, so after the war they mostly settled in the capitals of Central Asian republics, except for those who moved back, not to their old shtetls and towns, but into the larger cities [5].
The largest returning stream of refugees fled to Ukraine where they were met with hostility by the local population, especially because of the return of Soviet officials and the owners of desirable residential property. This reaction in the formerly occupied territories was also fueled by Hitler’s incendiary propaganda during the Nazi occupation. Khrushchev, the Head of Ukraine from 1943 (when he was First Secretary of the Communist Party and at the same time Chairman of the Council of People’s Commissars of Ukraine), not only said nothing on this topic in his public speeches, treating the fate of Jews during the occupation with silence, but he also upheld the secret instruction throughout Ukraine not to employ Jews in positions of authority.

According to the tale of an old Jewish Communist Ruzha-Godes, who survived the entire Nazi occupation under a guise of being a Pole named Khelminskaya and was later denied employment by the long-awaited Communists because of her Jewishness, Khrushchev stated clearly and with his peculiar frankness: “In the past, the Jews committed many sins against the Ukrainian people. People hate them for that. We don’t need Jews in our Ukraine. It would be better if they didn’t return here. They would better go to Birobidzhan. This is Ukraine. And, we don’t want Ukrainian people to infer that the return of Soviet authority means the return of Jews” [6].

“In the early September 1945 a Jewish major of the NKVD was brutally beaten in Kiev by two members of the military. He shot both of them dead. This incident caused a large-scale massacre of Jews with five fatalities” [7]. There are documented sources of other similar cases [8].

Sotsialistichesky Vestnik wrote that the Jewish “national feelings (which were exacerbated during the war) overreacted to the numerous manifestations of anti-Semitism and to the even more common indifference to anti-Semitism” [9].

This motif is so typical — almost as much as anti-Semitism itself: the indifference to anti-Semitism was likely to cause outrage. Yes, preoccupied by their own miseries, people and nations often lose compassion for the troubles of others. And the Jews are not an exception here. A modern author justly notes: “I hope that I, as a Jew who found her roots and place in Israel, would not be accused of apostasy if I point out that in the years of our terrible disasters, the Jewish intellectuals did not raise their voices in defense of the deported nations of Crimea and the Caucasus” [10].

After the liberation of Crimea by the Red Army in 1943, “talks started among circles of the Jewish elite in Moscow about a rebirth of the Crimean project of 1920s,” i.e., about resettling Jews in Crimea. The Soviet government did not discourage these aspirations, hoping that “American Jews would be more generous in their donations for the Red Army.” It is quite possible that Mikhoels and Feffer [heads of the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee, EAK], based on a verbal agreement with Molotov, negotiated with American Zionists about financial support of the project for Jewish relocation to Crimea during their triumphal tour of the USA in summer of 1943. The idea of a Crimean Jewish Republic was also backed by Lozovsky, the then-powerful Assistant Minister of Foreign Affairs[11].

The EAK had yet another project for a Jewish Republic — to establish it in the place of the former Volga German Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (where, as we have seen in previous chapters, Jewish settlements were established in the wake of the exile of the Germans). Ester Markish, widow of EAK member Perets Markish, confirms that he presented a letter “concerning transferring the former German Republic to the Jews” [12].
In the Politburo, “Molotov, Kaganovich and Voroshilov were the most positively disposed to the EAK” [13]. And, “according to rumors, some members of the Politburo… were inclined to support this [Crimean] idea” [14]. On February 15, 1944, Stalin was forwarded a memorandum about that plan which was signed by Mikhoels, Feffer and Epshtein. (According to P. Sudoplatov, although the decision to expel the Tatars from Crimea had been made by Stalin earlier, the order to carry it out reached Beria on February 14[15], so the memorandum was quite timely.)
That was the high point of Jewish hopes. G. V. Kostirenko, a researcher of this period, writes: the leaders of the EAK “plunged into euphoria. They imagined (especially after Mikhoels’ and Feffer’s trip to the West) that with the necessary pressure, they could influence and steer their government’s policy in the interests of the Soviet Jews, just like the American Jewish elite does it” [16].
But Stalin did not approve the Crimean project – it did not appeal to him because of the strategic importance of the Crimea. The Soviet leaders expected a war with America and probably thought that in such case the entire Jewish population of Crimea would sympathize with the enemy. (It is reported that at the beginning of the 1950s some Jews were arrested and told by their MGB [Ministry for State Security, a predecessor of KGB] investigators: “You are not going to stand against America, are you? So you are our enemies.”) Khrushchev shared those doubts and 10 years later he stated to a delegation of the Canadian Communist party that was expressing particular interest in the Jewish question in the USSR: Crimea “should not be a center of Jewish colonization, because in case of war it will become the enemy’s bridgehead” [17]. Indeed, the petitions about Jewish settlement in Crimea were very soon used as a proof of the “state treason” on the part of the members of the EAK.

By the end of WWII the authorities again revived the idea of Jewish resettlement in Birobidzhan, particularly Ukrainian Jews. From 1946 to 1947 several organized echelons and a number of independent families were sent there, totaling up to 5-6 thousand persons[18]. However, quite a few returned disillusioned. This relocation movement withered by 1948. Later, with a general turn of Stalin’s politics, arrests among the few Birobidjan Jewish activists started. (They were accused of artificial inculcation of Jewish culture into the non-Jewish population and, of course, espionage and of having planned Birobidzhan’s secession in order to ally with Japan). This was the de facto end of the history of Jewish colonization in Birobidzhan. At the end of the 1920s there were plans to re-settle 60,000 Jews there by the end of the first 5-year planning period. By 1959 there were only 14,000 Jews in Birobidzhan, less than 9% of the population of the region [19].
However, in Ukraine the situation had markedly changed in favor of Jews. The government was engaged in the fierce struggle withBandera’s separatist fighters and no longer catered to the national feelings of Ukrainians. At the end of 1946, the Communist Party “started a covert campaign against anti-Semitism, gradually conditioning the population to the presence of Jews among authorities in different spheres of the national economy.” At the same time, in the beginning of 1947, Kaganovich took over for Khrushchev as the official leader of Ukrainian Communist Party. The Jews were promoted in the party as well, “of which a particular example was the appointment of a Jew … the Secretary… of Zhitomir Obkom” [20].

However, the attitudes of many Jews towards this government and its new policies were justifiably cautious. Soon after the end of the war, when the former Polish citizens began returning to Poland, many non-Polish Jews “hastily seized this opportunity” and relocated there [21]. (What happened after that in Poland is yet another story: a great overrepresentation of Jews occurred in the post-war puppet Polish government, among managerial elites and in the Polish KGB, which would again result in miserable consequences for the Jews of Poland. After the war, other countries of Eastern Europe saw similar conflicts: “the Jews had played a huge role in economic life of all these countries,” and though they lost their possessions under Hitler, after the war, when “the restitution laws were introduced… (they) affected very large numbers of new owners.” Upon their return Jews demanded the restoration of their property and enterprises that were not nationalized by Communists and this created a new wave of hostility towards them [22].)


Meanwhile, during these very years the biggest event in world Jewish history was happening — the state of Israel was coming into existence. In 1946-47, when the Zionists were at odds with Britain, Stalin, perhaps out of anti-British calculation and or opportunistically hoping to get a foothold there, took the side of the former. During all of 1947 Stalin, acting through Gromyko in the UN, actively supported the idea of the creation of an independent Jewish state in Palestine and supplied the Zionists with a critical supply of Czechoslovak-made weapons. In May 1948, only two days after the Israeli declaration of nationhood, the USSR officially recognized that country and condemned hostile actions of Arabs.
However, Stalin miscalculated to what extent this support would reinvigorate the national spirit of Soviet Jews. Some of them implored the EAK to organize a fundraiser for the Israeli military, others wished to enlist as volunteers, while still others wanted to form a special Jewish military division [23].

Amid this burgeoning enthusiasm, Golda Meir arrived to Moscow in September of 1948 as the first ambassador of Israel and was met with unprecedented joy in Moscow’s synagogues and by Moscow’s Jewish population in general. Immediately, as the national spirit of Soviet Jews rose and grew tremendously because of the Catastrophe, many of them began applying for relocation to Israel. Apparently, Stalin had expected that. Yet it turned out that many of his citizens wished to run away en masse into, by all accounts, the pro-Western State of Israel. 

There, the influence and prestige of the United States grew, while the USSR was at the same time losing support of Arab countries. (Nevertheless, “the cooling of relations [with Israel] was mutual. Israel more and more often turned towards American Jewry which became its main support” [24].)

Probably because he was frightened by such a schism in the Jewish national feelings, Stalin drastically changed policies regarding Jews from the end of 1948 and for the rest of his remaining years. He began acting in his typical style — quietly but with determination, he struck to the core, but with only tiny movements visible on the surface.

Nevertheless, while the visible tiny ripples hardly mattered, Jewish leaders had many reasons to be concerned, as they felt the fear hanging in the air. The then editor of the Polish-Jewish newspaper Folkshtimme, Girsh Smolyar, recalled the “panic that seized Soviet communist Jews after the war.” Emmanuel Kazakevitch and other Jewish writers were distressed. Smolyar had seen on Ehrenburg’s table “a mountain of letters — literally scream of pain about current anti-Jewish attitudes throughout the country” [25].

Yet Ehrenburg knew his job very well and carried it out. (As became known much later, it was exactly then that the pre-publication copy of the Black Book compiled by I. Ehrenburg and B. Grossman, which described the mass killings and suffering of the Soviet Jews during the Soviet-German war, was destroyed.) In addition, on September 21, 1948, as a counterbalance to Golda Meir’s triumphal arrival, Pravda published a large article commissioned by Ehrenburg which stated that the Jews are not a nation at all and that they are doomed to assimilate [26]. This article created dismay not only among Soviet Jews, but also in America. With the start of the Cold War, “the discrimination against the Jews in the Soviet Union “became one of the main anti-Soviet trump cards of the West. (As was the inclination in the West towards various ethnic separatist movements in the USSR, a sympathy that had never previously gained support among Soviet Jews).

However, the EAK, which had been created to address war-time issues, continued gaining influence. By that time it listed approximately 70 members, had its own administrative apparatus, a newspaper and a publishing house. It functioned as a kind of spiritual and physical agent of all Soviet Jews before the CK (Central Committee) of the VKPb (all-Russian Communist Party of Bolsheviks), as well as before the West. “EAK executives were allowed to do and to have a lot — a decent salary, an opportunity to publish and collect royalties abroad, to receive and to redistribute gifts from abroad and, finally, to travel abroad.” EAK became the crystallization center of an initially elitist and upper-echelon and then of a broadly growing Jewish national movement” [27], a burgeoning symbol of Jewish national autonomy. For Stalin, the EAK become a problem which had to be dealt with.

He started with the most important figure, the Head of the Soviet Information Bureau (Sovinformburo), Lozovsky, who, according to Feffer (who was vice-chairman of EAK since July 1945), was “the spiritual leader of the EAK… knew all about its activities and was its head for all practical purposes.” In the summer of 1946, a special auditing commission from Agitprop of the CK [of the VKPb] inspected Sovinformburo and found that “the apparatus is polluted … [there is] an intolerable concentration of Jews.” Lozovsky was ejected from his post of Assistant Minister of Foreign Affairs (just as Litvinov and Maisky had been) and in summer of 1947 he also lost his post as of Head of the Sovinformburo [28].

After that, the fate of the EAK was sealed. In September of 1946, the auditing commission from the Central Committee concluded that the EAK, instead of “leading a rigorous offensive ideological war against the Western and above all Zionist propaganda… supports the position of bourgeois Zionists and the Bund and in reality… it fights for the reactionary idea of a United Jewish nation.” In 1947, the Central Committee stated, that “the work among the Jewish population of the Soviet Union is not a responsibility” of the EAK. “The EAK’s job was to focus on the “decisive struggle against aggression by international reactionaries and their Zionist agents” [29].

However, these events coincided with the pro-Israel stance of the USSR and the EAK was not dissolved. On the other hand, EAK Chairman Mikhoels who was “the informal leader of Soviet Jewry, had to shed his illusions about the possibility of influencing the Kremlin’s national policy via influencing the Dictator’s relatives.” Here, the suspicion fell mostly on Stalin’s son—in-law Grigory Morozov. However, the most active help to the EAK was provided by Molotov’s wife, P.S. Zhemchyzhina, who was arrested in the beginning of 1949, and Voroshilov’s wife, “Ekaterina Davidovna (Golda Gorbman), a fanatic Bolshevik, who had been expelled from the synagogue in her youth.” Abakumov reported that Mikhoels was suspected of “gathering private information about the Leader”[30]. Overall, according to the MGB he “demonstrated excessive interest in the private life of the Head of the Soviet Government,” while leaders of the EAK “gathered materials about the personal life of J. Stalin and his family at the behest of US Intelligence” [31]. However, Stalin could not risk an open trial of the tremendously influential Mikhoels, so Mikhoels was murdered in January 1948 under the guise of an accident. Soviet Jewry was shocked and terrified by the demise of their spiritual leader.

The EAK was gradually dismantled after that. By the end of 1948 its premises were locked up, all documents were taken to Lubyanka, and its newspaper and the publishing house were closed. Feffer and Zuskin, the key EAK figures, were secretly arrested soon afterwards and these arrests were denied for a long time. In January 1949 Lozovsky was arrested, followed by the arrests of a number of other notable members of the EAK in February. They were intensively interrogated during 1949, but in 1950 the investigation stalled. (All this coincided [in accord with Stalin’s understanding of balance] with the annihilation of the Russian nationalist tendencies in the leadership of the Leningrad government — the so-called “anti-party group of Kuznetsov-Rodionov-Popkov,” but those developments, their repression and the significance of those events were largely overlooked by historians even though “about two thousand party functionaries were arrested and subsequently executed” [32] in 1950 in connection with the “Leningrad Affair”).

In January 1948, Stalin ordered Jews to be pushed out of Soviet culture. In his usual subtle and devious manner, the “order” came through a prominent editorial in Pravda, seemingly dealing with a petty issue, “about one anti-Party group of theatrical critics” [33]. (A more assertive article in Kultura i Zhizn followed on the next day [34]). The key point was the “decoding” of Russian the Russian pen-names of Jewish celebrities. In the USSR, “many Jews camouflage their Jewish origins with such artifice,” so that “it is impossible to figure out their real names” explains the editor of a modern Jewish journal [35].

This article in Pravda had a long but obscure pre-history. In 1946 reports of the Central Committee it was already noted “that out of twenty-eight highly publicized theatrical critics, only six are Russians. It implied that the majority of the rest were Jews.” Smelling trouble, but still “supposing themselves to be vested with the highest trust of the Party, some theatrical critics, confident of victory, openly confronted Fadeev” in November 1946 [36]. Fadeev was the all-powerful Head of the Union of Soviet Writers and Stalin’s favorite. And so they suffered a defeat. Then the case stalled for a long time and only resurfaced in 1949.

The campaign rolled on through the newspapers and party meetings. G. Aronson, researching Jewish life “in Stalin’s era” writes: “The goal of this campaign was to displace Jewish intellectuals from all niches of Soviet life. Informers were gloatingly revealing their pen-names. It turned out that E. Kholodov is actually Meyerovich, Jakovlev is Kholtsman, Melnikov is Millman, Jasny is Finkelstein, Vickorov is Zlochevsky, Svetov is Sheidman and so on. Literaturnaya Gazeta worked diligently on these disclosures” [37].

Undeniably, Stalin hit the worst-offending spot, the one that highly annoyed the public. However, Stalin was not so simple as to just blurt out “the Jews.” From the first push at the “groups of theatrical critics” flowed a broad and sustained campaign against the “cosmopolitans” (with their Soviet inertial dim-wittedness they overused this innocent term and spoiled it). “Without exception, all ‘cosmopolitans’ under attack were Jews. They were being discovered everywhere. Because all of them were loyal Soviet citizens never suspected of anything anti-Soviet, they survived the great purges by Yezhov and Yagoda. Some were very experienced and influential people, sometimes eminent in their fields of expertise” [38]. The exposure of “cosmopolitans” then turned into a ridiculous, even idiotic glorification of Russian “primacy” in all and every area of science, technology and culture.
Yet the “cosmopolitans” usually were not being arrested but instead were publicly humiliated, fired from publishing houses, ideological and cultural organizations, from TASS, from Glavlit, from literature schools, theaters, orchestras; some were expelled from the party and publication of their works was often discouraged.
And the public campaign was expanding, spreading into new fields and compromising new names. Anti-Jewish cleansing of “cosmopolitans” was conducted in the research institutes of the Academy of Science: Institute of Philosophy (with its long history of internecine feuding between different cliques), the institutes of Economy, Law, in the Academy of Social Sciences at the CK of the VKPb, in the School of Law (and then spread to the office of Public Prosecutor).

Thus, in the Department of History at MGU (Moscow State University), even a long-standing faithful communist and falsifier, I. I. Minz, member of the Academy, who enjoyed Stalin’s personal trust and was awarded with Stalin Prizes and concurrently chaired historical departments in several universities, was labeled “the head of cosmopolitans in Historical Science.” After that numerous scientific posts at MGU were ‘liberated’ from his former students and other Jewish professors [39].

Purges of Jews from technical fields and the natural sciences were gradually gaining momentum. “The end of 1945 and all of 1946 were relatively peaceful for the Jews of this particular social group.” L. Mininberg studied Jewish contributions in Soviet science and industry during the war: “In 1946, the first serious blow since the end of the war was dealt to the administration and a big ‘case’ was fabricated. Its principal victims were mainly Russians…there were no Jews among them,” though “investigation reports contained testaments against Israel Solomonovitch Levin, director of the Saratov Aviation Plant. He was accused on the charge that during the Battle for Stalingrad, two aviation regiments were not able to take off because of manufacturing defects in the planes produced by the plant. The charge was real, not made-up by the investigators. However, Levin was neither fired nor arrested.” In 1946, “B.L. Vannikov, L.M. Kaganovich, S.Z. Ginzburg, L.Z. Mekhlis all kept their Ministry posts in the newly formed government… Almost all Jewish former deputy ministers also retained their positions as assistants to ministers.” The first victims among the Jewish technical elite appeared only in 1947 [40].
In 1950, academic A. F. Ioffe “was forced to retire from the post of Director of the Physical-Engineering Institute, which he organized and headed since its inception in 1918.” In 1951, 34 directors and 31 principal engineers of aviation plants had been fired. “This list contained mostly Jews.” If in 1942 there were nearly forty Jewish directors and principal engineers in the Ministry of General Machine-Building (Ministry of Mortar Artillery) then only three remained by 1953. In the Soviet Army, “the Soviet authorities persecuted not only Jewish generals, but lower ranking officers working on the development of military technology and weaponry were also removed” [41].

Thus, the “purging campaigns” spread over to the defense, airplane construction, and automobile industries (though they did not affect the nuclear branch), primarily removing Jews from administrative, directorial and principal engineering positions; later purging was expanded onto various bureaucracies. Yet the genuine, ethnic denominator was never mentioned in the formal paperwork. Instead, the sacked officials faced charges of economic crimes or having relatives abroad at a time when conflict with the USA was expected, or other excuses were used. The purging campaigns rolled over the central cities and across the provinces. The methods of these campaigns were notoriously Soviet, in the spirit of 1930s: a victim was inundated in a vicious atmosphere of terror and as a result often tried to deflect the threat to himself by accusing others.
By repeating the tide of 1937, albeit in a milder form, the display of Soviet Power reminded the Jews that they had never become truly integrated and could be pushed aside at any moment. “We do not have indispensable people!” (However, “Lavrentiy Beria was tolerant of Jews. At least, in appointments to positions in government” [42].)

“‘Pushing’ Jews out of prestigious occupations that were crucial for the ruling elite in the spheres of manufacturing, administration, cultural and ideological activities, as well as limiting or completely barring the entrance of Jews into certain institutions of higher education gained enormous momentum in 1948-1953. … Positions of any importance in the KGB, party apparatus, and military were closed to the Jews, and quotas were in place for admission into certain educational institutions and cultural and scientific establishments” [43]. Through its “fifth item” [i.e., the question about nationality] Soviet Jews were oppressed by the very same method used in the Proletarian Questionnaire, other items of which were so instrumental in crushing the Russian nobility, clergy, intellectuals and all the rest of the “former people” since the 1920s.
“Although the highest echelon of the Jewish political elite suffered from administrative perturbations, surprisingly it was not as bad as it seemed,” — concludes G. V. Kostyrchenko. “The main blow fell on the middle and the most numerous stratum of the Jewish elite — officials… and also journalists, professors and other members of the creative intelligentsia. … It was these, so to say, nominal Jews — the individuals with nearly complete lack of ethnic ties — who suffered the brunt of the cleansing of bureaucracies after the war” [44].

However, speaking of scientific cadres, the statistics are these: 
[46]. S. Margolina, looking back from the end of the 1980s concludes that, despite the scale of the campaign, after the war, “the number of highly educated Jews in high positions always remained disproportionally high. But, in contrast with the former “times of happiness,” it certainly had decreased” [47]. A.M. Kheifetz recalls “a memoir article of a member of the Academy, Budker, one of the fathers of the Soviet A-bomb” where he described how they were building the first Soviet A-bomb — being exhausted from the lack of sleep and fainting from stress and overwork — and it is precisely those days of persecution of “cosmopolitans” that were “the most inspired and the happiest” in his life [48].

In 1949 “among Stalin Prize laureates no less than 13% were Jews, just like in the previous years.” By 1952 there were only 6% [49]. Data on the number of Jewish students in USSR were not published for nearly a quarter of century, from the pre-war years until 1963. We will examine those in the next chapter.

The genuine Jewish culture that had been slowly reviving after the war was curtailed and suppressed in 1948-1951. Jewish theatres were no longer subsidized and the few remaining ones were closed, along with book publishing houses, newspapers and bookstores[50]. In 1949, the international radio broadcasting in Yiddish was also discontinued [51].

In the military, “by 1953 almost all Jewish generals” and “approximately 300 colonels and lieutenant colonels were forced to resign from their positions” [52].

***

As the incarcerated Jewish leaders remained jailed in Lubyanka for over three years, Stalin slowly and with great caution proceeded in dismantling the EAK. He was very well aware what kind of international storm would be triggered by using force. (Luckily, though, he acquired his first H-bomb in 1949.) On the other hand, he fully appreciated the significance of unbreakable ties between world Jewry and America, his enemy since his rejection of the Marshall Plan.

Investigation of EAK activities was reopened in January 1952. The accused were charged with connections to the “Jewish nationalist organizations in America,” with providing “information regarding the economy of the USSR” to those organizations… and also with “plans of repopulating Crimea and creating a Jewish Republic there” [53]. Thirteen defendants were found guilty and sentenced to death: S. A. Lozovsky, I. S. Ysefovich, B. A. Shimeliovich, V. L. Zuskin, leading Jewish writers D.R. Bergelson, P. D. Marshik, L. M. Kvitko, I. S. Feffer, D. N. Gofshtein, and also L. Y. Talmi, I. S. Vatenberg, C. S. Vatenberg — Ostrovsky, and E. I. Teumin [54]. They were secretly executed in August. (Ehrenburg, who was also a member of the EAK, was not even arrested. (He assumed it was pure luck.) Similarly, the crafty David Zaslavsky survived also. And even after the execution of the Jewish writers, Ehrenburg continued to reassure the West that those writers were still alive and writing [55]. The annihilation of the Jewish Antifascist Committee went along with similar secret “daughter” cases; 110 people were arrested, 10 of them were executed and 5 died during the investigation [56].

In autumn of 1952 Stalin went into the open as arrests among Jews began, such as arrests of Jewish professors of medicine and among members of literary circles in Kiev in October 1952. This information immediately spread among Soviet Jews and throughout the entire world. On October 17th, Voice of America broadcast about “mass repressions” among Soviet Jews [57]. Soviet “Jews were frozen by mortal fear” [58].

Soon afterwards in November in Prague, a show trial of Slansky, the Jewish First Secretary of the Czechoslovak Communist Party, and several other top state and party leaders took place in a typically loud and populist Stalinist-type entourage. The trial was openly anti-Jewish with naming “world leading” Jews such as Ben Gurion and Morgenthau, and placing them in league with American leaders Truman and Acheson. The outcome was that eleven were hanged, eight Jews among them. Summing up the official version, K. Gotwald said: “This investigation and court trial … disclosed a new channel through which treason and espionage permeated the Communist Party. This is Zionism” [59].

At the same time, since summer of 1951, the development of the “Doctors’ Plot” was gaining momentum. The case included the accusation of prominent physicians, doctors to the Soviet leadership, for the criminal treatment of state leaders. For the secret services such an accusation was nothing new, as similar accusations had been made against Professor D. D. Pletnev and physicians L. G. Levin and I. N. Kazakov already during the “Bukharin trial” in 1937. At that time, the gullible Soviet public gasped at such utterly evil plots. No one had any qualms about repeating the same old scenario.

Now we know much more about the “Doctors’ Plot.” Initially it was not entirely an anti-Jewish action; the prosecution list contained the names of several prominent Russian physicians as well. In essence, the affair was fueled by Stalin’s generally psychotic state of mind, with his fear of plots and mistrust of the doctors, especially as his health deteriorated. By September 1952 prominent doctors were arrested in groups. Investigations unfolded with cruel beatings of suspects and wild accusations; slowly it turned into a version of “spying-terroristic plot connected with foreign intelligence organizations,” “American hirelings,” “saboteurs in white coats,” “bourgeois nationalism” — all indicating that it was primary aimed at Jews. (Robert Conquest in The Great Terror follows this particular tragic line of involvement of highly placed doctors. In 1935, the false death certificate of Kuibyshev was signed by doctors G. Kaminsky, I. Khodorovsky, and L. Levin. In 1937 they signed a similarly false death certificate of Ordzhonikidze. They knew so many deadly secrets — could they expect anything but their own death? Conquest writes that Dr. Levin had cooperated with the Cheka since 1920. “Working with Dzerzhinsky, Menzhinsky, and Yagoda. … [he] was trusted by the head of such an organization. … It is factually correct to consider Levin… a member of Yagoda’s circle in the NKVD.” Further, we read something sententious: “Among those outstanding doctors who [in 1937] moved against [Professor of Medicine] Pletnev and who had signed fierce accusative resolutions against him, we find the names of M. Vovsi, B. Kogan and V. Zelenin, who in their turn… were subjected to torture by the MGB in 1952-53 in connection with “the case of doctor-saboteurs,” “as well as two other doctors, N. Shereshevky and V. Vinogradov who provided a pre-specified death certificate of Menzhinsky” [60].)

On January 3, 1953 Pravda and Izvestiya published an announcement by TASS about the arrest of a “group of doctors-saboteurs.” The accusation sounded like a grave threat for Soviet Jewry, and, at the same time, by a degrading Soviet custom, prominent Soviet Jews were forced to sign a letter to Pravda with the most severe condemnation of the wiles of the Jewish “bourgeois nationalists” and their approval of Stalin’s government. Several dozen signed the letter. (Among them were Mikhail Romm, D. Oistrakh, S. Marshak, L. Landau, B. Grossman, E. Gilels, I. Dunayevsky and others. Initially Ehrenburg did not sign it — he found the courage to write a letter to Stalin: “to ask your advice.” His resourcefulness was unsurpassed indeed. To Ehrenburg, it was clear that “there is no such thing as the Jewish nation” and that assimilation is the only way and that Jewish nationalism “inevitably leads to betrayal.” Yet that the letter that was offered to him to sign could be invidiously inferred by the “enemies of our country.” He concluded that “I myself cannot resolve these questions,” but if “leading comrades will let me know … [that my signature] is desired … [and] useful for protecting our homeland and for peace in the world, I will sign it immediately” [61].)

The draft of that statement of loyalty was painstakingly prepared in the administration of the Central Committee and eventually its style became softer and more respectful. However, this letter never appeared in the press. Possibly because of the international outrage, the “Doctors’ Plot” apparently began to slow down in the last days of Stalin [62].

After the public announcement, the “‘Doctors’ Plot’ created a huge wave of repression of Jewish physicians all over the country. In many cities and towns, the offices of State Security began fabricating criminal cases against Jewish doctors. They were afraid to even go to work, and their patients were afraid to be treated by them” [63].
After the “cosmopolitan” campaign, the menacing growl of “people’s anger” in reaction to the “Doctors’ Plot” utterly terrified many Soviet Jews, and a rumor arose (and then got rooted in the popular mind) that Stalin was planning a mass eviction of Jews to the remote parts of Siberia and North — a fear reinforced by the examples of postwar deportation of entire peoples. In his latest work G. Kostyrchenko, a historian and a scrupulous researcher of Stalin’s “Jewish” policies, very thoroughly refutes this “myth of deportation,” proving that it had never been confirmed, either then or subsequently by any facts, and even in principle such a deportation would not have been possible [64].

But it is amazing how bewildered were those circles of Soviet Jews, who were unfailingly loyal to the Soviet-Communist ideology. Many years later, S. K. told me: “There is no single action in my life that I am as ashamed of as my belief in the genuineness of the “Doctors’ Plot” of 1953! — that they, perhaps involuntarily, were involved a foreign conspiracy…”

An article from the 1960s states that “in spite of a pronounced anti-Semitism of Stalin’s rule … many [Jews] prayed that Stalin stayed alive, as they knew through experience that any period of weak power means a slaughter of Jews. We were well aware of the quite rowdy mood of the ‘fraternal nations’ toward us” [65].

On February 9th a bomb exploded at the Soviet embassy in Tel Aviv. On February 11, 1953 the USSR broke off diplomatic relations with Israel. The conflict surrounding the “Doctors’ Plot” intensified due to these events.
And then Stalin went wrong, and not for the first time, right? He did not understand how the thickening of the plot could threaten him personally, even within the secure quarters of his inaccessible political Olympus. The explosion of international anger coincided with the rapid action of internal forces, which could possibly have done away with Stalin. It could have happened through Beria (for example, according to Avtorhanov’s version [66].)

After a public communiqué about the “Doctors’ Plot” Stalin lived only 51 days. “The release from custody and the acquittal of the doctors without trial were perceived by the older generation of Soviet Jews as a repetition of the Purim miracle”: Stalin had perished on the day of Purim, when Esther saved the Jews of Persia from Haman [67].

On April 3 all the surviving accused in the “Doctors’ Plot” were released. It was publicly announced the next day.

And yet again it was the Jews who pushed the frozen history forward.


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[13] Г.В. Костырченко. Тайная политика Сталина, с. 430.

[14] КЕЭ, т. 4, с. 602.

[15] Павел Судоплатов. Спецоперации: Лубянка и Кремль: 1930-1950 годы. М.: ОЛМА-Пресс, 1997, с. 466-467.

[16] Г.В. Костырченко. Тайная политика Сталина, с. 435.

[17] Крымское дело // Социалистический вестник, 1957, № 5, с. 98.

[18] С.М. Шварц. Биробиджан // КРЕ-2, с. 189.

[19] Там же, с. 192, 195-196.

[20] С. Шварц. Евреи в Советском Союзе…, с. 185-186.

[21] Там же, с. 130.

[22] Там же, с. 217-218.

[23] Г.В. Костырченко. Тайная политика Сталина, с. 403-404.

[24] С. Цирюльников. СССР, евреи и Израиль // Время и мы (далее — ВМ): Международный журнал литературы и общественных проблем. Нью-Йорк, 1987, № 96, с. 156.

[25] С. Цирюльников. СССР, евреи и Израиль // ВМ, Нью-Йорк, 1987, № 96, с. 150.

[26] И. Эренбург. По поводу одного письма // Правда, 1948, 21 сентября, с. 3.

[27] Г.В. Костырченко. Тайная политика Сталина, с. 353, 398.

[28] Там же*, с. 361, 363-364.

[29] Там же, с. 366, 369.

[30] Г.В. Костырченко. Тайная политика Сталина, с. 376, 379, 404.

[31] КЕЭ, т. 8, с. 243.

[32] Там же, с. 248.

[33] Правда, 1949, 28 января, с. 3.

[34] На чуждых позициях: (О происках антипатриотической группы театральных критиков) // Культура и жизнь, 1949, 30 января, с. 2-3.

[35] В. Перельман. …Виноваты сами евреи // ВМ, Тель-Авив, 1977, № 23, с. 216.

[36] Г.В. Костырченко. Тайная политика Сталина, с. 321, 323.

[37] Г. Аронсон. Еврейский вопрос в эпоху Сталина // КРЕ-2, с. 150.

[38] Г. Аронсон. Еврейский вопрос в эпоху Сталина // КРЕ-2, с. 150.

[39] А. Некрич. Поход против “космополитов” в МГУ // Континент: Литературный, обществ.-политический и религиозный журнал. Париж, 1981, № 28, с. 301-320.

[40] Л.Л. Мининберг. Советские евреи в науке и промышленности СССР в период Второй мировой войны (1941-1945). М., 1995, с. 413, 414, 415.

[41] Там же, с. 416, 417, 427, 430.

[42] Л.Л. Мининберг. Советские евреи в науке и промышленности… с. 442.

[43] КЕЭ, т. 6, с. 855.

[44] Г.В. Костырченко. Тайная политика Сталина, с. 515, 518.

[45] КЕЭ, т. 8, с. 190.

[46] И. Домалъский. Технология ненависти* // ВМ, Тель-Авив, 1978, № 25, с. 120.

[47] Sonja Margolina. Das Ende der LAgen: Rulland und die Juden im 20. Jahrhundert. Berlin: Siedler Verlag, 1992, S. 86.

[48] Михаил Хейфец. Место и время (еврейские заметки). Париж: Третья волна, 1978, с. 68-69.

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[52] КЕЭ, т. 1, с. 687.

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Dr. Green

NOTE : 
"The Foundation" in Arabic is "al-Qaeda".



"The black-caped, black-garbed, death-worshiping Process Church of the Final Judgment arrived on the Los Angeles scene in early 1968.

They stayed in public view till a few days after Robert Kennedy's assassination in June of '68, after which they dropped from sight in Los Angeles..."

Ed Sanders, 
The Family

They went to Utah, and hid and grew inside the LDS...

Herein is the lecture by D.C.Hammond, originally entitled "Hypnosis in MPD: Ritual Abuse," but now usually known as the "Greenbaum Speech," delivered at the Fourth Annual Eastern Regional Conference on Abuse and Multiple Personality, Thursday June 25, 1992, at the Radisson Plaza Hotel, Mark Center, Alexandria, Virginia. 

Sponsored by the Center for Abuse Recovery & Empowerment, The Psychiatric Institute of Washington, D.C. 


"It appears that below this we’ve got some other layers. One is called "Green Programming" it appears. Isn’t it interesting that the doctor’s name is Dr. Green? One of the questions in a way that does not contaminate is after I’ve identified some of this stuff is there and they’ve given me a few right answers about what some of it is, "If there were a doctor associated with this programming and his name were a color, you know, like Dr. Chartreuse or something, if his name were a color, what color would the color be?"

Now once in a while I’ve had some other colors mentioned in about three or four patients that I felt were trying to dissimulate in some way and I don’t really believe had this. In one case I got another color and I found out later it was a doctor whose name was a color who was being trained by Dr. Green almost thirty years ago and he supervised part of the programming of this woman under this doctor. I remember one woman couldn’t come up with anything. No alter would speak up with anything. I said, "Okay," and we went on to some other material. About two minutes later she said, "Green. Do you mean Dr. Green?" We found this all over.

There appears to be some Green Programming below that and I suspect that you get down to fewer and more central programs the deeper you go. Well, all Green Programming is Ultra-Green and the Green Tree. Cabalistic mysticism is mixed all into this. If you’re going to work with this you need to pick up a couple of books on the Cabala. One is by a man named Dion Fortune called "Qabala" with a "q," Dion Fortune. Another is by Ann Huffer-Heller and it’s called "The Kabbalah." I knew nothing about the Cabala. It was interesting. A patient had sat in my waiting area, got there considerably early and drew a detailed multicolored Cabalistic Tree over two years ago. It took me two months to figure out what it was. Finally, showing it to somebody else who said, "You know? That looks an awful lot like the Cabala Tree" and that rang a bell with some esoteric in an old book and I dug it out. That was the background of Dr. Green.

Now the interesting thing about the Green Tree is his original name was Greenbaum. What does "greenbaum" mean in German? Green Tree, Ultra-Tree and the Green Tree. I’ve also had patients who didn’t appear to know that his original name was Greenbaum, volunteered that there were parts inside named Mr. Greenbaum. Now let me give you some information about parts inside that may be helpful to you if you’re going to inquire about these things, because my experience is one part will give you some information and either run dry or get defensive or scared and stop. and so you punt and you make an end run and you come around the other direction, you find another part. I’ll tell you several parts to ask for and ask if there’s a part by this name.

And, by the way, when I’m screening patients and fiddling around with this, I throw in a bunch of spurious ones and ask, "Is there a part inside by this name and by that name" as a check on whether or not it appears genuine. For example. "In addition to the core," I ask, "is there a part inside named Wisdom?" Wisdom is a part of the Cabalistic Tree. Wisdom, I’ve often found, will be helpful and give you a lot of information. "Is there a part inside named Diana?" I mean I may throw in all sorts of things. "Is there a part inside named Zelda?" I’ve never encountered one yet! Just to see what kind of answers we get. I try to do this carefully. Diana is a part that, in the Cabalistic system, is associated with a part called the Foundation. You will be fascinated to know that.

Remember the Process Church? Roman Polanski’s wife, Sharon Tate, was killed by the Manson Family who were associated with the Process Church? A lot of prominent people in Hollywood were associated and then they went underground, the books say, in about seventy-eight and vanished? Well, they’re alive and well in southern Utah. We have a thick file in the Utah Department of Public Safety documenting that they moved to southern Utah, north of Monument Valley, bought a movie ranch in the desert, renovated it, expanded it, built a bunch of buildings there, carefully monitored so that very few people go out of there and no one can get in and changed their name.

A key word in their name is "Foundation." The Foundation. There are some other words. The Foundation is part of the Tree. So you can ask, "Is there something inside known as The Foundation?" I might ask other things to throw people off. "Is there something known as the Sub-Basement?" Well, maybe they’ll conceive of something. Or "Is there something known as the Walls?" There are a variety of questions you can come up with, to sort of screen some things. I’ve also found that there will often be a part called "Black Master," a part called "Master Programmer," and that there will be computer operators inside. How many of you have come into computer things in patients? There will typically be computer operators: Computer Operator Black, Computer Operator Green, Computer Operator Purple.

Sometimes they’ll have numbers instead, sometimes they’ll be called Systems Information Directors. You can find out the head one of those. There’ll be a source of some information for you. I will ask inside, "Is there a part inside named Dr. Green?" You’ll find that there are, if they have this kind of programming, in my experience. Usually with a little work and reframing, you can turn them and help them to realize that they were really a child-part who’s playing a role and they had no choice then, but they do now. You know, they played their role very, very well, but they don’t have to continue to play it with you because they’re safe here and in fact,
"If the Cult simply found out that you talked to me, that they you had shared information with me, you tell me what would they do to you?" Emphasize that the only way out is through me and that they need to cooperate and share information and help me and that I’ll help them. So all these parts can give you various information.

Now they have tried to protect this very carefully. Let me give you an example with Ultra-Green. I discovered this -- by the way I used to think this programming was only in bloodline people. I’ve discovered it in non-bloodline people, but it’s a bit different. They don’t want it to be just the same. I don’t think you’ll find deep things like Ultra-Green and probably not even Green Programming with non-bloodline people. But let me tell you something that I discovered first in a non-bloodline and then in a bloodline. "

http://www.bibliotecapleyades.net/sociopolitica/esp_sociopol_mindcon03.htm



The single most remarkable thing about this speech is how little one has heard of it in the two years since its original delivery. It is recommended that one reads far enough at least until one finds why it’s called "the Greenbaum speech."


In the introduction the following background information is given for D. Corydon Hammond:


  • B.S. M.S. Ph.D (Counseling Psychology) from the University of Utah
  • Diplomate in Clinical Hypnosis, the American Board of Psychological Hypnosis
  • Diplomate in Sex Therapy, the American Board of Sexology
  • Clinical Supervisor and Board Examiner, American Board of Sexology
  • Diplomate in Marital and Sex Therapy, American Board of Family Psychology
  • Licensed Psychologist
  • Licensed Marital Therapist
  • Licensed Family Therapist, State of Utah
  • Research Associate Professor of Physical Medicine and Rehabilitation, Utah School of Medicine
  • Director and Founder of the Sex and Marital Therapy Clinic, University of Utah
  • Adjunct Associate Professor of Educational Psychology, University of Utah
  • Abstract Editor, The American Journal of Clinical Hypnosis
  • Advising Editor and Founding Member, Editorial Board, The Ericsonian Monograph
  • Referee, The Journal of Abnormal Psychology
  • 1989 Presidential Award of Merit, American Society of Clinical Hypnosis Urban Sector Award, American Society of Clinical Hypnosis
  • Current President, American Society of Clinical Hypnosis