Wednesday, 22 May 2013

Why What Happened in Woolwich isn't True


“We live in a world where there is more and more information, and less and less meaning.” 
― Jean Baudrillard, Simulacra and Simulation





This YouTube user has NO previous uploads.


And it's not uploaded direct from a camera phone, look - they've overlaid the @woolwichfinest caption.



This is a professional (freelance) forgery.



All the "amateur footage" of the second planestrike on 9/11, ALL of them, EVERY SINGLE ONE was shot by a freelance professional in the TV or photographic industry.



Most of them digital re-touch specialists.






"Total imagery control of any terrain is a primary sector of modern warfare"
- US Navy Website 






This guy seems remarkably well-informed for a passer-by on the street with a camera phone, uploading what he is seeing. 

Even his punctuation is good. 

Almost like a press release, in fact. 

Notice also, it's very strictly formatted in terms of the capitalisation of the title, bullet points in the description etc. all of which is characteristic of Civil Service product.



Another phony account. The upload of the 1987 SAS Gibraltar shooting incident is very cute.

Again, we see hallmarks of fakery and Psy-war in this early upload, as well - this time, the username for the account appears to have been randomly generated and created by software rather than a person (can you imagine having to remember, type and re-enter THAT ugly string of letters numbers whenever you wanted to log in...?) and the small number of previous uploads, along with the nature of their content are very revealing.


As of midnight on Day 1, going in to 23rd May 2013, this out-of-uniform unknown solder STILL does not have a name or a family or any next of kin.

Who the hell is this guy?

I am holding out still for confirming evidence of either his murder or indeed even the reality or fact of his existence. 


As of right now, there is none.


But hope springs eternal.



It's been confirmed - Police stopped all the traffic and were there 10 mins before they arrived, waiting around the corner.

This is street theatre.


This lorry has no license plates. 

Front or back.

It's still there hours later.

This is what they used to close the road off and control the flow of traffic, restricting access to the proximity of the scene to actors, extras and agents.



This has clear precedents and well-established antecedents.

Here are a couple of my favourites:



With their slip-on pirate badanna bandages.

Note: these women claim to have been victims of the Russel Square / Kings Cross Tube explosion and were interviewed wandering around Brunswick Square around 9.30am on 7/7, sometime before the bus explosion in adjacent Tavistock Square at 9.49am.

The Russell Square blast occurred at approx, 8.48am and passengers caught aboard the train describe being left in the pitch darkness and choking black smoke for over 30 mins before any evacuation of the train and the tunnel began., with the whole evacuation not being complete for up to another 4 hrs.



Jeff Bauman, a Boston Marathon runner who lost both of his legs during the bombings on Monday, has helped identify the two suspects responsible for the horror.

Police are hunting for suspect Dzhokhar Tsarnaev, while his brother and accomplice Tamerlan Tsarnaev was killed in a shootout that also left one police officer injured Thursday night. Another cop, Sean Collier, was found dead in his police cruiser earlier in the night after allegedly being slain by the pair.

The city of Boston is currently under lockdown on Friday, with residents urged to not leave their homes as the search for the "armed and dangerous" suspect continues.

Bauman was featured in some of the most graphic and widespread photographs taken from the finish line right after the bombings. In the viral images, the marathon runner appears bleeding, bruised and pale- many media outlets blurred or cropped out his mangled legs from the photo.

Despite his grave injuries, Bauman revealed essential details that helped ID the bombers, and had even made eye contact with one right before the bomb deployed.

"He woke up under so much drugs, asked for a paper and pen and wrote, 'bag, saw the guy, looked right at me,'" Bauman's brother Chris recounted, according to the Associated Press.

Furthermore, Bauman told the FBI that the suspect wore "a cap, sunglasses and a black jacket over a hooded sweatshirt."

Critically injured from one of the bombs, Bauman had both of his legs amputated at the knee before undergoing an additional surgery due to fluid in his abdomen.

The image of Bauman went viral not only because of its gruesome content, but because of the herosim amid the bombings. The 27-year-old received a rush of care from strangers, including the man pictured in a white cowboy hat by his side. The man was later identified as Carlos Arredondo, Costa Rican immigrant and former firefighter.

Bauman is fortunate to be alive, but the bombings did cause the deaths of Martin Richard, Krystle Campbell, and Lingzi Lu.















This is about the most obvious provocation I have ever seen.

There is absolutely no explanation for the armed police just opening fire without warning. 

They want riots tonight.



This next image is pixielated in most versions. 

You can see why.








Did they decapitate him, or chop him in two...?




“This is what terrorism is occupied with as well: making real, palpable violence surface in opposition to the invisible violence of security.” 

Jean Baudrillard, Simulacra and Simulation



How to Waste $70million Taxpayer Dollars.

Remarks by Independent Counsel Robert Ray Closing the Whitewater Investigation
January 19, 2001

Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen.

Fifteen months ago, I promised the American people that I would complete this investigation promptly and responsibly. Today, I fulfill that promise.

President Clinton has acknowledged responsibility for his actions. He has admitted that he knowingly gave evasive and misleading answers to questions in the Jones deposition and that his conduct was prejudicial to the administration of justice.

He has acknowledged that some of his answers were false. He has agreed to a five-year suspension of his Arkansas bar license. And he has agreed not to seek attorney's fees in connection with this matter.

The nation's interests have been served, and therefore I decline prosecution. In doing so, I have tried to heed Justice Robert Jackson's wisdom: "The citizens' safety lies in the prosecutor who tempers zeal with human kindness, who seeks truth and not victims, who serves the law and not factional purposes, and who approaches his task with humility."

I trust that the decision made today meets the expectations of the American people, who deserve a resolution that acknowledges the president's conduct, respects America's institutions and demonstrates sensitivity to our constitutional system of government.

This matter is now concluded. May history and the American people judge that it has been concluded justly.

Thank you very much.

(APPLAUSE)

Thank you.



Citation: William J. Clinton: "Remarks by Independent Counsel Robert Ray Closing the Whitewater Investigation," January 19, 2001. Online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley, The American Presidency Project. http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=84913.

Saturday, 18 May 2013

Occupy!: Tora Bora



"I stress that I have not carried out this act, which appears to have been carried out by individuals with their own motivation," 


read the al-Jazeera announcer from the statement. 



CIA agent alleged to have met Bin Laden in July
French report claims terrorist leader stayed in Dubai hospital

Anthony Sampson
The Guardian, Thursday 1 November 2001 03.17 GMT

Two months before September 11 Osama bin Laden flew to Dubai for 10 days for treatment at the American hospital, where he was visited by the local CIA agent, according to the French newspaper Le Figaro.

The disclosures are known to come from French intelligence which is keen to reveal the ambiguous role of the CIA, and to restrain Washington from extending the war to Iraq and elsewhere.

Bin Laden is reported to have arrived in Dubai on July 4 from Quetta in Pakistan with his own personal doctor, nurse and four bodyguards, to be treated in the urology department. While there he was visited by several members of his family and Saudi personalities, and the CIA.

The CIA chief was seen in the lift, on his way to see Bin Laden, and later, it is alleged, boasted to friends about his contact. He was recalled to Washington soon afterwards.

Intelligence sources say that another CIA agent was also present; and that Bin Laden was also visited by Prince Turki al Faisal, then head of Saudi intelligence, who had long had links with the Taliban, and Bin Laden. Soon afterwards Turki resigned, and more recently he has publicly attacked him in an open letter: "You are a rotten seed, like the son of Noah".

The American hospital in Dubai emphatically denied that Bin Laden was a patient there.

Washington last night also denied the story.

Private planes owned by rich princes in the Gulf fly frequently between Quetta and the Emirates, often on luxurious "hunting trips" in territories sympathetic to Bin Laden. Other sources confirm that these hunting trips have provided opportunities for Saudi contacts with the Taliban and terrorists, since they first began in 1994.

Bin Laden has often been reported to be in poor health. Some accounts claim that he is suffering from Hepatitis C, and can expect to live for only two more years.

According to Le Figaro, last year he ordered a mobile dialysis machine to be delivered to his base at Kandahar in Afghanistan.

Whether the allegations about the Dubai meeting are confirmed or not, the wider leaks from the French secret service throw a worrying light on the rivalries and lack of coordination between intelligence agencies, both within the US and between western allies.

A familiar complaint of French intelligence is that collaboration with the Americans has been essentially one-way, with them happy to receive information while giving little in return.


On December 27, 2001, a second bin Laden video was broadcast on al-Jazeera 

The tape was reportedly made after November 16, 2001. 

There were notable differences in the appearance of bin Laden in the two tapes.

Some accounts claimed bin Laden was suffering from Hepatitis C, and Peter Bergen said of the tape 

“This is a man who was clearly not well. I mean, as you see from these pictures here, he's really, by December [2001] he's looking pretty terrible. … he's barely moving the left side of his body. 

So he's clearly got diabetes. 

He has low blood pressure. 

He's got a wound in his foot. 

He's apparently got dialysis ... for kidney problems.”





Al-Jazeera statement:

Al-Jazeera refuses to appear on CNN to discuss its unaired interview with Osama bin Laden.

Al-Jazeera denounces the fact that CNN resorts to such illegal ways to obtain this tape. Al-Jazeera would have expected CNN to use its judgment and respect its special relationship with Al-Jazeera by not airing material that Al-Jazeera itself chose not to broadcast.

Al-Jazeera does not feel it is obligated to explain its position and its reasoning of why it chose not to air the interview. Al-Jazeera will nonetheless respond to CNN's airing of the interview using its own means and its own way.

Furthermore, Al-Jazeera will sever its relationship with CNN and will take the necessary action to punish the organizations and individuals who stole this video and distributed it illegally.

Mohammed Jassim Al-Ali Director General Al-Jazeera

CNN response:

CNN did nothing illegal in obtaining this tape, and nothing illegal in airing it -- our affiliate agreement with Al-Jazeera gives us the express right to use any and all footage owned or controlled by Al-Jazeera, without limitation.




Al-Jazeera conducted the exclusive interview with bin Laden on October 21, but declined to air it. Nearly two months later, the network said it did not meet its standards and was not newsworthy.

CNN felt otherwise.

"Once that videotape was in our possession, we felt we had to report on it, and show it because it is extremely newsworthy," said Eason Jordan, CNN's chief news executive. "And we really were dumbfounded as to why Al-Jazeera would decide not to air or even acknowledge the existence of the videotape."

Thursday, Al-Jazeera said it was severing its relationship with CNN and taking "the necessary action to punish the organizations and individuals who stole this video and distributed it illegally."

"Al-Jazeera does not feel it is obligated to explain its position and its reasoning of why it chose not to air the interview," it said in a statement.

CNN issued a statement saying: "CNN did nothing illegal in obtaining this tape, and nothing illegal in airing it -- our affiliate agreement with Al-Jazeera gives us the express right to use any and all footage owned or controlled by Al-Jazeera, without limitation."

Jordan said CNN has worked "very hard to establish and maintain and grow a very, very good relationship with Al-Jazeera, but this is a tough spot." He said the network "has some very tough questions to answer. Among them, why was the interview not ever televised, why did Al-Jazeera initially deny the existence of the tape, and what other tape does Al-Jazeera have, or did it have, that had never been acknowledged or televised. Clearly a lot of interesting material has fallen into Al-Jazeera's hands."






Report: Bin Laden Already Dead
Published December 26, 2001
FoxNews.com

Usama bin Laden has died a peaceful death due to an untreated lung complication, the Pakistan Observer reported, citing a Taliban leader who allegedly attended the funeral of the Al Qaeda leader.

"The Coalition troops are engaged in a mad search operation but they would never be able to fulfill their cherished goal of getting Usama alive or dead," the source said.

Bin Laden, according to the source, was suffering from a serious lung complication and succumbed to the disease in mid-December, in the vicinity of the Tora Bora mountains. The source claimed that bin Laden was laid to rest honorably in his last abode and his grave was made as per his Wahabi belief.

About 30 close associates of bin Laden in Al Qaeda, including his most trusted and personal bodyguards, his family members and some "Taliban friends," attended the funeral rites. A volley of bullets was also fired to pay final tribute to the "great leader."

The Taliban source who claims to have seen bin Laden's face before burial said "he looked pale ... but calm, relaxed and confident."

Asked whether bin Laden had any feelings of remorse before death, the source vehemently said "no." 

Instead, he said, bin Laden was proud that he succeeded in his mission of igniting awareness amongst Muslims about hegemonistic designs and conspiracies of "pagans" against Islam. Bin Laden, he said, held the view that the sacrifice of a few hundred people in Afghanistan was nothing, as those who laid their lives in creating an atmosphere of resistance will be adequately rewarded by Almighty Allah.

When asked where bin Laden was buried, the source said, "I am sure that like other places in Tora Bora, that particular place too must have vanished."


Read more: http://www.foxnews.com/story/0,2933,41576,00.html#ixzz2TfDngS00

THE BUSH ASSASSINATION ATTEMPT




"Two day news story - Clinton launches 22 cruise missiles on Baghdad in retaliation for the ALLEGED, FAILED assassination attempt on George Bush.


We launched 22, $3 million a-piece cruise missiles to Baghdad, killing six innocent people.

I think that was a little over-done.

You know what we should've done...? We should've embarrassed the Iraqians;

WE should've assassinated Bush.... and said, 

"That's how you do it, Towelhead, don't f*ck with us..!!"

And d'you see, if Bush had been the one who'd died, there would've been no loss of innocent life.

And, I mean, that would've saved us... A hundred million dollars.

And I love how all the media called it a "cowardly act" on the Iraqians part because some Iraqian guy was going to drive a Toyota car bomb, blowing himself up in the process of trying to kill the President of the United States, since, that's ALL they can really DO, since we are the imperialist rulers of Ze New Verldt Odter...

We call that a cowardly act, meanwhile, we're launching cruise missiles 200 miles away from floating, iron islands...

....who are the cowards, again...?"

Bill Hicks, October 1993:






SECTION D: THE BUSH ASSASSINATION ATTEMPT

I. Introduction

In April 1993, former President George Bush visited Kuwait to commemorate the victory over Iraq in the Persian Gulf War. During Bush's visit, Kuwaiti authorities arrested 17 people allegedly involved in a plot to kill Bush using a car bomb.
The United States sent various personnel to Kuwait to investigate the alleged assassination attempt. Based on interviews of the alleged coconspirators, forensic examinations of the explosive devices, and intelligence reports, the United States Government concluded that Iraq was behind the attempted car bombing. In response, on June 26, 1993, President Clinton ordered a cruise missile strike against an Iraqi Intelligence Service (IIS) building in Baghdad. A Kuwaiti court later convicted all but one of the defendants charged with crimes arising from the assassination attempt.
Whitehurst alleges that he compared the explosive material in the main charge of the Bush device to explosive materials in known Iraqi devices and told Explosives Unit Chief J. Christopher Ronay that the explosives were different. Whitehurst claims that Ronay purposely misinterpreted these results in order to link the explosive material to Iraqi agents. Whitehurst further asserts that very possibly his results were changed to support the retaliatory missile strike by the United States.
We reviewed relevant Laboratory reports, dictation, and work papers, along with relevant memoranda, articles, notes, teletypes, and reports concerning the Bush assassination attempt. We also interviewed various witnesses from the FBI, including Whitehurst, former Explosives Unit Chief J. Christopher Ronay, former Explosives examiner Alan R. Jordan, and FBI Counter Intelligence Section Chief Neil Gallagher, along with personnel from the CIA Counter Terrorism Center and DOJ Terrorism and Violent Crime Section.
We conclude that the evidence does not support Whitehurst's claim that Ronay changed or purposely misinterpreted Whitehurst's results, either in the Laboratory reports or verbally during discussions of those results. Nor does the evidence support Whitehurst's suggestion that the United States launched the missile strike against the IIS building in Baghdad based on a misinterpretation of Whitehurst's results. This case does illustrate the importance of documenting all case-related work in the Laboratory. To the extent that the results of Whitehurst's comparison were reported less precisely than they should have been, such lack of precision may have been avoided if Whitehurst had prepared a written report containing those results.

II. Factual Background

Former President George Bush visited Kuwait between April 14 and April 16, 1993, to commemorate the allied victory in the Persian Gulf War. Accompanying Bush were his wife, two of his sons, former Secretary of State James A. Baker III, former Chief of Staff John Sununu, and former Treasury Secretary Nicholas Brady.
In late-April 1993, the United States learned that terrorists had attempted to assassinate Bush during his visit to Kuwait. The Kuwaiti authorities arrested 17 persons suspected in the plot to kill Bush using explosives hidden in a Toyota Landcruiser. The Kuwaitis recovered the Landcruiser, which contained between 80 and 90 kilograms of plastic explosives connected to a detonator ( the Bush device or Bush explosive device ). The Kuwaitis also recovered ten cube-shaped plastic explosive devices with detonators (the cube-bombs ) from the Landcruiser. Some of the suspects reportedly confessed that the Iraqi Intelligence Service (IIS ) was behind the assassination attempt.
On April 29, 1993, CIA bomb technicians compared the Bush explosive device to two known Iraqi explosive devices found in different Middle-Eastern countries in 1990 and 1991 (the Middle-East devices ) . The technicians reported that the remote control firing mechanism in the Bush device was identical to those in the Middle-East devices. Additionally, the technicians reported that blasting caps from the Bush device appeared to be identical to those found in one of the Middle-East devices. The technicians later concluded that the circuit board from the Bush device also closely resembled circuit boards from the Middle-East devices.
In early-May 1993, the FBI sent personnel to Kuwait to interview the suspects and examine the physical evidence. FBI Special Agents, along with representatives of the Secret Service and State Department, interviewed 16 suspects, some more than once. Two of the suspects, Wali 'Abd Al-Hadi 'Abd Al-Hasan Al-Ghazali ( Al-Ghazali ) and Ra'd 'Abd Al-Amir 'Abbud Al-Asadi ( Al-Asadi ), admitted during the FBI interviews that they had participated in the plot at the direction of the IIS.
Explosives examiner Jordan also traveled to Kuwait in May 1993 to examine the Bush device. Jordan examined the main charge, which was hidden in three panels in the Landcruiser and was capable of being detonated by remote control, a timing device, or a push-pull suicide switch. Jordan compared the Bush device to photographs of the Middle-East devices, as well as other devices, and concluded that the same person or persons manufactured the Bush device and one of the Middle-East devices, and that a connection existed between persons responsible for the Bush device and several other devices, including the other Middle-East device. Jordan reported these conclusions in a May 11, 1993 Laboratory report.
Jordan then returned to Washington, D.C., and delivered samples of the explosives from the Bush device to Whitehurst. Whitehurst analyzed the explosive from the main charge and concluded that the substance was approximately 96% RDX, 3% polyvinyl-isobutyl ether binder, and 1% hydrocarbon oil. As for samples from the cube-bombs, Whitehurst concluded that the explosive was consistent with an explosive containing RDX bound with a cross-linked phenoxy or epoxy binder containing Sudan I dye. Whitehurst reported these findings in his June 7, 1993, dictation.
Shortly thereafter, Jordan returned to the Middle-East to conduct further examinations of the Bush device and the Middle-East devices. Based on these examinations, Jordan reported significant consistencies in the selection of individual components and alterations to manufactured items in all of the devices. Jordan concluded that the similarities represented signature characteristics. He further reported that the same person or persons of close association constructed the remote control fuzing systems and electronic timing mechanisms used in all of these devices. Jordan also reported that a second person or persons of close association were responsible for adding wiring and components to the Bush device and one of the Middle-East devices, enabling those devices to be incorporated in vehicles. Jordan reported these conclusions in his June 18, 1993, Laboratory report, in which he also summarized parts of Whitehurst's June 7, 1993, dictation.
On June 2, 1993, representatives of the FBI, the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), and others in the Department of Justice (DOJ) discussed the results of their investigations with representatives of the Clinton Administration. Three weeks later, the DOJ and CIA reported their conclusions. The DOJ and CIA reported that it was highly likely that the Iraqi Government originated the plot and more than likely that Bush was the target. Additionally, based on past Iraqi methods and other sources of intelligence, the CIA independently reported that there was a strong case that Saddam Hussein directed the plot against Bush.
On June 26, 1993, the United States launched a cruise missile attack against a building housing the IIS in Baghdad in retaliation for the assassination attempt on former President Bush. According to news reports, the attack killed between six and eight persons and injured approximately 12 others. On June 27, 1993, Madeleine Albright, U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations, addressed an emergency session of the Security Council and provided evidence to support the attack on the IIS facility.

III. Analysis of Whitehurst's Allegations

In a letter to the DOJ OIG, Whitehurst claims that Ronay may have purposely misinterpreted his results in order to suggest involvement by Iraq and support the missile strike by the United States.
Whitehurst explains that before the missile strike, Ronay asked him to compare the explosive material in the Bush device to explosive materials and residues from Iraqi devices discovered in Southeast Asia during the 1991 Gulf War (the Southeast Asia devices or Southeast Asia explosives ). When Whitehurst previously examined the explosives and residues from these Southeast Asia devices, he reported that they were consistent with, or could have come from, a British-made plastic explosive described as "PE-4A," although the results did not agree entirely with the formula for British PE-4A.
Whitehurst told us that he conducted the comparison suggested by Ronay and found that the binder material from the Southeast Asia explosives readily dissolved in acetone and had a relatively low molecular weight distribution, unlike the binder material in the Bush explosive. Therefore, according to Whitehurst, he informed Ronay that the explosive in the Bush device which he suspected to be Portuguese PE-4A, was very much different from the explosives in the Southeast Asia devices, which he thought were similar to British PE-4A :



I advised Ronay that at the time of the analysis of [the Southeast Asia] material we had interpreted the data to be consistent except in one aspect with a British product called PE-4A which was very much different from Portuguese PE-4A which was what we suspected the material used in the [Bush] assassination attempt was.
Whitehurst did not incorporate the results of this comparison in any dictation or written report.
Whitehurst stated that he later read a newspaper article and an FBI memorandum about the Bush matter, which he believed suggested that his comparison results had been used to link the Bush device to Iraq and to support the missile strike. Whitehurst told us that as a result, he reviewed his data again and discovered that he had overlooked Fourier Transform Infrared (FTIR) data from the Bush explosives that resembled FTIR data from the Southeast Asia explosives. This discovery somewhat lessened Whitehurst's concern about the reported relationship between the Bush and Southeast Asia explosives. Still, Whitehurst remained concerned that after he had advised Ronay that there was no link between the Bush explosive and other explosives, Ronay had purposely misreported this conclusion.



A. The Laboratory Reports
To determine whether Ronay misreported Whitehurst's comparison results, we first reviewed the Laboratory reports prepared by the Explosives Unit in this matter. Our review showed that the Laboratory reports, which Ronay had authority to approve as Unit Chief, did not misstate the results of Whitehurst's comparison.
Explosive examiner Jordan prepared four Laboratory reports in the Bush matter. None of these reports mentioned Whitehurst's comparison of the Bush and Southeast Asia explosives. Specifically, the May 11, 1993, Laboratory report did not contain any dictation by Whitehurst. The June 18, 1993, Laboratory report included a summary of Whitehurst's June 7, 1993, dictation, but again did not include any results from the comparison performed by Whitehurst. The November 2, 1993, Laboratory report contained a verbatim version of Whitehurst's entire June 7, 1993, dictation, except for a transcription error, but did not mention Whitehurst's comparison results. Finally, the December 17, 1993, Laboratory report contained the results of Whitehurst's comparison of the explosive materials in the cube-bombs with known Iraqi explosives, but again did not include his results from the comparison of the main charge of the Bush device to the Southeast Asia explosives.
Although these Laboratory reports did not misstate Whitehurst's findings, our review did show that Jordan, in the June 18, 1993, Laboratory report, omitted and rewrote parts of Whitehurst's June 7, 1993, dictation. Specifically, Jordan omitted a description of the instrumentation used in Whitehurst's analysis and the results from Whitehurst's examinations of the detonator leg wires, detonating cord, and end plug. Jordan also reworded Whitehurst's description of two earlier laboratory cases involving explosive material similar to that in the Bush device. When questioned about these changes to Whitehurst's dictation, Jordan explained that his June 18, 1993, Laboratory report was not a normal report. Jordan told us that his supervisors at the FBI, including FBI Counter Intelligence Section Chief Neil Gallagher, requested just an opinion from the explosive examiner. Therefore, Jordan suggested that he included only those portions of Whitehurst's dictation that he had considered in forming his own opinion.
We think that once Jordan decided to include any part of Whitehurst's dictation, he should have included all of that dictation verbatim. As discussed elsewhere in our Report, the practice within the Explosives Unit of rewriting or editing the dictation of other examiners created an unacceptable risk of misinterpretation.



B. Verbal Reports by Ronay
We further sought to determine whether Ronay verbally misreported the results from Whitehurst's comparison of the explosive material in the Bush device and Southeast Asia devices. The evidence does not support this claim.
During our interviews, Ronay stated that he possibly reported some of the Laboratory's results to representatives of the FBI and CIA. Ronay stated that although he did not rewrite any of Whitehurst's dictation, he may have paraphrased Whitehurst's conclusions in those briefings. Ronay reported that he could not specifically recall requesting that Whitehurst compare the Bush explosives to the Southeast Asia explosives or receiving any results from those comparisons. However, he vaguely recalled that Whitehurst stated that the explosive in the Southeast Asia cases could be British PE-4A and the explosive in the Bush device could be Portuguese PE-4A. Ronay stated that if Whitehurst had reported this, he may have told others that the explosives were consistent with a PE-4A kind of explosive, [but] they are different. Ronay added that he would not have portrayed the explosives as chemically identical.
We interviewed Neil Gallagher, Chief of the FBI Counter Intelligence Section, about Ronay's statements. Gallagher told us that as Chief of the Intelligence Section, he reported the results of the FBI's investigation in the Bush matter to appropriate parties in the Administration. Gallagher stated that sometime before the June 2, 1993, meeting with the Attorney General, Ronay told him that the explosive material used in the Bush device and other Iraqi devices (including the Southeast Asia devices) was PE-4A, but that the FBI could not connect these explosives chemically or say that they came from the same shipment, sources, or country. Gallagher also stated that Ronay told him that there could be chemical differences in different batches of PE-4A and that one could only say that these bombing cases involved a plastic explosive described as PE-4A. Based on this conversation with Ronay, Gallagher reported to us that he believes he clarified for the Attorney General in the June 2, 1993, meeting that the explosives used in these cases were consistent with some type of PE-4A, but that this identification alone would not be enough to connect the devices. Gallagher stated that he also told the Attorney General that the identification of PE-4A was not that significant because its use was so common.
Although it appears that Ronay did report that the explosives in the Bush and Southeast Asia devices could not be connected based on chemical composition, subsequent reports on the matter tended to ignore such chemical differences. In a report to the President drafted before the missile strike by representatives with the DOJ Terrorism and Violent Crime Section, the DOJ reported in pertinent part:



The results of chemical and physical analyses of the explosive main charge from the Kuwait car bomb are consistent with the presence of a moldable plastic bonded explosive composed of approximately 96% RDX explosive, 3% poly (vinyl-isobutyl ether) binder and 1% hydrocarbon oil (PE-4A). According to the FBI Laboratory Explosives Unit, PE-4A plastic explosive was contained in a terrorist improvised explosive device used by Iraqi operatives in early 1991 in [Southeast Asia] and two other devices believed to have been used by Iraqi operatives in [Southeast Asia] in early 1991.
(Emphasis added). A DOJ representative who assisted in preparing this Report told us that the FBI provided the information in this paragraph, although that DOJ representative was not sure whether the language later was massaged in some way.
Similarly, in the CIA's report to the President before the missile strike, members of the CIA Counter Terrorism Center (CTC) reported in part:



The results of chemical and physical analysis of the explosive main charge from the car bomb recovered in Kuwait indicate an explosive known as PE-4A. According to the FBI Laboratory Explosives Unit, PE-4A plastic explosive was contained in terrorist improvised explosive devices used by Iraqi operatives in early 1991 in [Southeast Asia].
(Emphasis added). Representatives of the CTC also told us that this information came from the FBI.
Moreover, even after the missile strike, the FBI and CIA continued to report simply that PE-4A plastic explosive had been identified in the Bush device and other Iraqi explosive devices, including those from Southeast Asia. We found such language in FBI memoranda and a FBI teletype concerning the Bush matter, as well as in two CIA intelligence reports.
Thus, the evidence shows that Ronay and Gallagher did understand and report that the Bush explosive and the Southeast Asia explosives contained PE-4A that the FBI could not say was chemically identical. At the time, Whitehurst suspected that the explosive in the Bush device was Portuguese PE-4A and that the explosive in the Southeast Asia devices was similar to British-made PE-4A. However, subsequent reports failed to note the possibility of chemical differences and simply reported that all of the cases involved a PE-4A plastic explosive. While these reports were not as precise as Whitehurst would have liked because they failed to discuss specific chemical differences, we find no evidence that Ronay or Gallagher purposely misreported that the explosives were chemically identical.
We also note that if the comparison results were not reported as precisely as possible, that lack of precision may have resulted from Whitehurst's own failure to prepare dictation reporting his findings. Whitehurst told us that he did not prepare such dictation because the results of his comparisons were already addressed in his June 7, 1993, dictation. In that dictation, Whitehurst reported that he had detected this type of explosive two times in the past, and then referred only to two prior Laboratory cases involving caches of explosives that the FBI could not link to Iraq. Whitehurst's explanation does not justify his failure to prepare dictation. As illustrated in this case, analytical results that provide a basis for distinguishing explosives can be as meaningful as results showing that explosives are chemically identical. Whitehurst should have prepared dictation explaining that he had compared the Bush and Southeast Asia explosives and documenting chemical differences between the explosives.



C. The Missile Strike
Whitehurst also suggests that the United States may have launched the missile strike against the IIS Building in Baghdad as a result of his findings being misreported.
Contrary to Whitehurst's suggestion, the decision to launch the missile strike did not turn on reports that the Bush and Southeast Asia explosives contained PE-4A. The FBI and CIA assembled extensive evidence of Iraqi involvement, including admissions from two key suspects, forensic examinations of relevant explosive devices, and intelligence from various sources. Our investigation showed that reports that the Laboratory had found PE-4A in the Bush matter and Southeast Asia cases were not a significant part of the overall evidence against the Iraqi Government.
Specifically, the evidence presented to the Administration included admissions from the two main suspects, Al-Ghazali and Al-Asadi. Each confessed during interviews with the FBI that they had participated in the plot at the direction of IIS officers. Al-Asadi, an Iraqi national, stated that he was recruited by suspected IIS officer, Muhammad Jawad. Jawad reportedly instructed Al-Asadi to plant the cube-bomb explosives in commercial areas of Kuwait City and to guide Al-Ghazali to Kuwait University. Al-Asadi reported that Al-Ghazali later told him that Bush was the target, although Al-Ghazali disputed this assertion. Al-Ghazali, also an Iraqi National, reported that he was recruited by suspected IIS officer, Abu Rafid. Rafid allegedly told Al-Ghazali that Bush was the target of the bombing attempt. Al-Ghazali also reported that Muhammad Jawad assisted in the plot.
The Administration also received forensic results from the FBI and CIA. These results consisted primarily of comparisons of components from the Bush device to other known Iraqi devices, including the Middle-East devices. CIA technicians found that the remote-control firing devices in the Bush case closely resembled devices used in other IIS devices, including the Middle-East devices. They found that blasting caps in the Bush case had the same characteristics as those found in one of the Middle-East devices, and the detonators matched those found in the other Middle-East device and one of the Southeast Asia devices. They further determined that the cube-bombs incorporated timing circuits and remote control firing devices containing integrated circuits used by Iraq in other devices.
Likewise, FBI explosives examiner Jordan found that the makers of the Bush device and the Middle-East devices used the same basic components, including the same circuit boards, manufactured radio control units, and anodized metal container. The circuit boards even had the same serial numbers, suggesting a single manufacturer, according to Jordan. Jordan characterized the maker's placement of components and soldering techniques as a signature. Jordan added that he observed in the radio-controlled receiving units the same drilled holes, wiring, component selection for incorporating an external power source, and soldering expertise. He also observed similar heat-shrunk, textile, and plastic materials used to protect wires, along with an unusually large quantity of black electrical tape. Jordan also pointed to other similarities, including similar or identical breaks and jumpers in the circuit boards, similar computer-type ribbon cable, similar adhesive material added to the potentiometers, and the same positioning of resistors on the timing mechanism.
Additionally, before the missile strike, the CIA obtained various intelligence reports indicating involvement by the Iraqi Government. The CIA learned that the IIS was planning to assassinate Bush now that he had returned to private life and that the assassination attempt would occur only with authorization from Saddam Hussein. The CIA also received information suggesting that Saddam Hussein had authorized the assassination attempt to obtain personal revenge and intimidate Kuwait and other Arab states.
Representatives of the DOJ, FBI, and CIA told us that in view of this evidence of Iraqi involvement, the Administration had significant information indicating Iraqi involvement aside from identification of the explosive material. Neil Gallagher stated that the identification of the explosive material in the Bush device was not a critical issue because the FBI could not say that the explosive material was identical to that in other Iraqi devices. According to Gallagher, similarities in the wiring, fuzing system, and circuit boards were deemed more significant than whether the explosive was identical to what had been contained in known Iraqi devices. Likewise, other highly placed representatives in the FBI Intelligence Division told us that the FBI established responsibility for the assassination attempt based on interviews of the suspects and examinations of the circuitry and wiring that showed signature characteristics.
Similarly, representatives of the DOJ Terrorism and Violent Crime Section stated that the various intelligence information, similarities in wiring and circuitry, and the confessions of the suspects were more important than the composition of the main charge. Representatives of the CIA Counter Terrorism Center also told us that analyses of the electrical components constituted more compelling evidence of Iraqi involvement, and that they were confident that Iraq was responsible based on the firing device, statements by the suspects, and Iraqi methods of operation. Even Ambassador Albright in her remarks to the United Nations focused almost exclusively on similarities in wiring and circuitry of the various devices, statements by the suspects, and information from the intelligence community.
In sum, it appears that significant information linked Iraq to the attempted bombing aside from any information about the explosive material. Even Whitehurst acknowledged that [t]here may have been sufficient data in other areas [to support the missile strike] and I have no doubt that there was. The evidence suggests that the identification of PE-4A in the Bush and Southeast Asia cases, even if stated less precisely than Whitehurst would have liked, was not responsible for the decision to launch the missile strike.

IV. Conclusion

The evidence does not support Whitehurst's claim that Ronay purposely changed or misinterpreted Whitehurst's results, either in the Laboratory reports or during discussions of those results. Nor does the evidence support Whitehurst's suggestion that the United States launched the missile strike against the IIS building in Baghdad based on a misinterpretation of Whitehurst's results.
This case does illustrate the importance of documenting all case-related work in the Laboratory. To the extent that chemical differences between the Bush and Southeast Asia explosives did not receive appropriate emphasis in this matter, that result may have been avoided if Whitehurst had prepared written dictation reporting his results.



Ken




"CABINET minister Ken Clarke was dramatically dragged into the Jimmy Savile scandal yesterday. It emerged that BBC pervert Savile was “given the keys” to Broadmoor secure hospital around 1988 — when Mr Clarke was Health Secretary." Jimmy Savile was given the keys to Broadmoor under Ken Clarke's watch

The former health secretary Ken Clarke sought to distance himself from the decision yesterday.



"I talked about cabinet minister Ken Clarke MP groping my penis through my trousers in political lobbyist Ian Greer’s office. 

"How he gave me alcohol in an attempt to get me drunk. 

"I explained to Jack Malvern that there was even video evidence of the incident as we'd filmed it during our 'cash for questions' sting operation for The Cook Report.

"We had a camera in a briefcase which captured the sordid event."

- Ben Fellows, former child actor


"Detective Constable Ben Lambskin of the Met Police’s Paedophile Unit told me that Central Television had been bought by Carlton Television in order to shut down the Cook Report and control the now infamous Kengate Tapes...

"I have discovered that the lawyer who took the tapes was indeed operating under the direct orders of our now Prime Minister David Cameron...

"David Cameron was rewarded by being made Prime Minister nominated at Bilderberg by, now Minister Without Portfolio and Chairman of the Bilderberg Steering Committee – Kenneth Clarke MP.

"In fact this year Kenneth Clarke MP is taking Prime Minister David Cameron to Bilderberg...





The Jimmy Savile paedophile ring at the centre of the BBC has taken an interesting twist this week as this journalist has come to realise that accusations of child abuse and paedophilia only extend to the deceased.

If you’re a living, breathing human being in the entertainment industry mainstream media won’t expose you. If you are a paedophile or child abuser in the entertainment industry and are famous or powerful you can breath a sigh of relief – you won’t be exposed, at least not by the Murdoch empire.


The Times may have canned the story because of a name tied to SKY.
It all started when I was contacted by Ruth Lewy from The Times newspaper on October 16, 2012. She wanted me to do an exclusive interview about my experiences as a child actor when I had run the gauntlet of paedophiles in the entertainment industry. She wanted to “give this a great showing” but she would also “want to be the only people you speak to until it appears in print this weekend.” All I asked for in return for giving The Times an exclusive was that the story would definitely run. She agreed to the terms and said that senior Times journalist Jack Malvern would interview me and a photographer would take some pictures of me for the article, which would appear on Saturday the 20th October 2012. So we arranged a time and a place to meet.

Jack Malvern a tall, balding ex-public school boy complete with the uniform of his generation was late to the meeting. When he did eventually arrive he had to go shopping for a new pad! When he did eventually arrive proper, he sat down in front of me at the Novotel in Greenwich and asked me specifically to name names of people who, I alleged, were suspected paedophiles or had abused me in some way while I was a minor. For the next two hours I sat in the Novotel being interviewed intensely and having only one cup of tea. The deal was that I was happy to name alleged paedophiles and child abusers in the wider industry, based on my own experiences but the story had to run.

What was good about the article, I thought, was that The Times were going to be brave and publish the names of actual living breathing people, rather than dead people like Jimmy Savile or Wilfred Brambell. Famous and powerful people who could argue back, perhaps call me a liar or fantasist in an attempt to clear their name. I talked about *******(Name redacted) political lobbyist Ian Greer’s office. How he gave me alcohol in an attempt to get me drunk. I explained to Jack Malvern that there was even video evidence of the incident as we’d filmed it during our “cash for questions” sting operation for The Cook Report, we had a camera in a briefcase which captured the sordid event. I talked about a senior female BBC producer who likes to have sex with teenagers. Or I should say have sex with me when I was a teenager.  I continued with a long list of names of extremely well known actors, casting directors, producers, directors, writers and executives who had all abused me or attempted to abuse me sexually while I was a child actor.

I explained to Jack Malvern of The Times, that I only ever had sexual relations with women however that didn’t stop predatory gay men from attempting to get into my pants. As a child actor you are not responsible for your actions, you’re naïve, vulnerable and quite frankly an idiot, well I was. So, saying no when powerful industry people are telling you to take drugs with the implication that if you don’t – you won’t be hanging around for long, is highly unlikely. It’s one of the oldest tricks in the book and works really on children, now add sex, money and power into the mix and you’re lucky if you don’t spend life after being a child actor in rehab and therapy – of course some do.  

So, from the age of 15 I was a regular at Stringfellows, Cafe De Paris and The Atlantic Bar and Grill. I attended many celebrities parties and private functions. One party was in a house in the New Forest and I must have been around sixteen at the time. At the party was a certain founder of a child protection charity. I was given drugs, alcohol and was propositioned by men and women all night until I ended up passed out in the garden. I eventually got a cab back to my digs in a terrible state. You’d think that for someone who is known for their charitable works protecting children she might insist that this party was for adults only and make me go home or at least keep an eye on me and stop me from drinking – recognising the fact that I looked and was very young. For consenting adults there is nothing wrong with sex, drugs and rock ‘n’ roll. However, I was a teenager and was being introduced to a very murky world by so called “respectable” industry figures and celebrities.

Now, none of my story seemed to be a problem for Jack Malvern when he interviewed me, he was happy to publish what I said. After the interview I even checked to see if he was happy with what I said. The only issue was that later in the day he wanted to interview my mother about an incident when I was called into a casting for a major drinks company. I gave him my mother’s telephone number, he left two messages which she ignored as she didn’t want to talk to him. My mother never agreed to talk to Jack Malvern which is what I told him when I later informed him that she didn’t want to be interviewed as she’s a very private person and it was her choice. Jack Malvern didn’t seem to think it was an issue and left me with the impression that the article would run as planned on Saturday 20th October 2012.

Of course printed here are just a few stories of the many that I told him. He’d asked for names and I’d given them to him with details only one who was there would know. He even emphathised at one point and told me that my story rang true for him as he’d experienced similar problems with predatory gay men when he was a young journalist or so he told me.

Little did I know that the next BBC person I named was the one that would stop the article from coming out. The person who I am referring to shall remain nameless in this article, however they are a new star of SKY Television.  It seems that SKY have a lot invested in this person and like the BBC stopping the Jimmy Savile Newsnight programme Murdoch et al. have withdrawn an explosive article in The Times that threatened to reveal a far seedier side of their new star than they would like. Drug taking, inappropriate sexual behaviour and child abuse isn’t something the Murdoch empire want revealed.

Now, Jack Malvern of The Times may say that I’m an unreliable person or that they couldn’t corroborate the accusations I was making. But isn’t that what child abuse is all about? There are laws preventing people from making false allegations so why would I lie. In any case they said they’d run the article either with or without the names. So, why didn’t it run? My theory is that they didn’t want to give me the platform of appearing in The Times, just in case I mentioned names at a later date. The Murdoch empire and BBC are clearly safe havens for child abusers to operate.

A society that takes the position of not believing victims, hiding the truth and protecting abusers for their own personal gain is a sad state of affairs. It is typical of a society gone mad, set up to procure children and to protect paedophiles. In other words children’s well-being comes down to simply politics. If you accuse someone of abuse and they happen to be famous or powerful then tough luck you lose. You won’t be believed, regardless of the validity of your claims by either the state or mainstream corporate media seems to be the message.

Murdoch’s Lessons in Press Ethics

The irony is that the Murdoch empire, who has always been quick to name and shame is curiously reluctant when it comes to naming one of its own stars. It appears that the empire is only prepared to expose child abusers and paedophiles as long as it doesn’t affect its own reputation. We’ve moved on from just phone hacking.

One of News International’s slogans on their Website is “We’re delivering more news, to more people, more often, in more ways than ever”. If the Murdoch press is willing to deny the public vital information which is in their interest to know, like exposing paedophiles and child abusers, then the question has to be – Are News International’s titles worth the paper they’re written on? Or more importantly, are the Murdochs responsible enough to run a media empire influencing millions of people all around the world.

If they’re hiding child abuse, then the answer is no. ….

-

*Redacted portions of this article have been removed at the request of the Cabinet Office, pending further investigation by the editor into the accuracy of the information submitted by author to 21st Century Wire.

UPDATE: Thus far, we have learned some additional information regarding this investigation available here at Max Farquar.com, and a further update on Fellows police investigation available here.




Friday, 17 May 2013

Cliff





"Had I been married and with children
I wouldn't be able to do what I do now".