Halifax and Goering - Carinhall, 1937
"You ask, what is our policy?
I will say: It is to wage war, by sea, land and air, with all our might and with all the strength that God can give us..."
- Winston Churchill, May 1940
"The world is full of the most damnedable lies about me, and the damnedable thing is that most of them are true..."
- Sir Winston Churchill, date unknown
O villain, villain, smiling, damnèd villain!
My tables—meet it is I set it down
That one may smile, and smile, and be a villain—
At least I am sure it may be so in Denmark.
Hamlet Act 1, scene 5, 105–109
“In the course of preparing myself…I realized afresh that I hate Churchill and all of his kind. I hate them virulently. They have stalked down the corridors of endless power all through history… What man of sanity would say on hearing of the atrocities committed by the Japanese against British and Anzac prisoners of war, “We shall wipe them out, everyone of them, men, women, and children. There shall not be a Japanese left on the face of the earth”? Such simple-minded cravings for revenge leave me with a horrified but reluctant awe for such single-minded and merciless ferocity.”
- Richard Burton, 1974
"I went up to my father's bedroom. He was standing in front of his basin and was shaving with his old fashioned Valet razor. He had a tough beard, and as usual he was hacking away.
"Sit down, dear boy, and read the papers while I finish shaving:" I did as told. After two or three minutes of hacking away, he half-turned and said: "I think I see my way through." He resumed shaving.
I was astounded, and said: "Do you mean we can avoid defeat? (which seemed credible), or beat the bastards?" (which seemed incredible).
He flung his razor into the basin, swung around, and said: "Of course I mean we can beat them."
Me: "Well I'm all for it, but I don't see how you can do it."
By this time he had dried and sponged his face and turning around to me, said with great intensity:
"I shall drag the United States in." "
Randolph Churchill,
remembering the morning of 18th May, 1940,
quoted in Their Finest Hour, edited by Martin Gilbert.
"It is most important to attract neutral shipping to our shores in the hope especially of embroiling the United States with Germany . . . . For our part we want the traffic — the more the better; and if some of it gets into trouble, better still."
- First Sea Lord Winston Churchill,
Telegram to the Chairman of the Board of Trade,
May 1915
Joint Army and Navy Basic War Plan Red, also known as the Atlantic Strategic War Plan, was a plan for the United States to make war with the British Empire (the "Red" forces).
It was developed by the United States Army following the 1927 Geneva Naval Conference; and approved in May 1930 by the Secretary of War and the Secretary of Navy and updated in 1934–35.
In 1939 it was decided that further planning was no longer applicable but that the plan be retained.
Canada (Crimson), Great Britain, Northern Ireland and Newfoundland (Red), British Raj (Ruby), Australia (Scarlet), New Zealand (Garnet), Ireland - by that time no longer part of the British Empire (Emerald), and other parts of the British Empire (Pink-not part of the plan), United States (Blue).
Stalin glared at Elliott and said, "You don't know why?"
Elliott replied, "No!"
Quickly, Stalin responded, "Don't you know who killed your father?"
Roosevelt-shocked-answered, "No."
Stalin rising from his chair, continued, "Well, I'll tell you why I have not invited her here. As soon as your father died, I asked my ambassador in Washington to go immediately to Georgia with a request to view the body."
Stalin believed that if Gromyko could see the body he would confirm that the cerebral hemorrhage that had caused his death had caused extensive discoloration and distortion.
"Elliot responded that he knew nothing about that and then Stalin said, "Your mother refused to permit the lid of the coffin to be opened so that my ambassador could see the body." Adding "I sent him there three times trying to impress upon your mother that it was very important for him to view the President's body. She never accepted that. I have never forgiven her."
This forced Elliott to ask this last question, "…but why?"
Stalin took a few steps around the office, and almost in a rage roared, "They poisoned your father, of course, just as they have tried repeatedly to poison me."
"They, who are they," Elliot asked
"The Churchill gang!" Stalin roared, "They poisoned your father, and they continue to try to poison me…the Churchill gang!"
The Strange Deaths of President Harding : Tarpley - Britain's Silent War Against the US from Spike EP on Vimeo.
"The destabilisation of President Harding bears an uncanny similarity to the British-directed Whitewatergate operations against President Clinton..."
Harding was the first US President to visit Canada, specifically British Columbia - one week later he was dead; poisoned.
He had just visited the British Empire's strategic railheads at Vancouver and Winnipeg.
You will have the satisfaction to survive me and my comrades in misfortune. I do not hesitate to congratulate you on this personal triumph and the finesse with which you have accomplished it. You have gone to great expense in order to secure this success, for yourself and Great Britain. Should I believe you sufficiently naive as to consider this success anything more than a show, detrimental to the Great German Empire—a performance for the peoples and their Jewish and Bolshevist confederates, which were maneuvered be you onto the war—then my statement to you during the last hour of my life would, also in the eyes of posterity, be squandered upon an undeserving one.
My pride as a German and as one of the foremost responsible German leaders forbids me to lose even a single word in a dispute of world-historical importance on the disgraceful lowness of the methods employed by the victors as far as these preceedings concern my own person. However, as it is the obvious and announced intention of their administration of the law to throw the very German people into the abyss of illegality and to rob them once and for all of a future possibility to defend themselves by the removal of the responsible men of the national socialistic state, I have to add a few words to the historic subject of the verdict, premeditated by you and your allies.
I direct these remarks to you, since you are one of the best informed ones regarding the true underlying reasons for this war and on the possibility of avoiding the same; or to end it at least in a manner bearable for the European future; and yet refused your testimony and your oath to your own high court of justice. Therefore I shall not fail, while there is still time, to call you before the tribunal of history and direct my statements to you, because I know that this tribunal shall expose you some day as that man, who, with ambition, intelligence and energy has thrown the fate of the European nations under the heels of foreign world powers.
In you I identify before history the man who had the ability to bring Adolf Hitler and his political accomplishments; the man, who will, however, be unable to raise the shield protectingly against the invasion of Europe by the Asiatics.
It was your ambition to justify the Versailles Treaty regarding Germany. It will prove fatal to you that you succeeded. You personified the hardened obstinacy of your old gentry; and you also personified the stubborness of its old age, opposing the last gigantic effort of tne rejuvenated German power to decide the fate of Europe in the steppes of Asia in order to safeguard the same in the future. Long after my responsibility in the future development of events has found its objective judge, it will be put to your account that the past bloody war has not been the final one which had to be fought on the continent for the very possibility of existence of its nations.
You will have to answer for the fact that the bloody war of yesterday will be followed by a still greater one and that the European nations will not rule at the Volga, but at the Pyrenes mountains. It is my fervent wish that you may at least live to see the day on which the world, and the western nations in particular, will become aware of the bitter truth that it was you and your friend Roosevelt who sold their future to Bolshevism for a cheap personal triumph over nationalistic Germany. This day may come sooner than you like, and you, in spite of your advanced age, will still be vigorous enough to see it dawn bloody red over the British Isle.
I am convinced that it will bring you all those unimaginable terrors which you escaped this time through the good luck of war; or through the abhorrence of the German conduct of war to a complete degeneration of the methods of fighting between peoples of the same race. My knowledge regarding the kind and amount of arms and of the projects from us, which—thanks to your military assistance to the red army—have fallen into their hands, enable me to form this supposition.
There is no doubt that you—according to your habit—soon will write good memoires and you will write them the better, as there is nobody to hinder you to tell and suppress whatever you like.
You believe it very clever to have submitted this historic truth to the craftiness of a handful of ambitious junior lawyers in order to have it changed into an expedient dialectic treatise, in spite of your awareness as a Briton as well as a statesman, that with such means the problems of existence of peoples could not be solved and judged; neither in the past nor in the future.
I have an only too well grounded opinion of your power and the cunning of your intelligence as to credit you with believing the vulgar propaganda with which you motivated the war against us and with which you had your victory over us glorified in a fantastic show.
I state here with great emphasis as one of the highest military, political and economic leaders of the Great German Empire the following: This war could not be avoided because the polities of Great Britain—under the influence of your person and of your friends of like opinions in all fields—persisted constantly to hinder the life-interests and the most natural development of the German people; and— filled with the senile ambition to uphold the British hegemony—preferred the 2nd world war to an understanding, as we on our side had tried time and again to bring about, beneficial to both of the most prominent nations of Europe.
I declare herewith once more most emphatically that the guilt of the German people in this war—into which they were forced by you—consists solely in trying to end the eternal difficulties to their national existence, which you artfully instigated and continued. It would be useless to go with you into a dispute over the causes, the conditions of restraint and the motives which led during the course of the war to political aid military complications and which your lawyers knew so well to use in a one-sided manner at the cost of the national socialistic regime. The devastated European regions of culture and nibbled treasures give still today testimony of the embittered despair with which a great and proud people yesterday, with unparalleled readiness to make sacrifices, fought for its existence. Tomorrow they will testify that alone the overpowering might, led by you in the field, was able to cause the subjection and deprivation of their rights. The day after tomorrow the Russians will bear witness of the betrayal which surrendered Europe to the red Asiatics.
The Germany which you conquered will take revenge on you through its downfall. You have neither produced a better politic nor shown a greater courage than we. You have not won the victory due to better qualities or superiority of your strength and strategy, but merely after 6 years with the predominance of yoor allies. Do not believe your victory to be all that which you tell the world. You and your land soon will harvest the fruits of your political art. What you as an experienced Cynic would not admit toward us—namely that our fight in the East was an act of urgent self defense, and not alone for Germany but for all Europe; and that the German fighting this war, which you constantly condemned, therefore was justified. This, your ally and friends of today, Stalin, soon will prove to you and to the British Empire.
Then you will experience what it means to fight his enemy and you will learn that necessity knows no law; also that you can neither fight him successfully with treaties of law nor with the weight of Great Britain and her European dwarfs.
You have stated to the German pcople that you were primarily concerned with the restoration of their democratic mode of life. But you have not said a single word that you want to restore to them the sensible foundations for living, which have been denied them these past 25 years. Your name stands under all essential documents of this epoch of British want of comprehension and jealousy towards Germany. Your name also will stand under the result with which this epoch of Germany’s liquidation has challenged history in lieu of Europe’s existence.
My belief in the vitality of my people cannot be shaken. They will be stronger and live longer than you. However, it distresses me to know them defenseless in your power and that they now also belong to the luckless victims, who, thanks to your success, do not approach a future of progressive work for the realization of their common aim, set forth by intelligence for the western peoples, but are driven toward the greatest catastrophe in their common history.
I do not wish to argue about outrages, which you—rightly or wrongly—ascribe to us and which neither agree with my nor the German peoples comprehension; neither do I wish to talk about those atrocities which have been committed on your part and on the part of your allies towards millions of Germans; for I know that you have made under this pretend the entire German people the object of a collective outrage of a proportion never known in history. I also know that you would not have acted differently regarding your treatment of Germany without this pretention, because since 1914 you have striven for nothing less than the destruction of the German empire. Thus, your historic goal denies you the office of a judge over the avoidable and unavoidable consequences caused by your unremitting intentions and which were welcome to you as subsequent proof for the justification of your actions. Today I regret my and the national-socialistic governments greatest mistake, the fateful error to believe in your discernment as a statesman. I regret to have trusted you with justiciously recognizing the world-political necessity of a peaceful and progressive (prosperous) Germany for the existence of a flourishing England. I regret that our means did not suffice to convince you at the last moment that the liquidation of Germany would also be the beginning of the liquiciation of Britain’s world power. We began to act—each one according to his own law. I in line with the new one, for which this Europe was already too old—you holding on to the old one, for which this Eurepe is not anymore important enough in the world.
I shall know how to approach end in the alsolute conviction as a German National Socialist and considering everything else, to have been a better European than you. I leave the judgment of this with an easy mind to posterity. I hope sincerely that you will belong to this world for a long time to come as fate might grant you—as it has to me—when you decline to leave to posterity also a truth.
Sincerely,
Hermann Goering
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