Before the attempted assassination on DeGaulle by Thiery of Permindex and even before Maurice Gatlin, the New Orleans business associate of Guy Bannister, had acted as courier of assassination funds for Permindex between New Orleans and Europe, a large hassle had developed publicly over the Pentagon and the Defense Intelligence Agency acting in concert with the revolting French generals in Algeria. These were the same French generals who were working with the Defense Intelligence Agency and Division Five of the FBI through Permindex, Centro Mondiale Comerciale (World Trade Center) and Italo American Hotel Corporation in the attempted assassination of DeGaulle in March of 1962. At the time these facts were put into general circulation, neither Permindex, Centro Mondiale Comerciale (World Trade Center) nor Italo American Hotel Corporation had been brought to public light, although we now know their operations, connections and purposes.
The story was considered important enough in May, 1961, to be the subject of the lead editorial in Le Monde, the most respected and influential newspaper in France:
It now seems established that some American agents more or less encouraged Maurice Challe, whose experience in NATO should have put him on guard against the dealings of these irresponsible people and their Spanish and German colleagues. Kennedy obviously had nothing to do with this affair. To make this plain he considered it necessary to offer aid to General De Gaulle, well-intentioned certainly but inopportune.
Columnist Marquis Childs noted that some people at the top were aware of the Defense Intelligence Agency's involvement.
Childs wrote:
As one of the highest officials of France put it: "Of course your government, neither your State Department nor your President, had anything to do with this. But when you have so many hundreds of agents in every part of the world it is not to be wondered at that some of them should have got in touch with the generals in Algiers."
And l'Express devoted two full pages to Challe and the DIA in a report the content of which obviously bore the imprint of high officialdom. Among other things, l'Express affirmed that:
Knowing the sobriety, the prudence and the ambition of General Challe, all of his close friends are convinced today that he was encouraged by his companions (at NATO). In the course of the final conversations which he had in Paris certain American agents have told him "succeed quickly - in less than forty-eight hours - in a technical coup d'etat and we will support you."
When the first stories of DIA and NATO involvement in the revolt were being published on April 22, 1961, some of them were launched cautiously "by officials at the Elysee Palace itself" according to Crosby S. Noyes in the Washington Star.
At least a half dozen foreign newsmen were given privately to understand that the generals' plot was backed by strongly anti-Communist elements in the United States Government and military services. The leader of the revolt, General Maurice Challe, was reported to have received assurances that any move to keep Algeria under permanent French domination and out of Algerian hands would be in the interests of the United States. There also was a strong implication that a change in the NATO policies of General DeGaulle would be welcome as one of the results of a successful coup d'etat.
Paul Ghali of the Chicago Daily News reported that:
French army circles in the French capital made it known that they had 'irrefutable' documents proving that Pentagon agents in Paris and Algiers promised General Challe full U. S. support if the coup succeeded. Simultaneously, the Polish Ambassador in Paris, Stanislaw Gajewski, volunteered the same information with even more precision to colleagues and social acquaintances.
Said Il Paese in Rome:
It is not by chance that some people in Paris are accusing the American secret service headed by Allen Dulles of having participated in the plot of the four 'ultra' generals . . . Franco, Salazar, Allen Dulles are the figures who hide themselves behind the pronunciamentos of the 'ultras'; they are the pillars of an international conspiracy that, basing itself on the Iberian dictatorships, on the residue of the most fierce and blind colonialism, on the intrigues of the CIA . . . reacts furiously to the advance of progress and democracy. . . .
Pravda reported that:
Taking part in the war against the Algerian people is not only the France of the arms manufacturers.. The war in Algeria is a war of NATO. This was openly and cynically stated by American General Norstad, Commander in Chief ofthe Armed Forces of the Atlantic Bloc. U.S. reactionary quarters are helping the French colonialists. . . . The traces of the plotters lead to Madrid and Lisbon, these hotbeds of fascism preserved intact with the money of American reactionaries and with direct assistance of top NATO circles. The traces from Spain and Portugal lead across the ocean to the Pentagon and the Central Intelligence Agency of the U.S. . . .
A version with a new twist appeared in a non-Communist Paris newspaper. It was written by Genevieve Tabouis. Madame Tabouis assured her readers that "the fact that the effort of Challes was encouraged, if not supported, by the most Atlantic of American services, is from now on a secret everyone knows.
About this time, General James M. Gavin, United States Ambassador to France, attended a luncheon of the French American Press Association. Also on hand was Pierre Baraduc. Ambassador Gavin stood up to answer questions from the guests. One of the guests was Sam White, an Australian and Paris correspondent for the irreverent London Evening Standard. White, a man of blunt and simple Anglo-Saxon words, handed Ambassador Gavin a bombshell of a question: "Now that the story that the Pentagon played a part in the Algerian mutiny has received the blessing of the Quai d'Orsey, what steps does the American Ambassador propose to take to kill it?"
By this time, the Defense Intelligence Agency, Division Five of the FBI and the NATO generals' involvement with the French Algerian generals was so well established that General Gavin declined to make any form of denial.
Digressing somewhat but expanding further, it is desirable to document further the connection between the Defense Intelligence Agency, Division Five of the FBI, the Defense Industrial Security Command, the members of the Kennedy assassination cabal, it's employees and their common, connecting links and objectives.
The Defense Industrial Security Command is a direct subsidiary of the Defense Intelligence Agency under the command of Lt. Gen. Joseph Carroll, who was a long time friend of Hoover and former Assistant Director of the FBI. The Defense Industrial
Security Command was in operation before the Defense Intelligence Agency was formed in early 1961. However, before that time, it had worked with the separate armed forces intelligence agencies which were all brought together under General Carroll. The DISC was a police, security, investigative, intelligence and employee clearance arm of the sprawling military industrial complex consisting of the Atomic Energy Commission, NASA, the munitions makers and suppliers of the Army, Air Force, Navy and Marine Corps and the employees of all of those agencies and those companies who held contracts with them.
It is not in the least surprising that the syndicate and the Mafia worked well into the Defense Industrial Security Command because of their members' ownership in many of the huge corporations manufacturing munitions and supplies for the Pentagon, Atomic Energy Commission and NASA.
Henry Crown's and Patrick Hoy's ownership of the controlling block in General Dynamics between 1960 and 1966 is well known by the few who bother to keep up with such things. Henry Crown's close association with the Chicago Mafia figures has been well documented in Captive City by Demaris.
Joe Bonanno's (the New York, Tucson and Montreal Mafia head) connection with the munition manufacturing corporation, Lionel, is also well known. Roy Cohn of Lionel, Ed Levinson, Clifford Jones and Cleveland mobster, Morris Dalitz, and their business connections are also totally established.
Joe Bonanno keeps his personal lawyer on retainer (and has for years) in order to handle the intricate high financial legal moves in connection with his ownership of munitions, aerospace and other corporations registered on Wall Street. Bonanno's attorney is William Power Maloney who is also General Counsel for the Securities and Exchange Commission, the regulatory agency over the stock exchanges with headquarters in New York City. And, J. Edgar Hoover until 1959 vehemently denied that the Mafia even existed. He said there was no such organization as the Mafia.
The Nazi rocket scientists are on management level also in the munitions and aerospace industry. Walter Dornberger, the Nazi general, left the space agency in the 1950's to become a high official in Bell Aerospace Corporation and he was followed by over thirty of the Nazi scientists to control level in the corporations manufacturing munitions and aerospace material. This still left well over sixty of the scientists at command level in NASA.75
The Nazis, Mafia and gambling syndicate members were all brought together under the large umbrella of the Defense Industrial Security Command and even the larger joint umbrella of the Defense Intelligence Agency and Division Five of the FBI. Of course, General Joseph Carroll of DIA could not possibly participate in any venture without the approval of the Joint Chiefs of Staff sitting over him in the Pentagon.
The host of munitions and aerospace manufacturing companies with Mafia Members in the leadership positions began to surface during the 1960's and one of such connections surfaced as is shown in theAssociated Press Dispatch of October 28,1969, which reads as follows:
A Pennsylvania manufacturing firm linked to the Mafia by a Senate subcommittee has won millions of dollars in defense contracts from the Pentagon. Medico Industries Inc. of Pittston, Pa., currently is working on a $4 million contract to produce parts for rocket warheads used extensively in Vietnam. Since 1966, the firm has received about $12 million in Army, Navy, and Air Force contracts. Pentagon records indicate it has performed well on all its defense work.
Medico Industries' present contracts do not involve classified material. However, a Pentagon spokesman said the firm and its principal officers had a security clearance from Jan. 28, 1968 to June 20, 1968. It was terminated at the company's request - a request which Pentagon sources said came after security officials asked for additionalinformation about its officers.
The company's name has cropped up in the organized crime investigations of a Senate subcommittee headed by Sen. John L. McClellan, D Ark. In 1964, McClellan's subcommittee listed Medico Electric Motor Co., later to become known as Medico Industries, as a principal hangout of Russell A. Bufalino, whom it described as "one of the most ruthless and powerful leaders of the Mafia in the United States."
William Medico, former president and now general manager of Medico Industries, was listed in the same report as among the "criminal associates" of Bufalino.
James A. Osticco, the firm's traffic manager, was present in 1957 when New York State Police broke up the Apalachin Conference - a meeting of top Mafia figures from throughout the United States. The participants also included Bufalino and Vito Genevese, once described as "king of the rackets."
Bufalino has been battling deportation since 1952. According to the McClellan committee's 1964 report, the Sicilian-born Mafia leader has been active in narcotics trafficking, labor racketeering, and dealing in stolen jewels and furs. Last year, Bufalino was charged with transporting stolen television sets across state lines.
Investigators say Bufalino and Medico have been friends since Bufalino moved to Pittston from Buffalo, N.Y. in 1938. A confidential report in the files of state and federal law enforcement officials refers to a company listed in the Senate report as being owned by Bufalino and says: "One of the silent partners in this enterprise is said to be William Medico . . . who is believed to have money invested in a number of places where the subject (Bufalino) acts as front man."
In a telephone interview, Medico said he has no business interests with Bufalino. He said he has known Bufalino all his life.
As for the McClellan committee report that Bufalino frequents the Medico plant, Medico said, "Sure he comes to see us. We're selling his equipment; he's a customer. I can't tell him to get the hell out."
The firm's record of getting government contracts goes back to the 1950's. It has produced such items as maintenance platforms for the Air Force and Navy, rebuilt generators for the Signal Corps, rebuilt machine tools and hydraulic wing jacks for the Army, Navy and Air Force. It also has had contracts from the cities of New York and Detroit.
In 1963 it competed with eight other firms to take over management of a government- ammunition plant in Scranton, Pa., but lost out to a lower bidder.
In 1968 Medico Industries was one of the 166 companies from which the Army sought bids to produce parts for 2.75-inch rocket warheads. Ten firms, including Medico, responded and six got contracts. Medico was not among them.
But in the summer of 1968, the Army announced it needed still more warheads to fill Vietnam requirements. The four unsuccessful bidders on the earlier round were invited to bid again. All four, including Medico, got contracts. The Medico contract, awarded September 19, 1968, called for supply of 510,000 parts for $3,090,600.
Then, in December 1968, Medico was among the producers invited to submit proposals for shifting to production of a different and costlier type 2.75-inch warhead. The firm received a contract on Dec. 31 to supply 380,000 parts at a cost of $4,012,800. That contract is still in effect.
Under Defense Department regulations, a company can not be cleared for work on classified projects until its key personnel are given a National Agency check. This includes a search of FBI name and fingerprint files.
If any derogatory information is found, it is up to the Defense Industrial Security Command at Columbus, Ohio, to determine if it is serious enough to warrant further investigation. If such a determination is made the case is referred to a higher level for review. No such reference was made when Medico's application was processed.
In addition to security checks, all prospective defense contractors also undergo a pre-award review to determine their ability to produce. The personal background of company officials is not a factor in such reviews.
Medico Industries' success in obtaining government contracts has helped it expand from a small electrical company housed in a former mule barn to a large modern plant on the outskirts of Pittston. With a work force of about 400 during peak contract periods, the firm is one of the largest employers in the coal mining area.
William Medico and his four brothers, all officers in the family firm, are often in the news as participants in civic affairs, charity drives and occasionally politics, in the city of 13,000 midway between Scranton and Wilkes-Barre.
To return momentarily to some of the employees of the DIA and DISC involved in the DeGaulle assassination attempt, it needs to be pointed out that Jerry Brooks and a number of other witnesses confirmed to District Attorney Jim Garrison that Maurice Gatlin had carried funds to Europe to finance the DeGaulle assassination attempt. It was also confirmed that Jack Ruby was a close associate of Maurice Gatlin and that Gatlin, Robert Ray McKeown of Baycliff, Texas, (adjacent to the Houston NASA headquarters), and Jack Ruby were all very closely associated over a period of at least ten years. As a matter of fact, Jerry Brooks told Garrison that Gatlin was the one who called Jack Ruby and Robert Ray McKeown in and ordered them to drop their plans to ship surplus army jeeps to Fidel Castro in the spring of 1959.
Ruby, of course, was also very closely connected with L. J. McWillie of Havana and Las Vegas, the business partner of Clifford Jones, Ed. Levinson, Morris Dalitz, Bobby Baker and Roy Cohn. When questioned by the Warren Commission, Jack Ruby had this to say about L.J. McWillie:
Mr. Ruby: . . . As a matter of fact, on the plane, if I recall, I had an article he sent me, and I wanted to get it published because I idolized McWillie. . . .
Mr. Ruby: A fellow whom I sort of idolized is of the Catholic faith, and a gambler. Naturally in my business you meet people of various backgrounds. And the thought came, we were very close, and I always thought a lot of him, and I knew that Kennedy, being Catholic, I knew how heartbroken he was, and even his picture - of this Mr. McWillie - flashed across me, because I have a great fondness for him.76
Also buried deep in the twenty-six volumes of the Warren Commission report are the following statements which, of course, show that Ruby had contact with McWillie, Jones, Dalitz of the Stardust Motel and others in Las Vegas about two and one half weeks before the assassination time:
GILBERT COSKEY, Casino Cashier, Stardust Hotel, advised that about four weeks ago an individual from Dallas, Texas, believed by the name RUBY approached the casino credit department and attempted to have a check cashed. COSKEY recalled that the man talked about owning the Vegas Club and another night club in Dallas. COSKEY stated he took the check to JOHN TIHISTA, Credit Manager, for approval informing TIHISTA that the customer reportedly was from Dallas and owned night clubs in that city. COSKEY stated that if he recalls correctly TIHISTA refused to cash this check since the customer had no previous credit with the hotel. He could recall nothing more concerning this incident, but after seeing a photo of RUBY in the paper and reading about his background, he was certain that RUBY and the person attempting to cash a check at the Stardust were one and the same.77
JOHN TIHISTA, Credit Manager, Stardust Hotel, advised that about one month ago GILBERT COSKEY, Cashier in the hotel casino cage, came to TIHISTA with a check from a customer to determine whether or not it should be cashed.
According to COSKEY, the customer wanting to cash the check had no previous credit; however, COSKEY stated that the man was from Dallas and owned a night club in that city. He believed COSKEY had stated the man's name was RUBY. TIHISTA stated that apparently this incident occurred on a weekend since they were unable to contact the customer's bank, and therefore, did not accept the check.
TIHISTA reviewed hotel registration recorded for the months of September, October, and November (1963) but could not locate a registration for the name RUBY or RUBENSTEIN.
TIHISTA stated there was no credit application for the name RUBY or RUBENSTEIN at the Stardust.78
JOSEPH STEFAN, Caddymaster, Tropicana Golf Club . . . . advised that when the news of RUBY'S killing of L. OSWALD; first appeared on television, he had the impression that at one time RUBY might have played golf at that course, since he is sure that at some time during the past year, a player from Texas, had given him a card from the Carousel Club in Dallas and told him to look him up if he ever got to Dallas. . . .79
Ruby was simply being guided and advised by his superiors in the gambling syndicate and Mafia section within the Defense Industrial Security Command.
DISC also has within its group the secondary command level of the U.S. Information Agency whose duties are propaganda. Fred Korth, in addition to his close connection with Nazi Walter Dornberger as fellow board member on Bell Aerospace Corporation, has been active Director of U.S.I.A. and its subsidiary, Radio Free Europe.
In any event, one may well rest assured that in the fall of 1969 and 1970, the Defense Industrial Security Command was continuing its activities on East Broad Street in Columbus, Ohio and at the George Marshall Space Center and Old Redstone Arsenalalong the Tennessee River in Northern Alabama.
When F. Lee Bailey was called to represent Captain Ernest L. Medina in December of 1969, he was employed by DISC and he had never seen Medina until both were flown to Columbus, Ohio. After being together in Columbus a few days and after a number of propaganda stories were ground out from there, Medina and Bailey were flown to the Pentagon where they met the national press.
After Ross Perot had flown around the world with food for North Vietnam prisoners of war as a propaganda venture, he flew to Columbus, Ohio where new and effective news releases were issued after several days there in January, 1970. The Columbus group had earlier secured lawyers for James Earl Ray, Sirhan Sirhan and others.
The Defense Industrial Security Command, the police agency of the munitions manufacturers successors to the German cartels, has many and varied functions.
Chapter VI - Permindex and Double-Chek Agents and their Activities.
Double-Chek, a Florida corporation organized and operated by the CIA and the American counterpart of Permindex and Centro Mondiale Comerciale, was taken over by Division Five of the FBI and was used as one of the principal funding agencies for President Kennedy's death planners. Another was the Tolstoy Foundation, the Russian Solidarist funding source with its principal offices in New York City and Munich in Germany, and the Kentfield Fund in Dallas.80
The Solidarist world network is connected through the old Orthodox Catholic Church of North America and Synod of Bishops of the Russian Orthodox Church outside Russia which church connected organization used one of its priests, David Ferrie, in New Orleans as an agent in the planning of the Kennedy assassination.
Ferrie became a priest and agent for the Solidarists when he dropped out of the Roman Catholic Seminary in Ohio and joined the Byelorussian Liberation Front at 3308 West 43rd Street, Cleveland, Ohio in 1946.81
Donald P. Norton told Jim Garrison he was impressed into the agency's service in 1957 under threat of exposure as a homosexual. In September, 1962, Norton was dispatched from Atlanta to Mexico with $30,000 for an anti-Castro group. He said he registered in the Yamajel Hotel in Monterrey, Mexico, per instructions, when he was contacted by one Harvey Lee, an exact duplicate of Oswald except that his hair seemed slightly thicker.82
In exchange for the money, Lee gave him a briefcase containing documents in manila envelopes. According to plan, Norton delivered the briefcase to an employee of an American oil firm in Calgary, Alberta, who repeated the pass phrase, "The weather is very warm in Tulsa."83 Breck Wall and Joe Patterson were in close contact with a person who called himself Archison, and Jack Wohl from Calgary.
Norton also told of how he met David Ferrie earlier in his career. In early 1958, he was assigned a courier trip to Cuba and told to meet his contact at the Eastern Air Lines counter at the Atlanta airport. The contact was a man who called himself Hugh Ferrie. "Here are your samples," Ferrie remarked, handing Norton a phonograph record. "It is in the jacket." The jacket contained $150,000.00, which Norton duly delivered to a Cuban television performer in Havana. Norton asserts he went to Freeport, Grand Bahama, on an Agency assignment late in 1966, and upon his return to Miami, his contact instructed that "something was happening in New Orleans and that Norton should take a long, quiet vacation."84
He did, and began to worry about the "people who have died in recent months--like Ferrie." Then he contacted Garrison. Norton was given a lie detector test, the result of which was that he was telling the truth.85
Jules Rocco Kimble said that on the day after David Ferrie died, he drove a top KKK official, Jack Helm, to Ferrie's apartment. Helm came out with a satchel of papers which he placed in a bank safe deposit box. Kimble said that in 1962, he had flown to Montreal, Canada with Ferrie on business. He promised the District Attorney's investigators that he would gather more information and report back to them.86
Shortly afterward, he phoned his wife from Atlanta, saying he had met an Intelligence contact. "They'll never get me back to New Orleans," he said. A few days after that, he called from Montreal, Canada. Kimble came back to Tampa, Florida, where he was arrested by the city police. Interviewed by Garrison's men, he said that he had once worked special assignments for U.S. intelligence agencies, and in verification named his Agency contacts and the box number at the Layafette Street station they assigned him.87
He averred he had re-contacted the Intelligence agency after Walter Sheridan had counseled him to say nothing to the District Attorney and go to Montreal where he named some contacts.
Sheridan was the liaison man with Bobby Kennedy for Joe Carroll of the Defense Intelligence Agency. Sheridan was subsequently indicted by a New Orleans grand jury for public bribery for attempting to induce witnesses to make false statements against Garrison.88
David Ferrie was in Dallas, Texas on the night of November 24, 1963. Ferrie talked to Bob Mulholland, an NBC news man from the Chicago office, in Dallas the night of the 24th and admitted that he was connected with Jack Ruby's Carousel Club. Ferrie even knew the emcee at the club and spoke freely exhibiting a friendship with Jack Ruby and a knowledge of an number of Jack Ruby's associates in Dallas.89
We shall return to Ruby, Ferrie and their activities, but now is as good a time as any to add one more piece of evidence to the mountain of such inculpating the Defense Industrial Security Command.
Gary Underhill, a CIA agent with Walter Kostow and Harold R. Isaacs at the Center for International Studies at MIT, told friends in early 1964 in New York that a group within the U.S. Intelligence agencies had planned and brought about the death of John Kennedy and that he was going to expose them. A few days later he was found dead in his apartment in Washington, D.C., a bullet in his head behind his left ear - but Underhill was right handed.
Harold R. Isaacs, ex-Newsweek Magazine editor, was the subject of a suppressed Warren Commission document. David Ferrie, Maurice Brooks Gatlin, Guy Bannister and Mike McLaney of New Orleans, Robert Ray McKeown of Houston, Jack Ruby of Dallas and L.J. McWillie of Las Vegas began a partnership in 1953 with Carlos Prio Socarras, Cuba's President from 1948 to 1952, before Batista. Prio and his group were working well with Batista in operating all of the Cuban gambling houses until about 1957 when Batista began to shake Prio's group down for more than they felt was reasonable.90
Ex-President Prio, Ruby, McWillie, McKeown and the gambling partnership in 1957 contacted Castro who was then in the mountains and secretly began supporting him on Castro's promise of a more reasonable government tax on the gambling profits.
Prio's partner, Jack Ruby, spent a good part of 1958 directing the smuggling of arms to Cuba from the Keys in Florida with James Woodard, an ex-Dallas policeman.91 The arms, ammunition and supplies were furnished until the Castro takeover of Cuba in January, 1959. As had been promised, Prio, McWillie, Ruby, McKeown and the other partners continued to run the Havana gambling casinos until 1961 when Castro evicted McWillie, the last one to leave.92
McKeown, McWillie, Ruby, Prio, McLaney, Gatlin, Bannister and Ferrie immediately began working with other anti-Castro exiles, Division Five of the FBI and the CIA to overthrow Castro.93
After the Bay of Pigs disaster, the Prio-Ruby group under Bannister's direction continued to work with the Cuban exiles toward an invasion of the Cuban mainland. Bannister, as a free agent. worked with Warren DeBrueys, Division Five of the FBI's resident agent in New Orleans. DeBrueys was also a White Russian and a member of the Solidarists.
DeBrueys' chief assignment in the summer and fall of 1963 was to maintain a close vigil over Lee Harvey Oswald in New Orleans and Dallas. This he did, and after Oswald's death, DeBrueys gathered all of Oswald's personal belongings and carried them to J. Edgar Hoover in Washington, D.C.94
On November 22, before it was known that Kennedy was dead, Warren Debrueys walked into Parkland Hospital and tried to force his way into the room where President Kennedy was being attended.
Two Secret Service agents had a terrible fight with DeBrueys, before he was subdued in the room just outside of Kennedy's. He was held down by Secret Service agents until help arrived.95
L.J. McWillie, one of Jack Ruby's partners in the ex-President Prio-Bannister-Ruby group, was a conservative dressing, highly polished, international socialite who traveled with the professional golfers in the U.S., Britain and Western Europe.
McWillie entered the partnership with Clifford Jones and Bobby Baker in the Thunderbird gambling casino in Las Vegas, Nevada in 1962. The Dallas and Oklahoma City police who knew McWillie thoroughly had him officially designated as a "murderer and gambler" on his many-page arrest records.96As all people of this sort do, McWillie used a number of aliases. Some of these were Lewis J. Martin, L.J. Chapman, Lewis Olney and others.97
Robert Ray McKeown of Baycliff, Texas, near Houston, another of Ruby's partners in the President Prio-Bannister association, also had a many-paged criminal record. McKeown's aliases included J.T. Brown, H.J. McAllister, Max, Dick McKeown and others.98 Jerry Brooks further confirmed the close relation between McKeown, David Ferrie, L.J. McWillie and Ruby when he reported Maurice Gatlin put a stop to their plan to sell jeeps to Castro in 1959.
Lee Harvey Oswald was recruited into Division Five of the FBI by David Ferrie in 1956 before joining the USMC.99
Oswald was taken to Memphis, Tennessee, by Division Five of the FBI while in the Marine Corps. There he received the highest level of covert espionage activities training during June, July and August of 1957 at the Naval Intelligence school located on the Memphis Naval Base. The school is of such a highly secret nature that Oswald's official Marine Corps records were doctored so as not to reflect his training there.100
Lee Harvey Oswald was paid by J. Edgar Hoover through a subterfuge account with the Department of Immigration and Naturalization, a Division of the Justice Department, and consequently, he could testify before the Warren Commission without being technically guilty of perjury that Oswald was not on the FBI payroll. Fred Cook in The FBI Nobody Knows reveals this device which Hoover uses in paying covert agents through the Department of Immigration and Naturalization. Oswald's pay slip number, which was revealed by the Dallas Sheriff's office, was the number assigned him out of the San Antonio office of the Department. Oswald was paid at the Dallas office of the Immigration Department and their address in the Rio Grande Building was found in Oswald's notebook.
Oswald was tutored by the Solidarists on the Russian language and his duties as an FBI espionage agent. The Russian newspapers and literature which Oswald received were of Solidarist origin. Just prior to going to Russia in 1959, Oswald received a Solidarist agent in a long visit at Santa Ana, California. In 1959 Oswald admitted his connections were "White Russians".101
The agent came from the San Francisco office of the Solidarists. The San Francisco office went under the cover name "Federation of Russian Charitable Organizations," 376 Twentieth Avenue.102 Oswald had always been a Solidarist and Division Five of the FBI agent. He had never been employed by the CIA.103
Dallas Chief Deputy Allan Sweatt said in a Secret Service document that Oswald was being paid $200.00 per month by the FBI and he even furnished Oswald's informant number, S-172.104 Dallas District Attorney, Henry Wade, and Texas Attorney General, Waggoner Carr, in a secret meeting with the Commission on January 24, 1964, gave absolute confirmation of this.
George DeMohrenschildt with his long years of experience in intelligence roles, testified to facts connecting Lee Harvey Oswald and Max Clark and his wife, Gali, to Division Five of the FBI and the Defense Industrial Security Command through the Henry Crown, Patrick Hoy dominated General Dynamics. He further revealed the name of the Division Five agent in charge in the Dallas-Fort Worth area. Here is what DeMohrenschildt said:
Mr. DeMohrenschildt: . . . . . . . in my mind Max Clark was in some way connected with the FBI, because he was chief of security at Convair (General Dynamics) he had been a chief of security. And either George Bouhe or someone else told me that he is with the FBI to some extent. . . .
Mr. Jenner: Who is Walter Moore?
Mr. DeMohrenschildt: Walter Moore is the man who interviewed me on behalf of the Government after I came back from Yugoslavia - G. Walter Moore. He is a Government man - FBI . . . A very nice fellow, exceedingly intelligent who is, as far as I know - was some sort of an FBI man in Dallas. Many people consider him head of FBI in Dallas. . .
It should be pointed out here that Albert Jenner, one of the top lawyers on the Warren Commission staff, had been the personal and corporate lawyer for Henry Crown, Mafia-connected head of General Dynamics for a long number of years. Both live in Chicago.105
Gali Clark is a White Russian who was born of royal blood in exile in France. She was Princess Sherbatov. She and her husband, Max, both Solidarists and close friends of John Connally, were the first Defense Industrial Security Command contacts with Lee and Marina Oswald when they got back from Russia in 1962. They visited in each others homes and were closely connected until after the assassination.
The Director of Security at General Dynamics, Max Clark and his wife were also members of the Tryall Compound in Jamaica.
