How Many Julian Assanges Are There...?

Do you REALLY think he's been living in a single room in the Ecuadorian Embassy for nearly 3 years...?

How many Assanges are there...?

http://spitfirelist.com/for-the-record/ftr-724-wiki-of-the-damned/

They used to drug all the kids, raise them communally, with a single "mother", given them all identical clothes and bleached blonde hair and given them all the same name.

Assange claims that he is "on the run" from these people.

To date, the existence has been firmly established of at least 38 different Lee Harvey Oswalds.

There were a minimum of two James Earl Rays - I have photographs of Sirhan Sirhan's (Jewish) double, Michael Wein getting his poster signed by Bobby Kennedy in the Ambassador Hotel pantry.

But this one is my favourite:

http://spikethenews.blogspot.co.uk/2014/03/the-two-hinkleys.html

TESTS SET FOR MAN CHARGED IN THREAT

By JOSEPH B. TREASTER

Published: April 9, 1981

A Federal judge yesterday ordered a psychiatric examination for the 22-year-old unemployed man who was charged in Manhattan Tuesday with threatening to kill President Reagan. Other authorities said the man had indicated he was motivated to commit violence by a ''prophetic dream.''

The accused man, Edward M. Richardson of Drexel Hill, Pa., told of the dream in a letter that was delivered to Jodie Foster, the actress, at Yale University last Monday, Federal law enforcement officials said.

In the letter, Mr. Richardson indicated that in the dream he had received instructions to kill the President from John W. Hinckley Jr., the 25-year-old man who has been charged with attempting to assassinate Mr. Reagan in Washington on March 30.

''I will finish what Hinckley started,'' the letter said in part, according to the law enforcement officials. 'A Wave of Assassins'

''RR must die,'' the letter continued. ''He (JWH) has told me so in a prophetic dream. Sadly though, your death is also required. You will suffer the same fate as Reagan and others in his fascist regime. You cannot escape. We are a wave of assassins throughout the world.''

A number of parallels between Mr. Richardson and Mr. Hinckley have emerged. Both had apparently been captivated by the 18-year-old Miss Foster, the star of such films as ''Taxi Driver'' and ''Carny.'' Both stayed briefly at the Park Plaza Hotel in New Haven and sent letters to Miss Foster. Both had recently lived in Lakewood, Colo., just outside Denver. Both had been unable to find work and appeared to have been drifting around the country with little purpose in the weeks before they allegedly took action against the President.

But Federal authorities reiterated yesterday that they had found no evidence that the two men had ever met. Furthermore, the authorities said that Secret Service agents administered a polygraph, or lie detector, test to Mr. Richardson, which indicated he had no connection with Mr. Hinckley.

The Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms in Washington said yesterday afternoon it still had been unable to learn where Mr. Richardson obtained the gun he was carrying when he was arrested. Gun Sold March 20

But in an interview, Paul Eichenberg, a gunsmith at the Llanerch Gun Shop in Drexel Hill, two miles from the modest white house where Mr. Richardson lived with his parents, said that Mr. Richardson had purchased a .32-caliber Smith & Wesson with a four-inch barrel from the shop on March 20, 10 days before the attack on President Reagan for which Mr. Hinckley has been charged. Mr. Eichenberg said Mr. Richardson paid ''$80 to $85'' for the used weapon made in ''the 1930's or earlier,'' and picked it up on March 27.

In addition to the letter that was delivered to Miss Foster, the police and Secret Service agents found two other letters Tuesday morning in Room 608 at the Park Plaza, where Mr. Richardson had been staying since the previous Friday. One of the letters repeated the name ''Jodie'' over and over followed by ''I love you.''

On Mr. Richardson's first evening in New Haven, four days after the attack on President Reagan, he attended a performance of a play, ''Getting Off,'' in which Miss Foster plays the role of a tough woman recently released from prison, the New Haven police said. He saw the show for a second time on the next evening, the police said. Letters Left at Hotel

In the other letter found at hotel, Mr. Richardson said he was leaving for Washington ''to bring to completion Hinckley's reality.'' ''Ultimately,'' the letter continued, ''Ronald Reagan will be shot to death and this country turned to the Left.'' The letters in the hotel had been left in plain view on a night table, along with three .32-caliber cartridges. They were discovered by a maid shortly after Mr. Richardson left the hotel without paying his bill. He was arrested in the Port Authority Bus Terminal in midtown Manhattan a few hours later, armed with a loaded .32-caliber revolver.

In Federal District Court in Manhattan yesterday, Mr. Richardson, the son of a retired postman, appeared alert and calm as Judge David N. Edelstein ordered his psychiatric examination and directed that the study be carried out by Dr. Stanley L. Portnow, a forensic psychiatrist at the New York University Medical School.

When Judge Edelstein asked if Mr. Richardson had any questions, the young man responded in a firm but polite voice: ''You honor, I just ask the court to bear with me and try to understand who I am and what I believe.''

Mr. Richardson said nothing further to explain his request. The judge replied, ''I'll do my best.'' At Upper Darby High School, Jean Smith, an English teacher, recalled Mr. Richardson as one of her favorite students. He had graduated in 1976 and returned to visit her last spring.

He seemed ''disconnected from reality,'' then, Miss Smith said. ''He was incoherent,'' she continued, ''He seemed to have lost the thread of his life. He seemed lost. He didn't seem aggressive and hostile.'' ---- Another Arrested in a Threat

RALEIGH, N.C., April 8 (AP) - A man convicted of threatening to kill Presidents Lyndon B. Johnson, Richard M. Nixon and Gerald R. Ford was arrested today on charges of threatening to assassinate President Reagan, the Raleigh police said.

The man, Harry Thomas Smith, 34 years old, of Siler City, allegedly told an off-duty Raleigh police officer last night at the Greyhound bus terminal that ''President Reagan won't live long ... if I get my hands on him,'' according to James Blackburn, the United States Attorney.

As He Saw It - by Elliot Roosevelt

Conference leaders during Church services on the after deck of HMS Prince of Wales, in Placentia Bay, Newfoundland, during the Atlantic Charter Conference. 

President Franklin D. Roosevelt (left) and Prime Minister Winston Churchill are seated in the foreground.

Standing directly behind them are Admiral Ernest J. King, USN; General George C. Marshall, U.S. Army; General Sir John Dill, British Army; Admiral Harold R. Stark, USN; and Admiral Sir Dudley Pound, RN.

At far left is Harry Hopkins, talking with W. Averell Harriman.

Date between 10 August 1941 and 12 August 1941

"It must be remembered that at this time Churchill was the war leader, Father only the president of a state which had indicated its sympathies in a tangible fashion. Thus, Churchill still arrogated the conversational lead, still dominated the after-dinner hours. But the difference was beginning to be felt.

And it was evidenced first, sharply, over Empire.

Father started it.

“Of course,” he remarked, with a sly sort of assurance, “of course, after the war, one of the preconditions of any lasting peace will have to be the greatest possible freedom of trade.”

He paused. The P.M.’s head was lowered; he was watching Father steadily, from under one eyebrow.

“No artificial barriers,” Father pursued. “As few favored economic agreements as possible. Opportunities for expansion. Markets open for healthy competition.” His eye wandered innocently around the room.

Churchill shifted in his armchair. “The British Empire trade agreements” he began heavily, “are—”

Father broke in. “Yes. Those Empire trade agreements are a case in point. It’s because of them that the people of India and Africa, of all the colonial Near East and Far East, are still as backward as they are.”

Churchill’s neck reddened and he crouched forward. “Mr. President, England does not propose for a moment to lose its favored position among the British Dominions. The trade that has made England great shall continue, and under conditions prescribed by England’s ministers.”

“You see,” said Father slowly, “it is along in here somewhere that there is likely to be some disagreement between you, Winston, and me.

“I am firmly of the belief that if we are to arrive at a stable peace it must involve the development of backward countries. Backward peoples. How can this be done? It can’t be done, obviously, by eighteenth-century methods. Now—”

“Who’s talking eighteenth-century methods?”

“Whichever of your ministers recommends a policy which takes wealth in raw materials out of a colonial country, but which returns nothing to the people of that country in consideration. Twentieth-century methods involve bringing industry to these colonies. Twentieth-century methods include increasing the wealth of a people by increasing their standard of living, by educating them, by bringing them sanitation — by making sure that they get a return for the raw wealth of their community.”

Around the room, all of us were leaning forward attentively. Hopkins was grinning. Commander Thompson, Churchill’s aide, was looking glum and alarmed. The P.M. himself was beginning to look apoplectic.

“You mentioned India,” he growled.

“Yes. I can’t believe that we can fight a war against fascist slavery, and at the same time not work to free people all over the world from a backward colonial policy.”

“What about the Philippines?”

“I’m glad you mentioned them. They get their independence, you know, in 1946. And they've gotten modern sanitation, modern education; their rate of illiteracy has gone steadily down. . . .”

“There can be no tampering with the Empire’s economic agreements.”

“They’re artificial. . .”

“They’re the foundation of our greatness.”

“The peace,” said Father firmly, “cannot include any continued despotism. The structure of the peace demands and will get equality of peoples. Equality of peoples involves the utmost freedom of competitive trade. Will anyone suggest that Germany’s attempt to dominate trade in central Europe was not a major contributing factor to war?”

It was an argument that could have no resolution between these two men. . . .

The conversation resumed the following evening:

Gradually, very gradually, and very quietly, the mantle of leadership was slipping from British shoulders to American. We saw it when, late in the evening, there came one flash of the argument that had held us hushed the night before. In a sense, it was to be the valedictory of Churchill’s outspoken Toryism, as far as Father was concerned. Churchill had got up to walk about the room. Talking, gesticulating, at length he paused in front of Father, was silent for a moment, looking at him, and then brandished a stubby forefinger under Father’s nose.

“Mr. President,” he cried, “I believe you are trying to do away with the British Empire. Every idea you entertain about the structure of the postwar world demonstrates it. But in spite of that” — and his forefinger waved — “in spite of that,we know that you constitute our only hope. And” — his voice sank dramatically— “you know that we know it. You know that we know that without America, the Empire won’t stand.”

Churchill admitted, in that moment, that he knew the peace could only be won according to precepts which the United States of America would lay down. And in saying what he did, he was acknowledging that British colonial policy would be a dead duck, and British attempts to dominate world trade would be a dead duck, and British ambitions to play off the U.S.S.R. against the U.S.A. would be a dead duck.

Or would have been, if Father had lived."

A Decade of American Foreign Policy 1941-1949

Declaration by the United Nations, January 1, 1942

Contents

A Joint Declaration by the United States, the United Kingdom, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, China, Australia, Belgium, Canada, Costa Rica, Cuba, Czechoslovakia, Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Greece, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, India, Luxembourg, Netherlands, New Zealand, Nicaragua, Norway, Panama, Poland, South Africa, Yugoslavia

The Governments signatory hereto,

Having subscribed to a common program of purposes and principles embodied in the Joint Declaration of the President of the United States of America and the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland dated August 14, 1941, known as the Atlantic Charter.

Being convinced that complete victory over their enemies is essential to defend life, liberty, independence and religious freedom, and to preserve human rights and justice in their own lands as well as in other lands, and that they are now engaged in a common struggle against savage and brutal forces seeking to subjugate the world,

DECLARE:

(1) Each Government pledges itself to employ its full resources, military or economic, against those members of the Tripartite Pact :and its adherents with which such government is at war.

(2) Each Government pledges itself to cooperate with the Governments signatory hereto and not to make a separate armistice or peace with the enemies.

The foregoing declaration may be adhered to by other nations which are, or which may be, rendering material assistance and contributions in the struggle for victory over Hitlerism.

Done at Washington

January First, 1942

[The signatories to the Declaration by United Nations are as listed above.]

The adherents to the Declaration by United Nations, together with the date of communication of adherence, are as follows:

Mexico June 5, 1942	Peru Feb. 11, 1945
Philippines June 10, 1942	Chile Feb. 12, 1945
Ethiopia July 28, 1942	Paraguay Feb. 12, 1945
Iraq Jan. 16, 1943	Venezuela Feb. 16, 1945
Brazil Feb. 8, 1943	Uruguay Feb. 23, 1945
Bolivia Apr. 27, 1943	Turkey Feb. 24, 1945
Iran Sept. 10, 1943	Egypt Feb. 27, 1945
Colombia Dec. 22, 1943	Saudi Arabia Mar. 1, 1945
Liberia Feb. 26, 1944	Lebanon Mar. 1, 1945
France Dec. 26, 1944	Syria Mar. 1, 1945
Ecuador Feb. 7, 1945

Contents

Danielle Jones

"The day before, Father's Day, there had been 'an atmosphere' between the youngster and her father.

Mrs Jones said Danielle had not given her father a Father's Day card that Sunday, but she and her husband found one in their bedroom after she went missing."

Danielle Jones - The Algebra of Justice from Spike EP on Vimeo.

"Resolving these cases as equations in this way fulfills the balancing act that is depicted in the symbolism that we use for courts of justice, namely the Scales of Justice, applying natural logic to the facts. The logic of the completed equation is irrefutable because it is mathematically correct, and any error that is made in the calculation can be seen and corrected afterwards.

The jury system was created with a unanimous verdict in mind, but in 1967 the 10-2 majority verdict was allowed, presumably to speed up cases in which the jury had difficulty, and this has degraded the integrity of our jury system. The problem with the majority verdict is that it allows the "mob" (or the lowest common denominator) of the jury to get past the intelligent conscience in it, when previously, the requirement of a unanimous verdict ensured that the "mob" of the group would eventually give out to the intelligent conscience in it."

http://www.justjustice.org/algebra.html

The conviction of Danielle Jones's uncle Stuart Campbell for her murder was secured with evidence that included neither a body, nor a murder weapon, nor a murder scene, and with an assumption of murder that is based on a disappearance that is part of a series of similar murders. His pleas of innocence throughout have been repeatedly ignored.

During their investigation, the police questioned Campbell for sixty hours - the full legal allowance - twice, and two months apart. The first occasion was just five days after the disappearance, and the second arrest occurred two months later in August 2001, just when his bail was running out. The police charged him with murder at the very point when otherwise they must let him go. Throughout this period Campbell pleaded his innocence.

At each arrest the police announced to the press that they had received "significant" information in the case, which was followed by a worthless search of marshland in the neighbourhood in the first case, and a worthless search of Stuart Campbell's building site in the second. The second arrest occurred after two consecutive days of witnesses coming forward to claim that they had seen a blue van and a white man in his thirties connected with the disappearance, and just a day after the police had begun their search of his building site. Their behaviour shows that they did not get their alleged breakthroughs from their interrogation of Campbell or from any useful source, and that they charged him with murder simply because they were running out of time with him and wished to close the case.

Like Ian Huntley, Stuart Campbell was prosecuted for murder because he was the last person known to have had any contact with the missing girl, and, like Roy Whiting, he was charged because he had a van that resembled in colour a van that was seen by eyewitnesses at the time of her disappearance.

The evidence that the prosecution used against him consisted of two text messages that he had received from Danielle's mobile phone at around the time of her disappearance. The prosecution was based on the presumption that Danielle did not send these texts and that therefore the recipient had, and that he had access to her mobile phone at the time of her disappearance. These messages were transmitted on the day of her disappearance (18th June 2001) and the day after (19th June 2001). The first message ran:

"HI-YA STU WOT YOU UP IM IN SO MUCH TROUBLE AT MOMENT. EVONE HATES ME EVEN YOU WOT THE HELL HAVE I DONE Y WONT YOU JUST TELL ME. TEXT BCK PLEASE. DAN XXX."

The second, sent the day after her disappearance, ran:

"HI-YA STU. THANKS FOR BEING SO NICE, YOU ARE THE BEST UNCLE EVER TELL MUM I'M SO SORRY LUV YA LOADZ DAN XXX"

The first of these is written in stress and worry, the source of which is evident in the message, and the second is written flowingly and happily, the source of which is in the message. There is nothing in the wording or mood to suggest that anyone but Danielle herself wrote them. As far as this goes the texts look authentic.

In the first message there are two instances of three consecutive letters dropping out of the message. These occur in the letters "THE" in "AT THE MOMENT", and "ERY" in "EVERYONE". There is another instance of a drop-out in the case of a "TO". These drop-outs may be due to a technical fault in her mobile phone, or perhaps to her stress, which would confirm the authenticity of the message. The other drop-outs confirm that the missing "THE" was due to this technical fault. The second message has no such errors.

The prosecution case was that Danielle would not have written "AT MOMENT" without the "THE", and that she tended to write this phrase as "at the mo" instead. However, if she had dropped the "the" in her message, she would have needed to write the word "moment" in full in order to recover the sense in her communication. The prosecution also claimed that when she texted friends she spelt "What" as "WAT" instead of as "WOT". There is no evidence in these texts that Danielle's uncle had written them himself, but the prosecution argued that it was not likely that an abductor would bother to do it himself.

The prosecution case against her uncle was that because of these drop-outs, someone other than Danielle had written these messages, that this person must have been Campbell himself, and that he had done it to deflect suspicion from himself over the abduction. However this is not consistent with subsequent events, because these messages provided the prosecution with the only evidence that it had to connect him with the abduction. It is understood by the media that Campbell was charged on the strength of this evidence, but the pattern of events leading to the charge suggests otherwise.

The prosecution claimed that Danielle tended to text her friends with lower-case letters, but her phone defaulted on capital letters and these were used for these messages.

They Thought They Were Free - The Germans, 1933-45

They Thought They Were Free

The Germans, 1933-45

Excerpt from pages 166-73 of "They Thought They Were Free" First published in 1955

By Milton Mayer

But Then It Was Too Late

"What no one seemed to notice," said a colleague of mine, a philologist, "was the ever widening gap, after 1933, between the government and the people. Just think how very wide this gap was to begin with, here in Germany. And it became always wider. You know, it doesn’t make people close to their government to be told that this is a people’s government, a true democracy, or to be enrolled in civilian defense, or even to vote. All this has little, really nothing, to do with knowing one is governing.

"What happened here was the gradual habituation of the people, little by little, to being governed by surprise; to receiving decisions deliberated in secret; to believing that the situation was so complicated that the government had to act on information which the people could not understand, or so dangerous that, even if the people could understand it, it could not be released because of national security. And their sense of identification with Hitler, their trust in him, made it easier to widen this gap and reassured those who would otherwise have worried about it.

"This separation of government from people, this widening of the gap, took place so gradually and so insensibly, each step disguised (perhaps not even intentionally) as a temporary emergency measure or associated with true patriotic allegiance or with real social purposes. And all the crises and reforms (real reforms, too) so occupied the people that they did not see the slow motion underneath, of the whole process of government growing remoter and remoter.

"You will understand me when I say that my Middle High German was my life. It was all I cared about. I was a scholar, a specialist. Then, suddenly, I was plunged into all the new activity, as the university was drawn into the new situation; meetings, conferences, interviews, ceremonies, and, above all, papers to be filled out, reports, bibliographies, lists, questionnaires. And on top of that were the demands in the community, the things in which one had to, was ‘expected to’ participate that had not been there or had not been important before. It was all rigmarole, of course, but it consumed all one’s energies, coming on top of the work one really wanted to do. You can see how easy it was, then, not to think about fundamental things. One had no time."

"Those," I said, "are the words of my friend the baker. ‘One had no time to think. There was so much going on.’"

"Your friend the baker was right," said my colleague. "The dictatorship, and the whole process of its coming into being, was above all diverting. It provided an excuse not to think for people who did not want to think anyway. I do not speak of your ‘little men,’ your baker and so on; I speak of my colleagues and myself, learned men, mind you. Most of us did not want to think about fundamental things and never had. There was no need to. Nazism gave us some dreadful, fundamental things to think about—we were decent people—and kept us so busy with continuous changes and ‘crises’ and so fascinated, yes, fascinated, by the machinations of the ‘national enemies,’ without and within, that we had no time to think about these dreadful things that were growing, little by little, all around us. Unconsciously, I suppose, we were grateful. Who wants to think?

"To live in this process is absolutely not to be able to notice it—please try to believe me—unless one has a much greater degree of political awareness, acuity, than most of us had ever had occasion to develop. Each step was so small, so inconsequential, so well explained or, on occasion, ‘regretted,’ that, unless one were detached from the whole process from the beginning, unless one understood what the whole thing was in principle, what all these ‘little measures’ that no ‘patriotic German’ could resent must some day lead to, one no more saw it developing from day to day than a farmer in his field sees the corn growing. One day it is over his head.

"How is this to be avoided, among ordinary men, even highly educated ordinary men? Frankly, I do not know. I do not see, even now. Many, many times since it all happened I have pondered that pair of great maxims, Principiis obsta and Finem respice—‘Resist the beginnings’ and ‘Consider the end.’ But one must foresee the end in order to resist, or even see, the beginnings. One must foresee the end clearly and certainly and how is this to be done, by ordinary men or even by extraordinary men? Things might have. And everyone counts on that might.

"Your ‘little men,’ your Nazi friends, were not against National Socialism in principle. Men like me, who were, are the greater offenders, not because we knew better (that would be too much to say) but because we sensed better. Pastor Niemöller spoke for the thousands and thousands of men like me when he spoke (too modestly of himself) and said that, when the Nazis attacked the Communists, he was a little uneasy, but, after all, he was not a Communist, and so he did nothing; and then they attacked the Socialists, and he was a little uneasier, but, still, he was not a Socialist, and he did nothing; and then the schools, the press, the Jews, and so on, and he was always uneasier, but still he did nothing. And then they attacked the Church, and he was a Churchman, and he did something—but then it was too late."

"Yes," I said.

"You see," my colleague went on, "one doesn’t see exactly where or how to move. Believe me, this is true. Each act, each occasion, is worse than the last, but only a little worse. You wait for the next and the next. You wait for one great shocking occasion, thinking that others, when such a shock comes, will join with you in resisting somehow. You don’t want to act, or even talk, alone; you don’t want to ‘go out of your way to make trouble.’ Why not?—Well, you are not in the habit of doing it. And it is not just fear, fear of standing alone, that restrains you; it is also genuine uncertainty.

"Uncertainty is a very important factor, and, instead of decreasing as time goes on, it grows. Outside, in the streets, in the general community, ‘everyone’ is happy. One hears no protest, and certainly sees none. You know, in France or Italy there would be slogans against the government painted on walls and fences; in Germany, outside the great cities, perhaps, there is not even this. 

In the university community, in your own community, you speak privately to your colleagues, some of whom certainly feel as you do; but what do they say? They say, ‘It’s not so bad’ or ‘You’re seeing things’ or ‘You’re an alarmist.’

"And you are an alarmist. You are saying that this must lead to this, and you can’t prove it. 

These are the beginnings, yes; but how do you know for sure when you don’t know the end, and how do you know, or even surmise, the end? On the one hand, your enemies, the law, the regime, the Party, intimidate you. 

On the other, your colleagues pooh-pooh you as pessimistic or even neurotic. You are left with your close friends, who are, naturally, people who have always thought as you have.

"But your friends are fewer now. Some have drifted off somewhere or submerged themselves in their work. 

You no longer see as many as you did at meetings or gatherings. Informal groups become smaller; attendance drops off in little organizations, and the organizations themselves wither. Now, in small gatherings of your oldest friends, you feel that you are talking to yourselves, that you are isolated from the reality of things. 

This weakens your confidence still further and serves as a further deterrent to—to what? It is clearer all the time that, if you are going to do anything, you must make an occasion to do it, and then you are obviously a troublemaker. So you wait, and you wait.

"But the one great shocking occasion, when tens or hundreds or thousands will join with you, never comes. That’s the difficulty. If the last and worst act of the whole regime had come immediately after the first and smallest, thousands, yes, millions would have been sufficiently shocked—if, let us say, the gassing of the Jews in ’43 had come immediately after the ‘German Firm’ stickers on the windows of non-Jewish shops in ’33. But of course this isn’t the way it happens. In between come all the hundreds of little steps, some of them imperceptible, each of them preparing you not to be shocked by the next. Step C is not so much worse than Step B, and, if you did not make a stand at Step B, why should you at Step C? And so on to Step D.

"And one day, too late, your principles, if you were ever sensible of them, all rush in upon you. The burden of self-deception has grown too heavy, and some minor incident, in my case my little boy, hardly more than a baby, saying ‘Jewish swine,’ collapses it all at once, and you see that everything, everything, has changed and changed completely under your nose. The world you live in—your nation, your people—is not the world you were born in at all. 

The forms are all there, all untouched, all reassuring, the houses, the shops, the jobs, the mealtimes, the visits, the concerts, the cinema, the holidays. But the spirit, which you never noticed because you made the lifelong mistake of identifying it with the forms, is changed. Now you live in a world of hate and fear, and the people who hate and fear do not even know it themselves; when everyone is transformed, no one is transformed. Now you live in a system which rules without responsibility even to God. The system itself could not have intended this in the beginning, but in order to sustain itself it was compelled to go all the way.

"You have gone almost all the way yourself. Life is a continuing process, a flow, not a succession of acts and events at all. It has flowed to a new level, carrying you with it, without any effort on your part. On this new level you live, you have been living more comfortably every day, with new morals, new principles. You have accepted things you would not have accepted five years ago, a year ago, things that your father, even in Germany, could not have imagined.

"Suddenly it all comes down, all at once. You see what you are, what you have done, or, more accurately, what you haven’t done (for that was all that was required of most of us: that we do nothing). You remember those early meetings of your department in the university when, if one had stood, others would have stood, perhaps, but no one stood. A small matter, a matter of hiring this man or that, and you hired this one rather than that. You remember everything now, and your heart breaks. Too late. You are compromised beyond repair.

"What then? You must then shoot yourself. A few did. Or ‘adjust’ your principles. Many tried, and some, I suppose, succeeded; not I, however. Or learn to live the rest of your life with your shame. This last is the nearest there is, under the circumstances, to heroism: shame. Many Germans became this poor kind of hero, many more, I think, than the world knows or cares to know."

I said nothing. I thought of nothing to say.

"I can tell you," my colleague went on, "of a man in Leipzig, a judge. He was not a Nazi, except nominally, but he certainly wasn’t an anti-Nazi. He was just—a judge. In ’42 or ’43, early ’43, I think it was, a Jew was tried before him in a case involving, but only incidentally, relations with an ‘Aryan’ woman. This was ‘race injury,’ something the Party was especially anxious to punish. In the case at bar, however, the judge had the power to convict the man of a ‘nonracial’ offense and send him to an ordinary prison for a very long term, thus saving him from Party ‘processing’ which would have meant concentration camp or, more probably, deportation and death. But the man was innocent of the ‘nonracial’ charge, in the judge’s opinion, and so, as an honorable judge, he acquitted him. Of course, the Party seized the Jew as soon as he left the courtroom."

"And the judge?"

"Yes, the judge. He could not get the case off his conscience—a case, mind you, in which he had acquitted an innocent man. He thought that he should have convicted him and saved him from the Party, but how could he have convicted an innocent man? The thing preyed on him more and more, and he had to talk about it, first to his family, then to his friends, and then to acquaintances. (That’s how I heard about it.) After the ’44 Putsch they arrested him. After that, I don’t know."

I said nothing.

"Once the war began," my colleague continued, "resistance, protest, criticism, complaint, all carried with them a multiplied likelihood of the greatest punishment. Mere lack of enthusiasm, or failure to show it in public, was ‘defeatism.’ You assumed that there were lists of those who would be ‘dealt with’ later, after the victory. Goebbels was very clever here, too. He continually promised a ‘victory orgy’ to ‘take care of’ those who thought that their ‘treasonable attitude’ had escaped notice. And he meant it; that was not just propaganda. And that was enough to put an end to all uncertainty.

"Once the war began, the government could do anything ‘necessary’ to win it; so it was with the ‘final solution of the Jewish problem,’ which the Nazis always talked about but never dared undertake, not even the Nazis, until war and its ‘necessities’ gave them the knowledge that they could get away with it. The people abroad who thought that war against Hitler would help the Jews were wrong. And the people in Germany who, once the war had begun, still thought of complaining, protesting, resisting, were betting on Germany’s losing the war. It was a long bet. Not many made it."

Copyright notice: Excerpt from pages 166-73 of They Thought They Were Free: The Germans, 1933-45 by Milton Mayer, published by the University of Chicago Press. ©1955, 1966 by the University of Chicago. All rights reserved. This text may be used and shared in accordance with the fair-use provisions of U.S. copyright law, and it may be archived and redistributed in electronic form, provided that this entire notice, including copyright information, is carried and provided that the University of Chicago Press is notified and no fee is charged for access. Archiving, redistribution, or republication of this text on other terms, in any medium, requires the consent of the University of Chicago Press. 
(Footnotes and other references included in the book may have been removed from this online version of the text.)

Opertion Northwoods - Justification for US Military Intervention in Cuba

Opertion Northwoods - Justification for US Military Intervention in Cuba 

from Spike EP on Vimeo.

3. A "Remember the Maine" incident could be arranged in several forms:

a. We could blow up a US ship in Guantanamo Bay and blame Cuba.

b. We could blow up a drone (unmannded) vessel anywhere in the Cuban waters. We could arrange to cause such incident in the vicinity of Havana or Santiago as a spectacular result of Cuban attack from the air or sea, or both.

The presense of Cuban planes or ships merely investigating the intent of the vessel could be fairly compelling evidence that the ship was taken under attack.

The nearness to Havana or Santiago would add credibility especially to those people that might have heard the blast or have seen the fire.

The US could follow with an air/sea rescue operation covered by US fighters to "evacuate" remaining members of the non-existant crew.

Casualty lists in US newspapers would cause a helpful wave of national indignation.

4. We could develop a Communist Cuba terror campaign in the Miami area, in other Flordia cities and even in Washington.

The terror campaign could be pointed at Cuban refugees seeking haven in the United States. We could sink a boatload of Cubans enroute to Florida (real or simulated).

We could foster attempts on lives of Cuban refugees in the United States even to the extent of wounding in instances to be widely publicized.

Exploding a few plastic bombs in carefully chosen spots, the arrest of Cuban agents and the release of prepared documents substantiating Cuban involvement also would be helpful in projecting the idea of an irresponsible government.

6. Use of MIG type aircraft by US pilots could provide additional provocation. Harassment of civil air, attacks on surface shipping and destruction of US military drone aircraft by MIG type planes would be useful as complementary actions. An F-86 properly painted would convince air passengers that they saw a Cuban MIG, especially if the pilot of the transport were to announce such fact. The primary drawback to this suggestion appears to be the security risk inherent in obtaining or modify- ing an aircraft. However, reasonable copies of the MIG could be purchased from US resources in about three months.

(Appendix to Enclosure A 9 Page 13)

7. Hijacking attempts against civil air and surface craft should appear to continue as harassing measures condoned by the government of Cuba. Concurrently, genuine defections of Cuban civil and military air and surface craft should be encouraged.

8. It is possible to create an incident which will demonstrate convincingly that a Cuban aircraft has attacked and shot down a chartered civil airliner enroute from the United States to Jamaica, Guatemala, Panama or Venezuela. The destination would be chosen only to cause the flight plan route to cross Cuba. The passengers could be a group of college students off on a holiday or any grouping of persons with a common interest to support chartering a non-scheduled flight.

a. An aircraft at Eglin AFB would be painted and numbered as an exact duplicate for a civil registered aircraft belonging to a CIA proprietary organization in the Miami area. At a designated time the duplicate would be subsituted for the actual civil aircraft and would be loaded with the selected passengers, all boarded under carefully prepared aliases. The actual registered aircraft would be converted to a drone.

b. Take off times of the drone aircraft and the actual aircraft will be scheduled to allow a rendezvous south of Florida. From the rendezvous point the passenger-carrying aircraft will descend to minimum altitude and go directly into an auxiliary field at Eglin AFB where arrangements will have been made to evacuate the passengers and return the aircraft to its original status. The drone aircraft meanwhile will continue to fly the filed flight plan. When over Cuba the drone will being transmitting on the inter- national distress frequency a "MAY DAY" message stating he is under attack by Cuban MIG aircraft. The transmission will be interrupted by the destruction of aircraft which will be triggered by radio signal. This will allow IACO radio stations in the Western Hemisphere to tell the US what has happened to the aircraft instead of the US trying to "sell" the incident.

9. It is possible to create an incident which will make it appear that Communist Cuban MIGs have destroyed a USAF aircraft over international waters in an unprovoked attack.

a. Approximately 4 of 5 F-101 aircraft will be dispatched in trail from Homestead AFB, Florida, to the vicinity of Cuba. Their mission will be to reverse course and simulate fakir aircraft for an air defense exercise in southern Florida. These aircraft would conduct variations of these flights at frequent intervals. Crews would be briefed to remain at least 12 miles off the Cuban coast; however, they would be required to carry live ammunition in the event that hostile actions were taken by the Cuban MIGs.

Roy Cohn, General John Medaris, Joe Bonanno, L.M. Bloomfield, theSyndicate and the Mafia.

III -  Roy Cohn, General John Medaris, Joe Bonanno, L.M. Bloomfield, the Syndicate and the Mafia.

Roy M. Cohn, using a representative of Intercontinental Company of Garland, Texas, a subsidiary of Lionel Corporation, provided a Dallas located agent to work with Ferenc Nagy. This agent was Ramon Buenrostro Cortez. Others with Cortez in Texas were Lorenzo Saunders and a Cuban exile, Ignacio Hernandez Garcia, alias Fernandez Feito.43 

In the September 5, 1969 issue of LIFE Magazine, it was reported that J. Edgar Hoover punished three of his FBI agents in New York for cooperating with the United States District Attorney in New York, Robert Morgenthau, in his prosecution against Roy M. Cohn on a number of felony charges. The LIFE report has this to say:

During the McCarthy inquisitions of the early 1950's, Cohn, as Senator McCarthy's chief counsel, had worked closely with (Louis B.) Nichols and the FBI in developing cases against suspected Communists. Agents spent weeks screening FBI security files and extracting them in memos for Cohn during the prolonged hearings. Through these years Cohn's friendship with Director Hoover also developed, and this was further cemented by their mutual regard for the multimillionaire boss of the huge Schenley distillery complex, Lewis Rosenstiel. (Cohn to this day addresses Rosenstiel variously as "commander-in-chief" or "supreme commander" and Rosenstiel refers to his younger friend as "field commander" or "sergeant major").

When Nichols decided to retire from the FBI in 1957, Cohn set out to land him a job with Schenley. He had the willing support of another Rosenstiel friend, the late conservative columnist George Sokolsky, for whom Nichols represented 100% anti-Communist Americanism. At a social evening in August, 1967, Cohn and Sokolsky agreed to try to sell Nichols to Rosenstiel as prime executive timber.

The next night they made their pitch to Rosenstiel. Nichols, Cohn contended, was a genius, truly "one of the greatest men in America", whereupon Rosenstiel dispatched the Schenley private plane to Washington to fly Nichols and his wife to a conference at Rosenstiel's Greenwich, Conn. estate. Under Cohn's continued urging, Rosenstiel agreed to give Nichols a 10-year contract at $100,000 a year, plus stock options, in addition to arranging for Schenley's to buy and furnish a Manhattan apartment for Nichols. The whole package had to be an impressive introduction to corporate business for a middle-aged FBI man who had spent most of his adult life as a modestly paid public servant. Nichols later became executive vice president in charge of corporate development and public affairs and was elected to the Schenley board.

. . . Hoover personally ordered the three agents transferred out of New York. On May 2, each received a letter of censure and was given 30 days to report to his new post - (Donald) Jones to go to St. Louis, (Russell) Sullivan to Louisville, and (Jack) Knox to Pittsburgh.

Bureau men are accustomed to being ordered around in a fairly peremptory way, but such disciplinary transfers usually have a gloss of logic. This time the men were being moved for doing what in essence they were paid to do -- helping a U.S. Attorney protect his case. The ensuing rumble of protest was so loud that it could be heard even outside the Bureau, which virtually never happens. Morgenthau was furious. He confronted Assistant FBI Director John F. Malone, the top man in the New York field office, and Malone promptly reported the confrontation to Washington. The next day Hoover personally directed the New York field office to inform the three wayward agents that they now had until midnight the following day - 36 hours in all - to report totheir new stations, which they did.

LIFE went on to say: 

"Cohn has cultivated a long friendship with Edwin Weisl, President Johnson's handpicked ambassador to New York's Democratic party. Weisl .... is a frequent Cohn luncheon companion."

Weisl was a long time friend of Johnson. As a matter of fact, during the 1950's, Weisl was the general counsel to the Senate Space Committee and he and Johnson were constantly together along with General John B. Medaris, then head of the Army Space Program. Among other groups, Medaris, during this program, had been in charge of Wernher Von Braun and the other Nazi space scientists at Huntsville, Alabama.⁴⁴

From 1960 to 1963, the ruling hierarchy of Lionel Corporation was General John B. Medaris, Roy Cohn and Joe Bonanno (Joe Bananas), a top Mafia man from New York, Las Vegas, Tucson and Montreal, Canada. Lionel Corporation during this period didover ninety percent of their business with the space agency and army ordnance furnishing such items as electronic equipment, rocket parts, chemical warfare agents and flame throwers. Also, during this period, General Medaris, though having retired in 1960, remained on active duty as special advisor to Army Intelligence in the Pentagon.⁴⁵

The Lionel Corporation management was in direct contact with Louis Mortimer Bloomfield who, among other things, was a lawyer with offices in Tangiers, Morocco and Paris, France. Bloomfield was also the president of Heineken's Brewers, Ltd., Canada.

General Medaris was a director of one of the land speculation companies of Bobby Baker and Senator George Smathers in Florida. Joe Bonanno (Joe Bananas) in his capacity as a Mafia leader, was associated in the Havana and Las Vegas gambling with L.J. McWillie, Clifford Jones and others.⁴⁶

In addition to J. Edgar Hoover's close association with Roy Cohn, he was also a long time friend of General Medaris. Joe Bonanno (Joe Bananas) had been a personal informer for J. Edgar Hoover for over a decade during 1963.⁴⁷

Grant Stockdale, ex-United States Ambassador to Ireland and former George Smathers Administrative Assistant and a stock holder and officer in Bobby Baker's vending machine and Florida land transactions, knew and was closely associated with almost all of the top figures in the cabal.⁴⁸

Shortly after President Kennedy's assassination on November 22, 1963, Grant Stockdale was pushed, shoved or fell from the fourteenth story of a Miami building and was killed immediately in the fall. As an officer in the Bobby Baker enterprises, Grant Stockdale had particular knowledge of a good part of the workings of the cabal and his death was one of a series made necessary to protect the group from public exposure.

A number of the conspirators' connections in the early 1960's and the various connections, organizations and financial conduits were revealed in books published in 1969.

Donald R. Cressey revealed in his work, Theft of a Nation, that a "Lelow" was the top guy of the Joseph L. Bonanno group in Montreal, Canada. The name was overheard on a telephone tap and it is believed to be Lazlo Nagy, a close relative of Ferenc Nagy.

There, it is also revealed, "the Bonanno family has for decades had other interests in Montreal which is a bet taking lay-off center for U.S. bookmakers and lay-off men re-insure their bets."

All of the investigators looking into Louis Mortimer Bloomfield's activities in connection with Permindex, the Swiss corporation, reported him as a banker in Montreal, Canada. He is not a banker as such, but a bet lay-off man is always referred to as a banker and this is where the confusion came. In fact, Bloomfield, as has been shown before, was the contract agent in charge of Division Five, the espionage agency of J. Edgar Hoover, and was a Montreal lawyer with offices in Paris, France, and Tangiers, Morocco.⁴⁹

Among the large number of suppressed Warren Commission Documents were two which are of interest here. Their titles are: 

1.Allegation Oswald was in Tangiers, Morocco
Document Number 1188

2.Allegation Oswald in Montreal, Summer 1963
Document Number 729

Poor's Register for 1963 lists the corporations and dummy corporations through which Bloomfield funneled the funds into and away from the Swiss banks. They are:

Credit Suisse (Canada), Ltd. (a subsidiary of CREDIT SUISSE of Berne, Switzerland)
Manoir Industries, Ltd.
British Controlled Oil Fields, Ltd.
Grimaldi Siosa Lines (Canada), Ltd.
Berkeley Property Corp., Ltd.
Canscot Realty Investments, Ltd.
Canscot Building, Ltd.
Beaver Hall Investments, Ltd.
Israel Continental Oil Co., Ltd.
Lenzing Pulp and Paper Corp., Ltd.
Leviton Mfg. of Can., Ltd.
Mirelia Investments, Ltd.
Progress Luminaire, Ltd.
Protrade Commercial Devel., Ltd.
Heineken's Breweries (Can.), Ltd.

Ed Reid, in The Grim Reapers, reveals one of the other subsidiaries of CREDIT SUISSE and conduits through funds were funneled. There the connection of Bobby Baker, Morris Dalitz, Cliff Jones and others in the conspiracy and their connections with the conduits are shown. The principle funding agency for Permindex was the Credit Bank of Geneva, also known as Credit Suisse.⁵⁰

The Syndicate Caribbean money structure is partially represented by the Bank of World Commerce, Ltd., which was incorporated in 1961 under British law in Nassau, Bahamas. Nevada's Cliff Jones and Ed Levinson were listed as stockholders.

Tied into the whole structure was a firm known in 1961 as Allied Empire, Inc., formerly Allied Television Films, Inc., of Beverly Hills, California. At that time Allied Empire was listed as a corporate stockholder with ten thousand shares of Bank of World Commerce stock, and was the holding company for the bank.⁵¹

The financial structure has myriad connections. A score of Las Vegas gamblers and state and federal politicians were involved in the setup through Anjon Savings and Loan, account Number 804, and Merritt Savings and Loan of Baltimore, Maryland, which was bought out by Anjon Account Number 804. By means of a network of American and British corporate laws, Account Number 804's list of depositor-stockholders includes not only the Bank of World Commerce - $23,000 - but also a number of Las Vegans.

When all the records are put together, we find that the names of a number of individuals involved show up again and again in the complex web of gambling operations in various places on the North American continent and form compass points which chart a course to the truth of the operation.
Account Number 804 listed among its stockholders: Irving Devine, Las Vegas gambler whose wife was named by LIFE as a mob courier, Clifford Jones, Edward Levinson, John Pullman, one time president, Bank of World Commerce, M.A. Riddle, B.E. Seigelbaum and Sav-Way Investment Company.
The persons holding office and stock in the Bank of World Commerce at the time of its inception were: John Pullman, president and director; Edward Dawson Roberts, vice-president and director; Gerald Nelson Capps, secretary and treasurer; N. Roberts, director; Alvin I. Malnic, director, and Philip J. Mathew, director. Among the stockholders were; Leon C. Bloom, Jr., Clifford A. Jones, John Pullman, Irving Devine, Edward Levinson and Allied Empire, Inc.

On September 8, 1967, two of the individuals involved with the Bank of World Commerce and Anjon Savings and Loan, Account Number 804, were named by LIFE as "bagmen" for Meyer Lansky in the syndicate's far-flung gambling kingdom. A third, an alleged "bagwoman", is the wife of one of the Bank of World Commerce stockholders. Cash was carried by these people and others, the article stated, via the Bank of World Commerce into the financial arteries of an organization in the Bahamas known as the Atlas Bank, a working subsidiary of the CREDIT SUISSE in Berne, Switzerland. All three of the boards of directors and staffs of these money entities were what LIFE described as "studded with both skimmers and couriers" for the mob.⁵²

Among the fund couriers listed was Ben Sigelbaum (Seigelbaum), sixty-five years old, political advisor and a long time associate of Ed Levinson in many of his business endeavors. Sigelbaum was also a business associate and confidant of Bobby Baker when the latter was Secretary of the Democratic Majority in the U.S. Senate. Also named was John Pullman, sixty-seven years old, original president of the Bank of World Commerce who once served a prison term for violating U.S. liquor laws and gave up his American citizenship in 1954 to become a Canadian. He now lives in Switzerland. Another courier was Sylvain Ferdmann, a thirty-three year old Swiss citizen described as in international banker and economist and, by U.S. authorities, as a fugitive accused of interfering with federal inquiries into the skimming racket in Las Vegas and elsewhere.⁵³

Ida Devine, wife of Las Vegas gambler Irving (Niggy) Devine, traveled with Sigelbaum from Las Vegas to Miami with skimmed money for Lansky; Ferdmann is said to have carried the skim from the Bahamas to Lansky; and Lansky counted the money in Miami, took his own cut and dispensed other sums, via different couriers, to a few syndicate chieftains in the United States. At that point, the story went on, Ferdmann and Pullman carried the remainder of the funds to the CREDIT SUISSE in Berne, Switzerland and deposited them in numbered accounts in the Swiss haven for secret-money banking.⁵⁴

An active part in the whole affair was carried out by Ferdmann, who organized the Atlas Bank as the Bahamas subsidiary of the CREDIT SUISSE of Berne, Switzerland.

The foregoing further confirms, Bloomfield, Permindex, Double-Chek and the connections with the same group as was connected earlier in Credit Bank of Geneva which is one and the same as CREDIT SUISSE, Miami Astaldo Vaduz, Double-Chek, Alex Carlson and the other Swiss and Liechtenstein Banks.

Fred Black of Washington, D.C. was a lobbyist for North American Aircraft and business associate with Bobby Baker and Clifford Jones. Black has confirmed the connection between Jones, McWillie, Baker, Ruby and ex-Cuban President, Prio.⁵⁵

After November 22, l963, Black publicly told many people in Washington, D.C. he had informed J. Edgar Hoover that an income tax conviction against him must be reversed or he would blow the lid off Washington with revelations of the assassination conspirators.⁵⁶

Lobbyist Black prevailed upon J. Edgar Hoover to admit error before the Supreme Court where his case was reversed in 1966.⁵⁷ 

Hoover did well to rescue Black from the conviction. Fred Black, while socially drinking with acquaintances in Washington has, on numerous occasions, been reported to have told of J. Edgar Hoover's and Bobby Baker's involvement in the assassination through Las Vegas, Miami and Havana gamblers. He named some of these as the Fox Brothers of Miami, McLaney of Las Vegas, New Orleans, Havana and Bahamas, Cliff Jones of Las Vegas, Carlos Prio Socarras of Havana, Bobby Baker and others. He stated there was also a connection in that some of the gamblers were Russian emigres.⁵⁸

Don Reynolds, Washington, D.C. businessman and associate of Bobby Baker and who had a number of questionable business transactions with Walter Jenkins on behalf of Lyndon Johnson, also gave testimony concerning Bobby Baker's involvement with the principals and he has stated on numerous public occasions that this group was behind the assassination of President John F. Kennedy.⁵⁹

Black was a stockholder with Baker in the Waikiki Savings & Loan Association in Honolulu. The other members were Clifford Jones and his law partner, Louis Weiner. There was the Farmers and Merchants State Bank in Tulsa where Jones joined Baker and Black in a stock deal and brought in a Miami pal by the name of Benny Sigelbaum, a courier of funds and documents to the Swiss banks for Permindex and the Syndicate.⁶⁰

Of all the enterprises, none could compare with the controversial Serv-U Corp., a Baker-Black controlled vending-machine firm. Ed Levinson, president of the Fremont Hotel, Las Vegas, Nevada, was also a partner. Grant Stockdale, President of Serv-U and his money is covered later.⁶¹

Formed late in 1961, Serve-U Corporation provided vending machines for the automatic dispensing of food and drink in companies working on government contracts. In the next two years, Serv-U was awarded the lion-share of the vending business at three major aerospace firms - North American Aviation, Northrop Corporation and Thompson Ramo Wooldridge's Space Technology Laboratories.⁶²

Baker and Black each bought stock in the company for $1 a share, while the others paid approximately $16 a share. Early in 1963 when Baker's Carousel Motel in Ocean City, Md. ran into financial difficulties, it was bought by Ser-U for $1 million.⁶³

McWillie, Baker and Jones were involved in numerous transactions together, one of which was the incorporation of Greatamerica, the conglomerate company. The incorporating papers in Carson City, Nevada dated April 27, 1962 lists Abe Fortas as vice-president, general counsel and director. There is not sufficient evidence made public yet to connect Fortas with the assassination conspiracy.
One of the incorporators of Greatamerica was Clifford A. Jones, Nevada Lieutenant Governor from 1945-54 and a part owner and officer of the Thunderbird Hotel in Las Vegas. The gambling license issued to Jones and a partner in the hotel was revoked by the Nevada Tax Commission in 1955 on grounds that underworld figures had interests in the hotel. The decision was later overturned by the Nevada Supreme Court.⁶⁴

On January 5, 1966, Clifford Jones was indicted for perjury in connection with the grand jury investigation of Bobby Baker, former secretary to Senate Democrats.⁶⁵

Baker was indicted the same day for conspiracy, tax evasion and fraudulently converting to his own use nearly $100,000 from California savings and loan executives who thought they were making political contributions.⁶⁶

Clifford Jones was named a co-conspirator in that indictment. Baker was later convicted of failing to pay tax on the $100,000. Jones' case had not come to trial as of the summer of 1969.67
Abe Fortas was Baker's attorney until Johnson became President in 1963. At that time he withdrew from the case.⁶⁸ 
The two other incorporators of Greatamerica were Helen Irving and Katherine Waldman, both of Las Vegas, and both also listed as directors of a Las Vegas concern which got a gambling license in June, 1964. The same three incorporators - Jones and the two women - were listed as incorporators when Greatamerica filed to do business in Texas on January 29, 1963, records in the Texas Secretary of State's Office in Austin showed.⁶⁹

Troy Post of Dallas, Texas was the originator of Greatamerica. It was Troy Post working with Bobby Baker and Clifford Jones who put the conglomerate together. Edward Levinson of the Fremont Hotel in Las Vegas was associated with Bobby Baker, Clifford Jones and L.J. McWillie in the plans for the assassination of President Kennedy. Levinson refused to answer any questions before the Senate Committee investigating the Bobby Baker case in 1964. Levinson took the Fifth Amendment seventy-five times.
Levinson and Morris Dalitz of the Desert Inn and Stardust in Las Vegas were also connected with Carlos Prio Socarras, ex-Cuban President, and Cliff Jones in all Havana gambling before and after Castro took control. Morris Dalitz, Roy M. Cohn, H.L. Hunt and J. Edgar Hoover had worked together for years in the anti-Communist movement. They had been active as a group for the Joe McCarthy investigations during the early 1950's.⁷⁰
Morris Dalitz, for years had been the head of the Cleveland, Ohio underworld and as such had been a business partner of Joe Bonanno of the Mafia and Lionel Corporation. Dalitz and Bonanno had been a constant target of Robert Kennedy in his organized crime fight. We shall later look into Bonanno's activities and connections.
Ed Reid in his 1969 book, The Grim Reapers, published a picture of Lyndon Johnson at Morris Dalitz' Stardust Hotel in Las Vegas, Nevada, taken when Johnson and Bobby Baker met with Dalitz prior to the assassination. Johnson and Dalitz were photographed together a number of times during the important Las Vegas meeting. Also at the meeting with Johnson, Baker and Dalitz, the host, were Ed Levinson, Clifford Jones and Roy Cohn.
The great majority of FBI agents knew nothing about Hoover's actions and capable agents made a conspiracy case against Clifford Jones along with Bobby Baker in connection with their various financial transactions. Jones was indicted in 1964 for the conspiracy and a second indictment was made against him for perjury, that is for lying under oath when testifying for Baker.
J. Edgar Hoover pressured the Justice Department and Jones has not been brought to trial for more than five years after the charges. Hoover and Jones were personally close friends as well as a members of the assassination cabal.
Because of the wide publicity and public pressure, Hoover could not quash the Baker case without a trial. However, he worked through Abe Fortas on the Supreme Court and Baker's appeals were handled in such a way as to block any final decree and to bring questions on the case lasting into late 1969.
Hoover's adroit handling of the Baker case has made it questionable whether Baker will ever serve a day of his sentence.
History has recorded at least as early as World War II the definite working together of the Mafia and J. Edgar Hoover through his espionage department. From 1943 to 1946, Lucky Luciano and selected Mafia members throughout the United States worked on the docks of the various ports in the United States and in other areas with J. Edgar Hoover and the military intelligence agencies in preventing sabotage. Lucky Luciano's prison sentence was suspended in 1946 and he was allowed to leave the country to take up residence in Sicily.⁷¹
Vito Genovese and his select Mafia group worked with Mussolini in Italy before and during World War II and were a part of Mussolini's Fascist governing regime. However, in 1943, as the American Forces worked their way up the Italian peninsula, the same Vito Genovese and his group became active agents for the United States intelligence agencies and a number of American officials wrote flowery recommendations for Mr. Genovese citing his American patriotism, intelligence and ingenuity in carrying out his assigned duties for the U.S. espionage agencies.⁷²

Chapter IV - The Assassination Attempt on DeGaulle.
A group of Fascist French generals dedicated to keeping Algeria as a French colony were the middle group in the 1961 and 1962 assassination attempts on French General DeGaulle.

A French colonel, Bastien Thiery, commanded the 1962 group of professional assassins who made the actual assassination attempt on DeGaulle. Colonel Thiery set his group of assassins up at an intersection in the suburbs of Paris in this final attempt in 1962 to kill DeGaulle. The gunmen fired more than one hundred rounds in the 1962 Colonel Thiery assassination attempt. But General DeGaulle, traveling in his bullet proof car, evaded being hit, although all of the tires were shot out. The driver increased his speed and the General was saved.
Colonel Bastien Thiery was arrested, tried and executed for the attempt on DeGaulle's life but he was the breaking point between the operating level of that assassination attempt and the people financing and planning it and he went to his death without revealing the connection. General DeGaulle's intelligence, however traced the financing of his attempted assassination into the FBI's Permindex in Switzerland and Centro Mondiale Comerciale in Rome, and he complained to both the governments of Switzerland and Italy causing Permindex to lose its charter and Centro Mondiale Comerciale to be forced to move to Johannesburg, South Africa.
General DeGaulle was furious at the assassination plots and attempted assassination upon himself. He called in his most trusted officers with the French Intelligence Agency and they advised him that they were already working on the investigation to ferret out who was behind DeGaulle's attempted assassination.
The French Intelligence Agency in a very short while completely traced the assassination attempt through Permindex, the Swiss corporation, to the Solidarists, the Fascist White Russian emigre intelligence organization and Division Five, the espionage section of the FBI, into the headquarters of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization in Brussels, Belgium.
French intelligence thus determined that the attempts on General DeGaulle's life were being directed from NATO in Brussels through its various intelligence organizations and specifically, Permindex in Switzerland, basically a NATO intelligence front using the remnants of Adolph Hitler's intelligence units in West Germany and also, the intelligence unit of the Solidarists headquartered in Munich, Germany. The overall command of the DeGaulle assassination unit was directed by Division Five of the FBI.
Upon learning that the intelligence groups controlled by the Division Five of the FBI in the headquarters of the NATO organization had planned all of the attempts of his life, DeGaulle was inflamed and ordered all NATO units off of French soils. Under the contract between France and NATO, General DeGaulle could not force them to move for a period of time somewhat exceeding one year; yet, he told NATO to get off the soil of France and put the machinery in operation to remove them within the treaty agreements with the organization.
The Defense Intelligence Agency, the intelligence arm of all armed forces in the United States and Division Five, the counter-espionage agency for the Federal Bureau of Investigation, were both found to have been the controlling agencies in NATO directing the assassination attempts on DeGaulle's life. DIA and Division Five of the FBI were working hand in glove with the White Russian emigre intelligence arm, the Solidarists, and many of the Western European intelligence agencies were not aware of the assassination plan worked directly through NATO headquarters.
Even the high echelons of the United States CIA were not aware of the DIA, FBI and Solidarist directed activities.

Jerry Milton Brooks, a close associate of Maurice Brooks Gatlin, Sr., testified in New Orleans that Gatlin was a transporter for the CIA and Division Five of the FBI. Gatlin in 1962 left New Orleans of behalf of Permindex with $100,000.00 in cash of the FBI's money and delivered the cash on behalf of Division Five and Permindex to the group of Fascist French generals planning the assassination of General DeGaulle. Gatlin flew from New Orleans directly to Paris, France and made the delivery.⁷³
Gatlin was the general counsel to the Anti-Communist League of the Caribbean, and he worked directly under Guy Bannister. In 1964 Gatlin was thrown, pushed, or fell from the sixth floor of the El Panama Hotel in Panama during the middle of the night and was killed instantly. 
Guy Bannister had been in charge of the Midwestern FBI Division Five operation with headquarters in Chicago up until 1955. At this time, J. Edgar Hoover shifted Bannister from an official basis with Division Five to a retainer and contractual basis with the espionage section of the agency and moved him to New Orleans where Bannister worked with the New Orleans police department and later from a private office at 544 Camp Street. 
In his contractual capacity with Division Five, Bannister had close contacts with all of the armed service intelligence agencies and worked closely with them on the espionage section of the FBI's various projects. Bannister was the officer in charge who dispatched Gatlin with the $100,000.00 cash to Paris for the DeGaulle assassination group.⁷⁴
We outline the DeGaulle assassination attempt with President Kennedy's assassination because the same organization carried out both operations.