Strange Viruses, Sheik Bin Laden and The October Surprise

"From 1981 through 1988, at least 15 individuals of various nationalities, including William Casey, Director of the Central Intelligence, died in unusual circumstances: 

airplane accidents, 

explosions, 

strange viruses which led to virulent cancers; 

sudden heart attacks or straightforward homicide. 

There were attempts on the lives of a further eight and one former National Security advisor tried to commit suicide."

Havana. May 5, 2011

Bin Laden familyâs relations with the United States greater than supposed

Lázaro Barredo Medina

THE surname Bin Laden has been demonized, through now representing the boogeyman of the 21st century. Just its mention evoked terror in U.S. society; it was utilized to promote the fear syndrome and to justify the most retrograde and anti-democratic actions in the United States.

However, the Bin Laden family had and still has many more links with the United States than generally supposed.

From 1981 through 1988, at least 15 individuals of various nationalities, including William Casey, director of the CIA, died in unusual circumstances: airplane accidents, explosions, strange viruses which led to virulent cancers; sudden heart attacks or straightforward homicide. There were attempts on the lives of a further eight and one, Robert McFarlane, former National Security advisor, tried to commit suicide.

What they all had in common was a close link to the Iran-Contra affair which involved the Reagan administration and the then Vice President George Bush Sr. in a major political scandal, given that they acted in total violation of legislation preventing financial aid to the Nicaraguan Contras and, in particular, weapon sales to Iran, the declared enemy of the United States.

For Washington, the Nicaraguan Contras, as the Afghan Mujahideen in their wake, were “freedom fighters.”

One of those characters to die in a strange way and linked to those events was Sheik Salem bin Laden, whose aircraft crashed in Texas in 1988, reportedly just after he had signed an important oil deal in which the Bush clan had interests.

Various publications dating back 20 years and others later noted that, according to the U.S. pilot of the aircraft, in October 1980 Sheik Salem had taken part in a secret meeting between CIA agents and Iranian envoys in Paris. There, the release of hostages in the U.S. embassy in Tehran had been agreed for after the inauguration as President of Ronald Reagan, a ploy which influenced Jimmy Carter's failure to secure a second term.

None of this was proven, but the district attorney in the case speculated as to the possibility of Salem having been eliminated as “an embarrassing witness,” while certain analysts confirmed at the end of 1990 that the aircraft flight plans had for some time been at the center of attention of a large number of investigations, whose conclusions were never divulged.

BUSH-BIN LADEN FAMILY BUSINESSES

American journalist Jerry Urban, from the Houston Chronicle, wrote an article titled “Keeping it all in the family.”

According to Urbanâs investigations, the FBI and a government agency involved in controlling financial crimes, were reviewing accusations that James Bath, a business entrepreneur, transferred to Houston certain sums of money from Saudi investors who wanted to influence U.S. policy under the Reagan and Bush Sr. administrations.

The columnist stated that in sworn depositions, Bath said that he represented four prominent Saudis as a co-signatory and was using his name in the investments. Bath declared that in payment he would receive an interest in the businesses.

The Houston Chronicle article confirmed that the tax documents and personal financial records showed that Bath had personal interests in Arbusto â79, and Arbusto â80, limited partnerships controlled by George W. Bush, the older son of President Bush.

Arbusto, the article noted, is Spanish for Bush.

Jerry Urban also noted that according to a 1976 trust agreement, drawn up shortly after Bush Sr. was appointed director of the CIA, Saudi Sheik Salem bin Laden appointed Bath his business representative in Houston and there is evidence that the businessman received a sizeable commission from companies owning and operating Houston Gulf Airport, after it was purchased by Bath for the Bin Laden family in 1977.

OTHER BUSINESSES AND CONSPIRATORIAL LINKS

As the older brother, Sheik Salem bin Laden was head of a family of numerous offspring (possibly 54 or 57 who Sheik Mohammed bin Laden fathered with 30 wives of diverse Arab nationalities) and who inherited the Bin Laden Construction Group, a corporation which he created in the 1950s in Jeddah, on the banks of the Red Sea.

When Sheik Salem bin Laden took over control of the businesses, he not only consolidated the construction enterprises but also invested in the manufacture and distribution of weapons and in Swiss-based banks with branches throughout the Middle East. He had the support of the then King Abdul Aziz and his family.

Various publications of the time commented on the Bin Laden family businesses and highlighted that their company was one of the most important in Saudi Arabia with assets of more than five billion dollars, and that Sheik Mohammed made his wealth thanks to important projects for the extension of the holy places of Islam, Mecca and Medina (west), given him by the Saudi royal palace.

At that time, 13 of his sons held posts on the groupâs executive committee, the best known of whom were Bakr, Hassan, Yeslam and Yehia. It is confirmed that Osama was the only son of a Saudi mother.

On Salemâs death, Bakr presided over the group and managed to extend its activities beyond Saudi borders, to cover a number of Arab countries and employing tens of thousands of people.

A number of media outlets stated that by then the conglomerate had become so large that they decided to divide it into the Syrian Group, the Lebanese Group, the Jordan Group and the Egyptian Group.

This last was the most developed with 40,000 employees, although a number of members of the Bin Laden family controlled the global businesses from Europe, under the leadership of Yeslam, with offices in Geneva and Paris.

Analysts agreed that prior to September 11, 2001, Bin Laden, the least favored member of the family, named Osama ben Muhammad ben Awad bin Laden, was also training for the family business by studying engineering at the King Abdul Aziz University in Jeddah.

But upon graduating in 1979, he rejected taking control of a national construction company and went to fight with the Mujihadeen in Afghanistan who were resisting the Soviet invasion of that country. It was during that mission that the links between the Bin Laden family and the CIA were strengthened.

The United States had given high-technology support in war materials and military instruction to the Afghan guerrillas and Islamic combatants from the Middle East and North Africa so that they could stand up to the Soviets but the two groups were not capable of coordinating their actions on account of ideological differences and old tribal battles.

Mac Liman, a UN consultant during that period, noted that it was Bin Ladenâs support as a CIA intermediary which made it possible to bring together and accelerate the creation of a common front, while at the same time, he became, with the backing of the CIA and the Saudi Arabian secret services, the treasurer of the Afghanistan operation.

In 1988, he formed what is known as the Al Qaeda terrorist network. After the war against the Russians, he returned to Saudi Arabia and discovered that he was a celebrity. The Riyadh government began to isolate him and his star slowly began to fade. But everything changed with the war in the Persian Gulf and he was forced to abandon any connection with his brothers after being expelled from Saudi Arabia for supporting the dissident King Fahd.

However, after a few months of anxiety, the Bin Laden Group restored its relationship with the Saudi royal family and obtained multi-millionaire contracts.

The Bin Laden Group owned mother companies which appeared in all of its contracts under names such as Ditco, Saud ben Birdgis, Al Mouraiban or Kara, plus offices in all the Middle Eastern capitals from Dubai to Amman, and an operational center in Geneva with subsidiaries in Paris and Madrid.

International analysts stressed that the Gulf War and his countryâs implication in it changed Bin Laden. Stripped of his Saudi nationality, accused of being the financier of Islamic terrorism, Osama bin Laden broke off his close links with the CIA and declared a jihad against the United States. His name reemerged mysteriously in recent years every time that there were tensions in U.S. society, functioning as a convenience for the political class.

But business is business. Not even Osamaâs activities in any way affected the Bin Laden familyâs relations with the superpower via various international group connections linked to finance capital.

Terrorism, business, conspiracy, all are intermixed in the history of this family and U.S. authorities. Will the absolute truth be told some day, including what really happened on September 11?

For now, there is no need to overtax our brains. As a neighbor of mine responded to the whole saga of these family ties, with a popular philosophy: “The truth is greater than the richest imagination,” and now when it is being said that he is dead, more than ever.

Once again, one thing is crystal clear, and that is double standards. Promises, huge efforts to kill the Al Qaeda terrorist and meanwhile, in the United States itself, another terrorist, Orlando Bosch, proclaimed by U.S. justice as public enemy Number One, was buried with all due ceremony in Miami, while another one, Luis Posada Carriles, as shady a character as the Saudi Arabian, is still enjoying legal impunity.

A Catastrophic and Catalysing Event: Millennial Futurology

1993

"To preserve American military preeminence in the coming decades, the Department of Defense must move more aggressively to experiment with new technologies and operational concepts, and seek to exploit the emerging revolution in military affairs. Information technologies, in particular, are becoming more prevalent and significant components of modern military systems. These information tech- nologies are having the same kind of trans- forming effects on military affairs as they are having in the larger world. The effects of this military transformation will have profound implications for how wars are fought, what kinds of weapons will dominate the battlefield and, inevitably, which nations enjoy military preeminence.

The United States enjoys every prospect of leading this transformation. Indeed, it was the improvements in capabilities acquired during the American defense build- up of the 1980s that hinted at and then confirmed, during Operation Desert Storm, that a revolution in military affairs was at hand. At the same time, the process of military transformation will present opportunities for America’s adversaries to develop new capabilities that in turn will create new challenges for U.S. military preeminence.

Moreover, the Pentagon, constrained by limited budgets and pressing current missions, has seen funding for experi- mentation and transformation crowded out in recent years. Spending on military research and development has been reduced dramatically over the past decade. Indeed, during the mid-1980’s, when the Defense Department was in the midst of the Reagan buildup which was primarily an effort to expand existing forces and field traditional weapons systems, research spending represented 20 percent of total Pentagon budgets. By contrast, today’s research and development accounts total only 8 percent of defense spending. And even this reduced total is primarily for upgrades of current weapons. Without increased spending on basic research and development the United States will be unable to exploit the RMA and preserve its technological edge on future battlefields.

Any serious effort at transformation must occur within the larger framework of U.S. national security strategy, military missions and defense budgets. The United States cannot simply declare a “strategic pause” while experimenting with new technologies and operational concepts. Nor can it choose to pursue a transformation strategy that would decouple American and allied interests.

A transformation strategy that solely pursued capabilities for projecting force from the United States, for example, and sacrificed forward basing and presence, would be at odds with larger American policy goals and would trouble American allies.

Further, the process of transformation, even if it brings revolutionary change, is likely to be a long one, absent some catastrophic and catalyzing event – 

Like a New Pearl Harbor. 

Domestic politics and industrial policy will shape the pace and content of transformation as much as the requirements of current missions. A decision to suspend or terminate aircraft carrier production, as recommended by this report and as justified by the clear direction of military technology, will cause great upheaval. Likewise, systems entering production today – the F-22 fighter, for example – will be in service inventories for decades to come. Wise management of this process will consist in large measure of figuring out the right moments to halt production of current-paradigm weapons and shift to radically new designs. The expense associated with some programs can make them roadblocks to the larger process of transformation – the Joint Strike Fighter program, at a total of approximately $200 billion, seems an unwise investment. Thus, this report advocates a two-stage process of change – transition and transformation – over the coming decades.

In general, to maintain American military preeminence that is consistent with the requirements of a strategy of American global leadership, tomorrow’s U.S. armed forces must meet three new missions:

• Global missile defenses. A network against limited strikes, capable of protecting the United States, its allies and forward-deployed forces, must be constructed. This must be a layered system of land, sea, air and space- based components.

• Control of space and cyberspace. Much as control of the high seas – and the protection of international commerce – defined global powers in the past, so will control of the new “international commons” be a key to world power in the future. An America incapable of protecting its interests or that of its allies in space or the “infosphere” will find it difficult to exert global political leadership.

• Pursuing a two-stage strategy for of transforming conventional forces. In exploiting the “revolution in military affairs,” the Pentagon must be driven by the enduring missions for U.S. forces. This process will have two stages: transition, featuring a mix of current and new systems; and true transformation, featuring new systems, organizations and operational concepts. This process must take a competitive approach, with services and joint-service operations competing for new roles and missions. Any successful process of transformation must be linked to the services, which are the institutions within the Defense Department with the ability and the responsibility for linking budgets and resources to specific missions.

Ronnie Biggs, MK-ULTRA and the Fourth Reich

http://jimhougan.com/wordpress/?tag=the-great-train-robbery

"How Biggs, while hiding out in Rio, came to live at Scott Johnson’s apartment, where he was patronized and protected by Huber and the others, is an important question. 

[An anecdotal account of Biggs' life in Rio, which discusses his friendship with Johnson and Huber, can be found in Biggs: The World's Most Wanted Man, by Colin Mackenzie, William Morrow & Co., New York, 1975.]   

Among other things, it suggests the possibility (indeed, the likelihood) that the firm which provided cover (or an alibi) for Jim Jones’s activities in Rio was part of the so-called ODESSA network. 

[ODESSA is an acronym for Organization der Entlassene SS Angehorige (Organization for the Release of Former SS Members).  Die Spinne (The Spider), which was also known as the "Swastika Syndicate," was the clandestine operations arm of ODESSA.  See Skorzeny: Hitler's Commando, by Glenn B. Infield, St. Martin's Press, 1981 (New York).]

In this connection, Piers Paul Read’s The Train Robbers is of interest. 

[The Train Robbers, by Piers Paul Read, W.H. Allen, London (1978).]  

Read undertook to write the book more than a decade after the robbery, and long after several other books had already been published on the subject.  What made these unpromising circumstances auger well, according to Read, were two things: first, he had the cooperation of most of the men who’d pulled off the robbery.  

Previously, only Ronald Biggs had given an account, and Biggs was considered an outsider by those who’d conceived and executed the plan.  

Second, and even more importantly, the gang confided important new information to Read.  

This was that the train robbery, and several of the subsequent escapes, had been financed and finessed by Gen. Otto Skorzeny.  

Among other things, this explained why it had never been possible to account for more than half of the money stolen in the robbery.

An unrepentant Nazi, Skorzeny had been Hitler’s favorite commando.  After the war, he’d re-established himself in Madrid as an arms-dealer and, with even greater secrecy, as the mastermind behind Die Spinne—the underground railroad that obtained forged documents and plastic surgery for war criminals and others requiring safe-havens in South America and the Middle East.  

As the proprietor of a de facto intelligence agency with connections throughout the world, Skorzeny made millions as a consultant to countries and organizations whose politics were compatible with his own (e.g., Nasser’s Egypt and the Secret Army Organization in Algiers).

Train-robber Buster Edwards and his wife gave Read a detailed description—names, dates and places—of how Die Spinne had smuggled him from England to Germany to Mexico.

[Since this was written, I was able to interview Buster Edwards at his flower-stall outside Waterloo Station in London.  In that interview, Edwards confirmed what he'd told Read, and elaborated upon it with further details.]  

A woman named “Hannah Schmid,” [The name is a pseudonym that Read used in his book ] whose father had served with Skorzeny in the Second World War, saw to it that he received plastic surgery and the documents necessary to travel.  Edwards recuperated for nearly a month in the home of a Prussian aristocrat, “Annaliese von Lutzeberg,” 

[This name is also a pseudonym, according to Read.] and was then sent on his way to Mexico—but not before he’d purchased shares (under an assumed name) in a business that Skorzeny owned. 

[Edwards invested 10,000 pounds in a real estate firm that Skorzeny was using to develop land near Alicante.]

While in Mexico, Edwards and two of the other train-robbers reunited with Schmid, who “proposed that they should run guns to the Peronists in Argentina; or train troops for a planned putsch in Panama…” 

[Ibid., p. 195.  Besides Edwards, Bruce Reynolds and Charlie Wilson met with Schmid in Mexico City.] 

Edwards and his friends declined: it just wasn’t their scene.

In checking Edwards’ story, and the stories of the other robbers, Read found that every verifiable detail was confirmed.  Before finishing his book, however, it was left to him to interview Ronald Biggs in Rio.  Accordingly, he got on a plane.

Finding Biggs was not that difficult.  He was living at Scott Johnson’s apartment.  What he had to say, however, was in flat contradiction to the accounts of everyone else.  According to Biggs, there were no Germans.

Read was flabbergasted.  Had he been hoaxed?  Or was Biggs lying on behalf of what Read suspected were his Nazi protectors?  Read couldn’t be sure.

“At best (Biggs) wished me to disbelieve the Skorzeny connection so that he himself could break it to the world and reap the benefit; at worst he was still in the care of Skorzeny’s organisation and had been told to persuade me that it did not exist.

“The more I pondered this last possibility, the more convinced I became that this was the explanation—for it still seemed inconceivable to me that June (Edwards) had invented her meeting with Skorzeny in Madrid, or could have discovered that he was a friend of the Reader’s Digest editor who spoke fourteen Chinese dialects.  I suddenly realised how thoughtless and foolhardy I had been to come to a country (Brazil) known to be a nest of ex-Nazis.  Clearly Biggs had been saved from extradition not because of his child, but because of neo-Nazi influence in government circles.  The woman who had been with him at the airport, Ulla Sopher, a German-Argentinian with blonde hair and blue eyes, was part of their network.  All the strands of the story came together to form a noose around my neck.” [Ibid., pp. 257-58.]

And yet, despite this cogent explanation for what had happened, and despite the evidence that Edwards and the others had provided, Read demurred.  Over drinks in a sidewalk cafe, “I began to believe that Biggs was telling the truth.”

A bizarre turn-about that occurs at the very end of the book, Read’s conversion to Biggs’ account makes no sense at all.  Biggs’s own fugitivity, which (like Edwards’s) was facilitated by plastic surgery and forged documents provided by an unnamed criminal syndicate, is the best argument against the story he tells.

One wonders if Read would have ended his book differently if he had known about Jim Jones, Scott Johnson and Invesco.

Not that Read didn’t have clues to the fact that Biggs was living in a kind of parapolitical twilight—a world defined by the inter-penetration of criminal syndicates and the intelligence community.

One such clue pertained to Biggs’ son, “Mikezinho,” who was born while his father was a fugitive in Rio.  “Little Mikey” had a very interesting godfather, a man with powerful European connections and who, like Werner Blumer, was in the business of selling art.

This was Fernand Legros, who concerns us here only because his association with Biggs’s, and Biggs’s friends in Rio, adds perspective to what might be called “the Invesco circle.”

Legros has been described as a “playboy, millionaire, art dealer and CIA agent…” 

[The Great Heroin Coup, by Henrik Kruger.] 

A native Egyptian, with apartments in Switzerland, France and Spain, he was a homosexual whose lovers included the Secretary-General of the United Nations (Dag Hammerskjold) and members of French cabinet. 

[ Hammerskjold died in a plane crash in the Congo on September 17, 1961.  The suspicion that the plane was sabotaged is widespread, but to date unproven.  See The Last Days of Dag Hammerskjold, by Arthur L. Gavshon, Barrie & Rockliff with Pall Mall Press, London, 1963.] 

A naturalized American, Legros resorted to at least four passports: French, American, Canadian and British.

It is alleged (by author Henrik Kruger and others) that Legros played a lethal role in the mysterious (and still unsolved) kidnapping and murder of the Moroccan dissident, Ben Barka—who disappeared from the streets of Paris (where Legros owned an art-gallery) in October, 1965.  According to Kruger, Legros had been in contact with Ben Barka in Geneva, where the art-dealer had a second gallery and both men had apartments.  Lured to France, Ben Barka was kidnapped, tortured and killed.  While his disappearance remains unsolved, the operation has often been attributed to French gangsters (including a man named Christian David) acting on Legros’s orders.  Legros himself is believed to have been working at the time for either the CIA or France’s SDECE.

In 1967, Legros fled to Brazil upon being implicated in the authentication and sale of forgeries attributed to modern masters.  Sold for millions to gullible investors around the world, the forgeries are believed to have been painted by Elmyr de Hory, Clifford Irving’s friend and neighbor on Ibiza.

But Legros’s influence seems not to have been much diminished by the notoriety surrounding the forgeries.  

According to Kruger, the art-dealer was “a personal friend of Henry Kissinger’s,…(and) the man the CIA assigned to snoop on UN secretary-general Dag Hammarskjold.  Legros helped the CIA kidnap the African leader Moise Tshombe…”   Not finally, Legros became an associate (in France and in Brazil) of the legendary French gangster Christian David.

While in Rio and Sao Paulo, David established a Brazilian-based narcotics syndicate to fill the vacuum created when the so-called “French connection” was broken. 

[Following the arrest and extradition of Paraguya's Auguste Ricard, heroin refined in Marseilles was shipped to David in Brazil for transport to the United States.]  

In this task, he was abetted by fugitive French collaborators and war criminals living in Argentina, Paraguay, Chile and Brazil.

Arrested by the Brazilian authorities in 1972, David was eventually deported to the United States, and then extradited to France—where he was sentenced to death. 

[The sentence appears never to have been carried out, and there are unconfirmed reports that David was freed some time ago.]  

Meanwhile, David’s pal, Fernand Legros, was himself in a Rio prison—occupying the cell next to Ronald Biggs.  The circumstances of Legros’s imprisonment are murky, but it has been suggested that he was locked up as an exercise in protective custody, supposedly for having helped the CIA to arrange David’s arrest.  While that allegation is unproven, it is certainly true that Legros had a rather easy time of it behind bars.  “Each day…he was brought lavish meals including lobster, champagne, cognac and fat Havana cigars.” 

[Kruger tells us that, in 1974, French intelligence agents kidnapped Legros from Brazil, and brought him back to France.  Imprisoned there, he was released upon the demands of Henry Kissinger, who protested the mistreatment of an American citizen.]

All of which is to say: what?  That Jim Jones was somehow involved in the 1963 Great Train Robbery, or in the 1965 murder of Ben Barka?  Hardly.  Do I mean, then, to suggest that Jones was a party to the making and breaking of the “Brazilian Connection,” or that he was implicated in the wave of forgeries that culminated in Clifford Irving’s “autobiography” of Howard Hughes?  Of course not.

My intention has only been to demonstrate that the milieu in which Jones found himself in 1963—the Invesco milieu, revolving around Scott Johnson, et al.—was anything but ordinary.  A suspected CIA conduit, Invesco was owned and operated by men and women whose connections to criminals such as Ronald Biggs and spooks like Fernand Legros—and to gangster-spooks such as Christian David—are worth a deeper look.  The coalescence of organized crime and the CIA during the early 1960s was responsible for parapolitical enormities which continue to resonate beneath the surface of American politics and culture.

Jones’s connections to Dan Mitrione and Jon Lodeesen, his resort to cover stories, his use of multiple passports, and his strange involvement with the Invesco circle, strongly suggests that the 1978 tragedy in Guyana was set in motion in Cuba and Brazil some fifteen years earlier.

"Since the founding of Israel, the Federal Republic of Germany had paid out 85.3 billion marks, by the end of 1977, to survivors of the Holocaust. East Germany ignores any such liability. From South America, where payment must be made with subtlety, the Bormann organization has made a substantial contribution. 

It has drawn many of the brightest Jewish businessmen into a participatory role in the development of many of its corporations, and many of these Jews share their prosperity most generously with Israel. 

If their proposals are sound, they are even provided with a specially dispensed venture capi- tal f und. I spoke with one Jewish businessmen in Hartf ord, Connecticut. He had arrived there quite unknown several years bef ore our conversation, but with Bormann money as his leverage. 

Today he is more than a millionaire, a quiet leader in the community with a certain share of his prof its earmarked as always f or his venture capital benef actors. This has taken place in many other instances across America and demonstrates how Bormann’s people operate in the contemporary commercial world, in contrast to the fanciful nonsense with which Nazis are described in so much “literature.” 

So much emphasis is placed on select Jewish participation in Bormann companies that when Adolf Eichmann was seized and taken to Tel Aviv to stand trial, it produced a shock wave in the Jewish and German com- munities of Buenos Aires. Jewish leaders inf ormed the Israeli authorities in no uncertain terms that this must never happen again because a repetition would permanently rupture relations with the Germans of Latin America, as well as with the Bor- mann organization, and cut of f the f low of Jewish money to Israel. 

It never happened again, and the pursuit of Bormann quieted down at the request of these Jewish leaders. He is residing in an Argentinian safe haven, protected by the most efficient German infrastructure in history as well as by all those whose prosperity depends on his well-being. 

Personal invitation is the only way to reach him"

Martin Bormann — Nazi in Exile

by Paul Manning 1980, Lyle Stuart, Inc.

ISBN 0–8184-0309–8

Illustrated, 302 pages.

"A revealing insight into this international f inancial and in- dustrial network was given me by a member of the Bormann organization residing in West Germany. Meyer Lansky, he said, the financial advisor to the Las Vegas-Miami underworld, sent a message to Bormann through my West German SS contact.

Lansky promised that if he received a piece of Bormann’s action he would keep the Israeli agents off Bormann’s back. 

“I have a very good relation with the Israeli secret police” was his claim,although he was to be kicked out of Israel later when his presence became too noted —and also at the urging of Bormann’s security chief in South America. At the time, Lansky was in thepenthouse suite of Jerusalem’s King David Hotel, in which he owned stock. 

He had fled to Israel to evade a U.S. federal warrant for his arrest. He sent his message to Bormann through his bag man in Switzerland, John Pullman, also wanted in the United States on a f ederal warrant. Lansky told Pullman to make this offer “which he can’t refuse.” 

The offer was forwarded to Buenos Aires, where it was greeted with laughter. 

When the laughter died down, it was replaced with action. 

Meyer Lansky was evicted from Israel, and was told by Swiss authorities to stay out of their country, so he flew to South America. 

There he offered any president who would give him asylum a cool $1 million in cash. He was turned down everywhere and had to continue his flight to Miami, where U.S. marshals, alerted, were waiting to take him into custody".

Martin Bormann — Nazi in Exile

by Paul Manning 1980, Lyle Stuart, Inc.

ISBN 0–8184-0309–8

Illustrated, 302 pages.

1963

1963: Act I - The Good We Oft Might Win... 

from Spike EP on Vimeo.

“Our doubts are traitors and make us lose the good we oft might win, by fearing to attempt”

Measure for Measure

Act I, Scene IV

The Anglo American Establishment

"The Rhodes Scholarships, established by the terms of Cecil Rhodes's seventh will, are known to everyone. What is not so widely known is that Rhodes in five previous wills left his fortune to form a secret society, which was to devote itself to the preservation and expansion of the British Empire. And what does not seem to be known to anyone is that this secret society was created by Rhodes and his principal trustee, Lord Milner, and continues to exist to this day. To be sure, this secret society is not a childish thing like the Ku Klux Klan, and it does not have any secret robes, secret handclasps, or secret passwords. It does not need any of these, since its members know each other intimately. It probably has no oaths of secrecy nor any formal procedure of initiation. It does, however, exist and holds secret meetings, over which the senior member present presides.

At various times since 1891, these meetings have been presided over by Rhodes, Lord Milner, Lord Selborne, Sir Patrick Duncan, Field Marshal Jan Smuts, Lord Lothian, and Lord Brand. They have been held in all the British Dominions, starting in South Africa about 1903; in various places in London, chiefly 175 Piccadilly; at various colleges at Oxford, chiefly All Souls; and at many English country houses such as Tring Park, Blickling Hall, Cliveden, and others.

This society has been known at various times as Milner's Kindergarten, as the Round Table Group, as the Rhodes crowd, as The Times crowd, as the All Souls group, and as the Cliveden set. All of these terms are unsatisfactory, for one reason or another, and I have chosen to call it the Milner Group. Those persons who have used the other terms, or heard them used, have not generally been aware that all these various terms referred to the same Group.

It is not easy for an outsider to write the history of a secret group of this kind, but, since no insider is going to do it, an outsider must attempt it. It should be done, for this Group is, as I shall show, one of the most important historical facts of the twentieth century. Indeed, the Group is of such significance that evidence of its existence is not hard to find, if one knows where to look. This evidence I have sought to point out without
overly burdening this volume with footnotes and bibliographical references. While such evidences of scholarship are kept at a minimum, I believe I have given the source of every fact which I mention. Some of these facts came to me from sources which I am not permitted to name, and I have mentioned them only where I can produce documentary evidence available to everyone. 

Nevertheless, it would have been very difficult to write this book if I had not received a certain amount of assistance of a personal nature from persons close to the Group. For obvious reasons, I cannot reveal the names of such persons, so I have not made reference to any information derived from them unless it was information readily available from other sources.

Naturally, it is not possible for an outsider to write about a secret group without falling into errors. There are undoubtedly errors in what follows. I have tried to keep these at a minimum by keeping the interpretation at a minimum and allowing the facts to speak for themselves. This will serve as an excuse for the somewhat excessive use of quotations. I feel that there is no doubt at all about my general interpretation. I also feel that there are few misstatements of fact, except in one most difficult matter. This difficulty arises from the problem of knowing just who is and who is not a member of the Group. Since membership may not be a formal matter but based rather on frequent social association, and since the frequency of such association varies from time to time and from person to person, it is not always easy to say who is in the Group and who is not. I have tried to solve this difficulty by dividing the Group into two concentric circles: an inner core of intimate associates, who unquestionably knew that they were members of a group devoted to a common purpose; and an outer circle of a larger number, on whom the inner circle acted by personal persuasion, patronage distribution, and social pressure. It is probable that most members of the outer circle were not conscious that they were being used by a secret society. More likely they knew it, but, English fashion, felt it discreet to ask no questions. The ability of Englishmen of this class and background to leave the obvious unstated, except perhaps in obituaries, is puzzling and sometimes irritating to an outsider. In general, I have undoubtedly made mistakes in my lists of members, but the mistakes, such as they are, are to be found rather in my attribution of any particular person to the outer circle instead of the inner core, rather than in my connecting him to the Group at all. In general, I have attributed no one to the inner core for whom I do not have evidence, convincing to me, that he attended the secret meetings of the Group. As a result, several persons whom I place in the outer circle, such as Lord Halifax, should probably be placed in the inner core.

I should say a few words about my general attitude toward this subject. I approached the subject as a historian. This attitude I have kept. I have tried to describe or to analyze, not to praise or to condemn. I hope that in the book itself this attitude is maintained. Of course I have an attitude, and it would be only fair to state it here. In general, I agree with the goals and aims of the Milner Group. I feel that the British way of life and the British Commonwealth of Nations are among the great achievements of all history. I feel that the destruction of either of them would be a terrible disaster to mankind. I feel that the withdrawal of Ireland, of Burma, of India, or of Palestine from the Commonwealth is regrettable and attributable to the fact that the persons in control of these areas failed to absorb the British way of life while they were parts of the Commonwealth. I suppose, in the long view, my attitude would not be far different from that of the members of the Milner Group. But, agreeing with the Group on goals, I cannot agree with them on methods. To be sure, I realize that some of their methods were based on nothing but good intentions and high ideals—higher ideals than mine, perhaps. But their lack of perspective in critical moments, their failure to use intelligence and common sense, their tendency to fall back on standardized social reactions and verbal cliches in a crisis, their tendency to place power and influence into hands chosen by friendship rather than merit, their oblivion to the consequences of their actions, their ignorance of the point of view of persons in other countries or of persons in other classes in their own country—these things, it seems to me, have brought many of the things which they and I hold dear close to disaster. In this Group were persons like Esher, Grey, Milner, Hankey, and Zimmern, who must command the admiration and affection of all who know of them. On the other hand, in this Group were persons whose lives have been a disaster to our way of life. Unfortunately, in the long run, both in the Group and in the world, the influence of the latter kind has been stronger than the influence of the former.

This has been my personal attitude. Little of it, I hope, has penetrated to the pages which follow. I have been told that the story I relate here would be better left untold, since it would provide ammunition for the enemies of what I admire. I do not share this view. The last thing I should wish is that anything I write could be used by the Anglophobes and isolationists of the Chicago Tribune. But I feel that the truth has a right to be told, and, once told, can be an injury to no men of good will. Only by a knowledge of the errors of the past is it possible to correct the tactics of the future.

Carroll Quigley
1947

Dr. Sidney Gottlieb (of MK-Ultra), Mobutu and the The AIDS Crisis

“Bill Close … had come to Congo just before Independence as a missionary worker, though he was a trained physician. Somehow he became President Mobutu’s personal physician as well as director of the biggest hospital in the country.

“But this didn’t fully explain the extent of his power and influence in Zaire. He was a mysterious man, thoroughly likable, with an unmatched knowledge of Zaire and connections at all levels in society."

"By the early 1960s Gottlieb's techniques and potions were being fully deployed in the field. Well-known is Gottlieb's journey to the Congo, where his little black bag held an Agency-developed biotoxin scheduled for Patrice Lumumba's toothbrush. He also tried to manage Iraq's general Kassim with a handkerchief doctored with botulinum and there were the endless poisons directed at Fidel Castro, from the LSD the Agency wanted to spray in his radio booth to the poisonous fountain pen intended for Castro that was handed by a CIA man to Rolando Cubela on November 22, 1963."

"James Bond had Q, the scientific wizard who supplied 007 with dazzling gadgets to deploy against enemy agents. The Central Intelligence Agency had Sidney Gottlieb, a Bronx-born biochemist with a PhD from Caltech whose job as head of the agency's technical services division was to concoct the tools of espionage: disappearing inks, poison darts, toxic handkerchiefs.

Gottlieb once mailed a lethal handkerchief to an Iraqi colonel and personally ferried deadly bacteria to the Congo to kill Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba. It wasn't his potions that eventually did in the two targets, but Gottlieb, once described by a colleague as the ultimate "good soldier," soldiered on."

(3) Elaine Woo, Los Angeles Times (4th April, 1999)

"In Elizabethville, I do not think there was anyone there who believed that his death was as accident." — U.N. Representative Conor O’Brien on the death of U.N. Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjold

"A lot has not been told." — Unnamed U.N. official, commenting on same

http://www.ctka.net/pr399-congo.html

http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/JFKgottlieb.htm

http://spikethenews.blogspot.co.uk/2013/12/mobutu-sese-seko-glenn-close-and-aids.html

Fukushima: The Sailors of the USS Ronald Reagan

In 2011, the aircraft carrier USS Ronald Reagan assisted with rescue operations after the Fukushima earthquake and nuclear disaster.

At least 51 members of the crew of the USS Ronald Reagan have now developed radiation-related illnesses.

It is thought that the ship's desalinization systems took in radioactive water which the crew drank, cooked with and bathed-in.

Charles Bonner, attorney representing sailors from the USS Ronald Reagan said "They have testicular cancer, they have thyroid cancers, they have leukemias, they have rectal and gynecological bleeding, a host of problems that they did not have before ...

"People are going blind, pilots who had perfect eyesight but now have tumors on the brain. And it’s only been 3 years since they went in."

Many Gulf War Veterans have been afflicted with Leukemia, Lymphoma, Multiple Myeloma, or Hodgkin’s Disease.

http://www.turnerradionetwork.com/news/99-pat

aangirfan: USA'S SICK SAILORS: In 2011, the aircraft carrier USS Ronald Reagan assisted with rescue operations after the Fukushima earthquake and nuclear disaster. ...

Thursday, 12 December 2013 20:00

December 12, 2013 -- (TRN http://www.TurnerRadioNetwork.com ) -- Crew members in their mid-20's from the aircraft carrier USS Ronald Reagan are coming down with all sorts of radiation-related illnesses after being deployed less than 3 years ago to assist with earthquake rescue operations off the coast of Japan in 2011. It looks as though the onboard desalinization systems that take salt out of seawater to make it drinkable, were taking-in radioactive water from the ocean for the crew to drink, cook with and bath-in, before anyone realized there was a massive radiation spill into the ocean.

Charles Bonner, attorney representing sailors from the USS Ronald Reagan said "the crew members were not only going to the rescue by jumping into the water and rescuing people out of the water, but they were drinking desalinated sea water, bathing in it, until finally the captain of the USS Ronald Reagan alarmed people that they were encountering high levels of radiation."

 

Bonner says that as a result of this exposure, the 51 sailors have come down with a host of medical problems, "They have testicular cancer, they have thyroid cancers, they have leukemias, they have rectal and gynecological bleeding, a host of problems that they did not have before ... people are going blind, pilots who had perfect eyesight but now have tumors on the brain. And it’s only been 3 years since they went in." Bonner pointed out that these service men and women are young people, ages 21, 22, 23 years old and no one in their family had ever suffered any of these kinds of illnesses before.

At present, 51 sailors from the USS Ronald Reagan are named as Plaintiffs in a lawsuit against the Tokyo Electric Power Company (TEPCO) and Bonner says he anticipates adding twenty additional Sailors soon, bringing the total to 70 to 75 because "The Japanese government is in a major conspiracy with TEPCO to hide and conceal the true facts."

 

In an utterly shocking admission at a meeting of the Japan Press Club on December 12, 2013, the former Prime Minister of Japan, Naoto Kan, who was in-office when the Fukushima disaster took place, told assembled journalists "[People think it was March 12th but] the first meltdown occurred 5 hours after the earthquake." This means that the government of Japan KNEW there was horrific radiation being released, but did not tell the U.S. Navy which had deployed the aircraft carrier USS Ronald Reagan to assist with rescue efforts. Our story covering this new aspect of the Fukushima incident is available HERE.

 

According to "Stars and Stripes" one Plaintiff in the lawsuit is Petty Officer 3rd Class Daniel Hair. When the earthquake struck, Hair and his Reagan shipmates were en route to Korea. They immediately turned around and steamed to the affected area. “There were people in distress,” he said. “This is what we signed up for.”

The Reagan passed through debris as far as the eye could see: wood, refrigerators, car tires, roofs of houses with people riding on them. Hair was told they were five to 10 miles off the coast from Fukushima, which had been damaged by a massive tsunami spawned by the quake.

Sailors were drinking desalinated seawater and bathing in it until the ship’s leadership came over the public address system and told them to stop because it was contaminated, Hair said. They were told the ventilation system was contaminated, and he claims he was pressured into signing a form that said he had been given an iodine pill even though none had been provided. As a low-ranking sailor, he believed he had no choice.

The Navy has acknowledged that the Reagan passed through a plume of radiation but declined to comment on the details in Hair’s story.

 

Shortly after the disaster, Senior Chief Mike Sebourn was sent from his home base, Naval Air Facility Atsugi, to Misawa Air Base, 200 miles from the faltering power plant. As a designated radiation decontamination officer, he dealt with aircraft and personnel that had flown into the area.

Sebourn, with only two days of training, was tasked with testing seven points on an aircraft’s skin for radiation. He and others crawled all over the crafts for months, he said, with only gloves for protection. At one point, he said, they took the radiator out of one aircraft and tested it. The radiation was four times greater than what should have required them to wear a suit and respirator, he said.

The level of radiation “was incredibly dangerous,” Sebourn said. “Navy aviation had never dealt with radiation before. Nobody knew what to do. Nobody knew what was safe. It was a nightmare.”

Sebourn said he suffered nose bleeds, headaches and nausea in the immediate aftermath — symptoms consistent with radiation poisoning. Months later, he felt weak in his right arm; excruciating pain followed. He said the command fitness leader in charge of physical training at Atsugi watched as his arm atrophied to about half its size.

“I have issues that can’t be explained,” Sebourn said. “It just seems like I am deteriorating.”

Sebourn said he went to doctors more than a dozen times, but no one knew what had caused the former personal trainer to lose 70 percent of the strength in the right side of his body. He retired after 17 years in Japan.

Sebourn is alarmed that the word “radiation” doesn’t appear anywhere in his service record, even though that was his job and he was exposed to it. He believed troops exposed would be red-flagged in their service records and be tracked for medical problems.

 

According to "The Huffington Post" another Plaintiff in the lawsuit is former Navy Quartermaster Maurice Enis.

 

Enis says it was more than a month after arriving off the coast of Japan -- and circling at distances of one to 10 miles from the crippled reactors -- when sailors aboard the carrier got word that a nuclear plant had been affected. "Even then, it was rumors," he said. And it wasn't until the USS Ronald Reagan had left Japan and sailors were scrubbing down the ship that they were offered radiation protection. Enis said the enlisted sailors were never offered any iodine. He said he later learned the "higher ups" -- officers and pilots -- had received the tablets to protect their thyroids from radiation damage.

 

"They had us sign off that we were medically fine, had no sickness, and that we couldn't sue the U.S. government," Enis told The Huffington Post, recalling widespread anger among the sailors who saw it as "B.S." but who also felt they had little choice.

 

VIDEOS FROM USS RONALD REAGAN

The first video below is when the Captain tells the crew they have moved the ship to fresher water and radiation is now down to acceptable levels, so they can begin using the water again! The second is what the Captain told the crew when the ship WAS HEADING BACK INTO the radiation!

 

 

(EDITOR'S NOTE: Despite the facts above, the mass-media in the U.S. has said nothing about this story. One more example of how the Turner Radio Network "provides facts the mass-media won't.")

 

RELATED STORIES:

http://www.stripes.com/in-growing-lawsuit-servicemembers-fault-tepco-for-radiation-related-illnesses-1.230512

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2013/03/11/fukushima-navy-health-problems_n_2855529.html

Sourcing for this story came partially from "The Nuclear HotSeat #129" www.NuclearHotSeat.com