Monday, 25 November 2013

JFK50: "Raul"




"Raul" in the company of Lee Harvey Oswald, 
New Orleans, Louisiana, August 9th, 1963

Lee Oswald was the treasurer and sole member of the New Orleans chapter of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee; the men with him have never been formally identified, acknowledged or investigated.


From the Court Transcript of King Family vs. Jowers et al., (1999)

Q. Now, he mentioned this figure, Raul, having picked up the money at one point in time and delivered a weapon. Did he identify a photo spread – of a photo spread did he identify a photograph of him for you?


A. Yes, he did.


Q. If we can put this up.


(Photographs displayed on an overhead projector.)


Q. We can see the photo spread that has been in evidence here in the Court. I don't know if you can see it. Which of these six individuals did he identify as Raul to you?


A. The second one down on the right in the middle.


Q. Here?


A. Yes.


Q. This picture here?


A. That's the one.


Q. He said this was the man who delivered the money and subsequently – I'm sorry, picked up –

A. Picked up.

Q. He picked up the money and then delivered the rifle?

A. Correct.

Q. Did he know anything else about this person or say anything else that you recall?

A. Well, he said something about, you know, he thought Mexican or wet-back or something, but he didn't want to – you know, he didn't know which nationality he was. But he was definitely, you know, of Spanish – he thought of Spanish descent.

Q. Did you come away with the belief that the fatal shot that killed your father was fired from the bushes, the brush area, behind the defendant's grill?

A. Yes, I did.

Q. Did he say what he did with the murder weapon, the actual murder weapon, not the throw-down gun, the actual murder weapon?

A. I believe he said he threw it in the – I'm sorry. That was another piece of that. That someone picked it up, and I believe he said he heard they threw it in the river. But I – I don't remember who, the details of who picked it up and how it got, you know, supposedly thrown in the river.


Q. Now, Dexter, at one point in time when the family had came out and started asking questions, being involved in this case, were you and the family contacted by a former FBI man?


A. Yes, we were.


Q. Who this was officer?


A. Donald Wilson.


Q. What did Mr. Wilson tell you, discuss with you, again, very contrary to his own professional and personal interests?


A. Well, he told me that he had received some evidence, actually obtained evidence from a crime scene dealing with the white Mustang which was alleged to have been James Earl Ray's vehicle and said that he had traveled to the crime scene along with a senior agent. He was essentially kind of a new rookie agent, if you will, and the veteran agent had him tag along to the crime scene.


And when he opened the door, these envelope or loose and fell out of the car?


A. Correct.


Q. And he picked them up and kept them?


A. Yes, he did.


Q. Why did he hold on to them all these years?


A. Well, he tried to give me some history, which I thought was fairly interesting, because it speaks to his motive, but he talked about when he joined the Bureau fresh out of law school here in Tennessee, I think, where he went to school, and he saw working for the Federal Bureau as being a way to help with civil rights.


He really seemed to be committed to making a difference in the cause of justice in this country at that time. And he said the most incredible thing happened to him literally on his first day on the job, or let's say his first day in training, when he was going – or assigned to go to the academy.


He was assigned to a black rookie agent, I guess they were rookie agents when they were going through training, and they were in Virginia, I believe it was, at a rooming facility where they all stayed, and when they went to check in, his black roommate was denied admission.


He said he was just so sure that the brass, top brass, were going to really come down on these people, this resident manager, if you will. And he watched the way the situation was handled, and he said, you know, from that day forward, I knew I made the biggest mistake of my life.


What he was saying is that the black agent could not room with him, that Director Hoover and all the top brass didn't do anything about rectifying the situation. So – and he said when it just really hit him is a few years later the agent, the black agent, was killed in the line of duty, and at his funeral I believe in Chicago he was talking about how the director and everyone was there talking about how great this guy was, and all he could remember is when the guy really needed support, they were nowhere to be found.


He said once he started learning about the climate and the culture of the Bureau and how this type of thing would happen, he instinctively felt that if he had turned in that evidence, his superiors would have – it would have ended up missing.


And I don't remember, there was another incident, and I can't remember whether this happened before or after the Mustang was discovered, but he and his agent – I mean he and his partner happened to see a gentleman that fit the description of James Earl Ray somewhere in their travels, and they radioed into headquarters to ask what to do, whether to apprehend or to let him go, whatever, and they were told basically to come back immediately to headquarters and basically sign off.


He said again from that incident he knew that he was making the right decision, because he really believed this could have been the man, but they were told to not proceed.


Q. To your personal knowledge, what has happened to Agent Wilson since that time?


A. He has been character assassinated.

He has also said that his wife has been somewhat terrorized. Just different types of harassment tactics have been used to silence him, to intimidate him.


I witnessed for myself the way this whole thing was handled in the media, and the first knee-jerk response that came out was that this guy was not even an FBI agent. I watched literally the news cycle of how within minutes first he is not an agent, second, well, he wasn't on the crime scene detail – which is true technically, because the car was impounded and taken to the garage where it was taken apart by special agents to go over it with a fine-tooth comb, which he was not officially apart of that detachment, but he was definitely on the scene – and ultimately there were quotes from former FBI agents saying, well, whatever he has is fabricated.


Now, how can you make an unilateral statement when you haven't even seen what he has? So it amazed me to watch how this man was attacked for coming forward with something. And he really believed – the saddest thing about this whole episode is when I met this gentleman, I could see the sincerity. He was a man who was to me the epitome of a do-gooder government bureaucrat who really joined the service to do the right thing, who wanted to serve his country, who believed in the constitution.


And he was so shocked, I think almost naive, because he kept saying, I want to make sure that the Attorney General Janet Reno gets this information personally. And I remember thinking how, you know, maybe naive that he was, but he believed that if he forged ahead, that the right thing would be done. You know, I really feel sorry for him, to be honest with you, because I don't think he had a clue.


Q. There were a series of articles written by one local reporter who tried to get this story out and they were published and plaintiffs would like to move their admission into evidence at this time.


(The above-mentioned documents were marked Collective Exhibit 31.)


Q. (BY MR. PEPPER) I'll put up on the screen now a document or a piece of paper. It is not very clear, but what it is is a telephone directory page. Have you seen that before?


A. Yes, I have.


Q. Do you see this writing up here?


A. Yes.


Q. Can you make that out from that distance?


A. Yes, I can.


Q. What does it say?


A. Raul.


Q. The name Raul?


A. Yes.


Q. Do you recognize this as one of the – poor copy though it is, and we're only doing with a copy here, but do you recognize this as a copy of one of the pieces of paper that he found in the – that fell out of the Mustang?


A. Yes, I do.


Q. Okay. I'll put up a second photocopy of another document he gave you, another piece of paper. Do you recognize this piece of paper as one that you were shown by Agent Wilson?


A. Yes, I do.


Q. What did you make of this? What did you think this was?


A. Payment, like a payment schedule or list of payments made.


Q. It looked like a schedule of some monies that were to be paid?


A. Yes.


Q. Does this appear to be some sort of list of payments or a payment sheet?


A. Yes, correct.

Q. You said he said this also came from the Mustang?

A. Yes, it did.

Q. This list of payments, at the bottom of it, do you see this writing here?

A. Yes, I do.

Q. Can you make that name out?

A. I cannot. From here I cannot make it out. It is very –

Q. It is very fuzzy, isn't it?

A. It is very fuzzy.

MR. PEPPER: Let me do this, Your Honor. Let me make take the copy up and ask the witness to take a look at it closer.

Q. (BY MR. PEPPER) Is that helpful at all?

A. I am still having a hard time.

Q. Then you should not identify it if you can't. That's fine.

MR. PEPPER: We will move the admission of both of these collectively as the next exhibit.

THE COURT: Did you identify that as one of the documents that was shown you to by the agent?

THE WITNESS: Yes, I did.

(Whereupon, the above-mentioned document was marked as Exhibit 32.)

Q. (BY MR. PEPPER) At the time you met with Agent Wilson, did you also discuss another document that was in the car at the time that fell out and that he retrieved at the time?

A. Well, he talked about other information he had obtained, but he didn't go into detail at the time. I subsequently found out about the other information.

Q. How did you personally come to learn of this other piece of information?

A. I believe it was from a reporter with the Atlanta Journal Constitution and an article that actually he subsequently wrote about it, about the evidence, and the fact that the Justice Department I believe had subpoenaed that separate – that additional piece of evidence.

Q. What was that additional piece of evidence that the subpoena was issued for?

A. It was a piece of paper or a card, I don't remember the exact instrument, but it was paper or a card with the phone number to the Atlanta office of the FBI.

Q. The phone number of the Atlanta office of the FBI in James Earl Ray's Mustang?

A. That's correct.

Q. Did there come a time, Mr. King, as a result of all of this activity that you decided to meet with James Earl Ray?

A. Yes.

Q. Why did you decide to take that step and meet with the man who had been accused of killing your father?

A. Well, first and foremost I didn't believe that he had actually pulled the trigger at the time. My feeling was even if he had, based on the upbringing that I have, that I've had and my family, that it would have been the right thing to do.

Being raised in a Judeo-Christian home or faith to practice what you preach in terms of forgiveness, if he didn't do it, then I felt, which I did feel, I was there on the grounds of this man has also suffered an injustice, but regardless of either scenario, somehow we both, victim/victimizer, both victims, however you look at it, had some type of commonality.

So for me spiritually meeting with the accused, if you will, was important for me to personally eye to eye meet this man and ask him did he do it while in my heart I did not believe that he did, but I needed to do that for the record, if you will.

I thought about the fact that – again, some people were really outraged. They were upset with me, why did you meet with him? As I said earlier, this has been an emotional issue and not an intellectual or logical issue, issue of logic. People just react to what they've been conditioned to.

Again, I've had to draw on my earliest experiences of dealing with an assassin when my grandmother was killed in 1973 – I'm sorry, in 1974. I was there with my grandfather when he forgave his wife's killer, my grandmother. And yet – of course, I knew about my father forgiving the woman who stabbed him and almost took his life.

So there was a precedent set growing up. In our home we were always taught don't hate white people, don't hate the person who did this. So I didn't see it as being out of character to meet with him.

Q. It was really a part of the family's practice and process, wasn't it? Did you go with your grandfather to visit your grandmother's killer in prison?

A. Well, no. Actually, while she was on the operating table we walked over to where he was being kept, because there was an altercation to apprehend him. He had to have treatment as well. We went over to meet with him.

My grandfather asked him why he did it. Essentially he said, I came to get you, and when I get out, I'm going to get you. My grandfather simply said, son, God bless you, and I'm going to pray for you and I'm going to forgive you for your sins.

Of course, standing there witnessing this at a very young age helped me to understand what forgiveness was all about, and having that strong spiritual foundation and base is really what has sustained us for all this time.

Q. So it is not just your father's example in life and times but your grandparents as well?

A. Yes, that's correct. When my father was killed, I remember a lot of things that happened, but I wasn't old enough to really understand, you know, the whole forgiveness concept. I do remember it was an ominous period.

I remember us really feeling very awkward about him coming back to Memphis that last time. For whatever reason, we felt something was going to happen. I know I felt that. It was very ominous. That was the extent of it. I didn't know why.

Q. Now, did there come a time when you progressed in your consideration of this case and the family's quest for answers and truth that you decided to ask the Justice Department or the President of the United States in the first instance to open an investigation?

A. Yes.


Q. What has happened with respect to that request and would you describe how it has proceeded?

A. Yes. Well, initially we had a meeting with President Clinton asking him to open an investigation. At that time we were requesting what we saw as a similar model to South Africa's Truth & Reconciliation Commission. We really felt if this truth was going to come out, it had to be done in the context of amnesty or immunity and a healing, a cleansing, that when there are crimes against the people, if you will, by the State, there has to be some type of process so that people can come forward without fear of reprisals.

So that was our first request. And that was not granted. What he said he would do is he would speak with the Attorney General, Janet Reno, and ultimately she made the decision that she would do what was called a limited investigation, which would focus on, quote, new evidence.

What we tried to explain to her is that we believe that while you can refer to the, quote, new evidence ala Donald Wilson, ala Loyd Jowers, the old evidence, quote, was flawed. In fact, it has not thoroughly been reviewed.

So to pigeonhole it into this, quote, new investigation or only focusing on new evidence, is probably not going to serve us because you are only going to be in effect drawing conclusions that don't deal with the a holistic picture.

In order to do this, and the last time I checked, there is no statute of limitations on murder, but the reality is that, you know, you have to deal with everything, and yet that request was not granted. So we were very disappointed. But we wanted to at least in the spirit of, you know, reconciliation, give the powers that be the benefit of the doubt to try and come up with something that made sense.

We still to this day don't know where that stands. But I can say that I'm not optimistic, because I just – the signs or the things that typically would point towards optimism have not been evident. This is totally a gut feeling.

I noted it is customary to be silent during an investigation until all facts are in, but the thing that has always been ironic to me is that if we're the victims of the family, then everyone from the DA locally to the Justice Department is supposed to represent our interest, at least that's what I thought growing up watching Perry Mason and everything and the like, but in this instance it seems like we have been put on the opposite side of State, and we've, rather than being embraced and our cause being supported and us getting equal justice and fighting for our rights, we've been almost summarily dismissed.

So I don't know. I mean, I always try to remain optimistic. I do believe there are things bigger than all of us that can intervene and ultimately in the end, as my father would say, the arc of the moral universe is long, but it bends towards justice. To me I interpreted that as meaning it may not come out in your lifetime, but in time all things are revealed.

Q. But what about those who finally say that this is important for the family and it is important for you from a personal standpoint that the truth be developed and it emerge, but is it necessary for the nation, for this Republic, to go through this siege, this anguish, this torment again?

A. Oh, certainly. Anyone who says just let it go, I mean, let's face it, nothing is going to bring him back, the thing that will certainly resolve and allow for healing, closure and healing, is resolving it so it is not still in this land of uncertainty.

Anyone who has had a tragedy – certainly my family is high profile, but we're no different than any person who has lost a loved one and just simply want to know what happened, whether it is a car accident or anything. I mean, you want to know how your loved one left, if you will.

Certainly in this instance where there was so many questions that were not answered and this thing was put to bed so quickly, it is always inevitably going to come back up.

So what has been happening is that for whatever reason there are those who have tried to suppress it, don't want to deal with it, because it is a can of worms, but I have to say, like anything that has not been resolved, it will haunt you until it is resolved. And that's not just the victim. It is the victimizer. It is those who represent the victims and the victimizers, because we are all, as my father used to say, inextricably tied together by a garment of destiny.

You cannot separate and say, well, that happened then, so we shouldn't deal with it, because to me it is just like it was yesterday. I mean, I remember what I was doing when he was killed. I remember details of everything. And because that has not been resolved, I know for me personally it has affected me in so many ways didn't even realize until recently of thinking I had dealt with and I really had not.

So this in a real sense from a personal side but then from a holistic side, in terms of the people, in terms of the masses, yes, it has to be dealt with because it is not about who killed Martin Luther King, Jr., my father, it is not about necessarily all of those details, it is about why was he killed. Because if you answer the why, you will understand the same things are still happening. Until we address that, we're all in trouble, because if it could happen to him, certainly it can happen to – if it can happen to this family, it can happen to anybody.

Q. In his honor's courtroom here – this may be a court of last resort, Mr. King.

A. That's correct.

Q. – why should the nation, this Republic, be concerned about the why, about the why and the how of what happened to Martin Luther King, Jr., aside from the family interest, the nation, this Republic, why is it important to know?

A. Well, it is important to know so it will not be repeated. That's the injustice. It should not be repeated. That if we say we're true to our calling, as he talked about in the "I Have a Dream" speech, about the bad check, he talked about the importance of all Americans coming together, black, white, it didn't matter, but people of goodwill being given an opportunity to have life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, that's what we're all here for, and how can you have that in a so-called democracy if the democracy, if the State, the Republic, do not like what you are saying and you are told from childhood that you have freedom of speech, freedom of press, freedom of all this, but the fact of the matter is if what you are saying goes against what certain people believe you should be saying, you will be dealt with, maybe not the way you are dealt with in China, which is over, but you will be dealt with covertly and in some way the same result. The result is the same.

Personally I would rather someone tell me you have no rights, you can't speak, than to think I have the rights and yet I'm in mental bondage because I'm thinking I'm free all along but there is a long leash that the minute I say something that doesn't fit with the elite or with the special interests, I'm in trouble.

That is what Martin Luther King, Jr., represented, someone who spoke for all of us, who spoke for the least of these who were not heard. That's why this is important, because this really opens the issue up of why he was taken from us in the first place.

Q. I'd like you to address two final issues, if you would. There has been evidence in these proceedings that photographs were in fact taken of the assassination by military personnel.

A. Uh-huh.

Q. They were on the roof of a fire station, no less. In all likelihood, those films, those photographs, of the entire event of the assassination of your father exist today in some archive, deeply buried, perhaps, but in some archive of the Pentagon.

What would you say to the Department of Defense, to the military intelligence structure of the United States, to the government of the United States that controls perhaps that photographic visual evidence of the truth in this case, what would you ask them to do with that information, those photographs?

A. I think the information should obviously, all of it, should come forth, should be brought out. I understand why it hasn't been.

There is fear, obviously, that if the truth were to come out, who would – what would that say? I mean, really, we are talking about, quote, a political assassination in modern-day times, a domestic political assassination.

Of course, it is ironic, but I was watching a special on the CIA, and they say, yes, we've participated in assassinations abroad but, no, we could never do anything like that domestically. Well, I don't know, but what's to say, you know, whether you call it CIA or some other innocuous acronym or agency, killing is killing.

The issue becomes what do we do about this? Do we endorse a policy in this country, in this life, that says if we don't agree with someone, the only means to deal with it is through elimination and termination? I think my father taught us the opposite, that you can overcome without violence, that there are ways, because when you use violence, you leave residue that the next generation will come back, and it is a vicious cycle. You never solve the problem.

So I would say that all information, evidence, should be – there should be full disclosure. To be honest, I mean, if the family of the victim – if you want to look at it in terms of first right, if there is a protocol, if we're saying we can forgive and let people off the hook, then why can't anybody else?

I mean, if you can measure suffrage, and technically we say, well, we suffered the greatest loss, if you can measure it that way – I'm not saying you can – but if we're saying we're willing to forgive and embark upon a process that allows for reconciliation, why can't others? That's all.

Q. This action – finally, this action is against Loyd Jowers as a defendant and other unknown conspirators. If evidence emerges at this trial in this civil courtroom that could or should result in the prosecution, the criminal prosecution of other individuals, is the family interested in pursuing criminal prosecution of others known and unknown involved in this assassination?

A. No. We have never been interested in criminal prosecution. As I stated before, this was not about and is not for us about retributive justice. We're not in this to make heads roll.

We're in this to use the teachings that my father taught us in terms of nonviolent reconciliation. It works. I mean, we're living together in the South today because of that great movement, black and white together, different types of advances that have occurred as a matter of a peaceful, nonviolent movement. We know that it works.

So, therefore, we have to be true to our cause. We have to practice what we preach. So what we're saying is that we're not looking to – we're not looking to put people in prison. What we're looking to do is get the truth out so that this nation can learn and know officially.

I frankly feel I already know the truth. And, I mean, if the world never finds out officially, it is never broadcast across the world, that's a tragedy. But I can move on with my life knowing that I now know what happened. I believe that in my heart.

So this proceeding is almost really technically our final legal remedy, and I think – I know it has been long and drawn out and the jury has had to do such a tedious task at deciphering all of this body of evidence, and I think – and testimony, and I think that that certainly has to be considered, that there was no other way to do it, this was a last resort, we tried everything, we did everything humanly possible.

We've not gained anything. We've lost financially. We've – I could spend days giving you countless examples of the agony and the defeat. And when people ask that question, are you in it for money, what money? People back away. Everybody I know who has been associated with this has been – has paid a price. You know, I don't – it is not a benefit.

The only benefit is that the truth has to ultimately come out, because that's what we all believe in. I believe we all stand for justice and want the right thing to happen. So ultimately as a last resort in this proceeding, to say that we're not looking for great remuneration, it is the total opposite, we're looking for nominal damages, but we're looking for the truth. And you can't put a price on the truth. So that hopefully answers your question.

Q. It goes a long way to it, but in terms of Mr. Jowers, and the final issue is an issue of damages, Mr. King, because this is a civil action, a wrongful death action against the defendant, and damages inevitably raises its head, and whilst you have said we're only interested in nominal damages, that needs in a plea to the jury to be spelled out with a degree of more specificity.

What would be in your mind an appropriate sort or type, quantity, number of damages and for what purpose would those damages be used if you were to ask this jury to award damages with a number figure, what would make sense to you and the family at this point in time?

A. Well, the number I'm a little bit fuzzy on because, you know, numbers are so subjective. But let's just say for the sake of this proceeding, let's say we were granted a hundred dollar –

Q. Suppose the request were to be framed in terms of a hundred dollars which would go toward the funeral expenses of your father. What would you do – if that were the case and you were given that award, what do you think you might appropriately do with that money?

A. I think it would only be fitting that any sum of money, no matter how small or large, go to benefit some cause that he would have wanted or been associated with. Because this is Memphis, because of what it represents, he was here supporting the sanitation workers for their plight, and I would certainly support and want to see some benefit, whether it be their welfare, the Sanitation Workers Union Welfare Fund or something along those lines that the family could contribute that sum to and even, you know, contribute more out of our pockets.

I just think that we need to bring closure to this. It something as minimal as the fact that even to this day I have awkward feelings when I come here. I'm still – it is not any reflection of the people, because the people are wonderful. Everybody rolls out the red carpet, bends over backwards to be hospitable.

But until this injustice is settled, then all we can really do is try to deal with what he would have done, and he was here to support a campaign that dealt with man's inhumanity to man, and now that we're rounding out and coming to the end of this journey, my hope is that this will be not an ending but a beginning, a launching pad, so that an example can be set here in this courthouse in this city and in this state to show people, to send a message that it does not always have to be the way that people think or what they assume, that impressions and opinions, no matter what anybody writes in a column or an editorial, that hopefully people's hearts have been moved and their heads have been dealt with and there will be a verdict that is one of fairness and justice.

MR. PEPPER: Mr. King. Thank you very much.

THE COURT: Let's take a break before cross-examination.

(Jury out.)

(Short recess.)

JFK50: Lesser-noted Consequences Following President Kennedy's Death - High Altitude Auroral Research



Q. Mr. President, it has been the stated policy, as you said earlier, for this Government to restrict outer space for peaceful objectives only. 

Will not the proposed H-bomb explosion 500 miles up jeopardize this policy and objective?

THE PRESIDENT. 

No, I don't think so. 

I don't think so. 

I know there's been disturbance about the Van Allen belt...

but Van Allen says it's not going to affect the belt....

May 9th, 1962


The term "cosmic rays" became taboo in serious scientific discourse - in spite of the fact that the cosmic rays and the enormous belts of non-ionising radiation characterising the Earth's magnetosphere had gone absolutely no-where in the interim.

Even Stan Lee and Jack Kirby could appreciate their great scientific import and potential for great risk:











"But it is a matter which we are--I've read the protests and it is a matter which we are looking into to see whether there is scientific merit that this will cause some difficulty to the Van Allen belt in a way which will adversely affect scientific discovery. And this is being taken into very careful consideration at the present time. So that I want you to know that whatever our decision is, in regard to the Van Allen belt, it will be done only after very careful scientific deliberation, which is now taking place--during this past week--and will go on for a period. In regard, generally, what we are attempting to do is to find out the effects of such an explosion on our security, and we do not believe that this will adversely affect the security of any person not living in the United States."

























LHO50: Private First Class Lee Harvey Oswald, United States Marine Corps.




"A policeman hit me."

November 23rd, 1963


Private First Class Lee Harvey Oswald, United States Marine Corps.
October 18, 1939 – November 24, 1963

Semper Fi.


From the Warren Commission photo appendix, caption reads: 
"Lee Harvey Oswald ironing diapers"


NOTE: Not all of the following is true. But most of it is. Error correction and fact checking will be provided where relevant, but this is the most complete and accurate general account.



"Lee Harvey Oswald was born in New Orleans on 18th October, 1939. His father, Robert Oswald, died two months before his son was born. At the age of three his mother, Marguerite Oswald, sent him to live in the Bethleham Children's Home.



Oswald went to live with his mother in Benbrook, Texas when she married Edwin Ekdahl. The marriage did not last and Marguerite Oswald took her three sons to a new home in Fort Worth. The two elder brothers, John and Robert, found work and in 1952 Marguerite and Lee moved to New York. Although considered an intelligent boy, Lee Harvey Oswald's behaviour at school deteriorated. He was sent to a detention centre and underwent psychiatric treatment.



In 1955 Oswald joined the Civil Air patrol where he served under David Ferrie. 

Note: Not literally, although I have no doubt Dave would have been keen.

The following year Oswald became interested in politics. He read books written by Karl Marx and told friends that he was a Marxist. He also joined the Young People's Socialist League. He later told a friend that his involvement in politics dated back to reading a pamphlet about the execution of Ethel Rosenberg and Julius Rosenberg.



Oswald left school at sixteen and the following year joined the U.S. Marines. After basic training Oswald qualified as an Aviation Electronics Operator and in 1957 was posted to the Atsugi Air Base in Japan. He soon got into trouble for being in possession of an unregistered weapon. 

In March 1958 he was found guilty of using "provoking words" in a quarrel with a sergeant.

Note: The role of the patsy is to be noticed, wherever you go, so that no-one will ever forget they ever met you. This is later enhanced by the use of doubles, performing exactly the same role - by one count, there were at least Thirty-Seven different Lee Harvey Oswalds (and variations thereon) active during these years.


Oswald also served in Taiwan and the Philippines before returning to his base in California. He remained interested in politics and became an outspoken supporter of Fidel Castro and his revolution in Cuba. In 1959 Oswald left the Marines. Soon afterwards he travelled to Finland. After a short stay in Helsinki he acquired a six day tourist visa to enter the Soviet Union. Oswald went to Moscow and applied to become a Soviet citizen.






On 13th November, 1959, Arline Mosby, who worked for United Press International (UPI) interviewed Oswald. Mosby later told a fellow journalist: 

"He (Oswald) struck me as being a rather mixed-up young man of not great intellectual capacity or training, and somebody that the Soviet Union wouldn't certainly be much interested in."




Three days later, Priscilla Johnson checked into the same hotel as Osward. The following day she visited the American Embassy to pick up her mail (16th November, 1959). 

NOTE: "Pick up her mail" = "Receive her briefing".

According to Johnson, John McVickar approached her and told her that "there's a guy in your hotel who wants to defect, and he won't talk to any of us here". She later told the Warren Commission: "John McVickar said she was refusing to talk to journalists. So I thought that it might be an exclusive, for one thing, and he was right in my hotel, for another." As Johnson was leaving the American Embassy McVickar told her "to remember she was an American."

Oswald agreed to be interviewed by Johnson. She later testified that they talked from between nine until one or two in the morning. Oswald told her: 

"Once having been assured by the Russians that I would not have to return to the United States, come what may, I assumed it would be safe for me to give my side of the story."

Johnson's article appeared in the Washington Evening Star. Surprisingly, the article did not include Oswald's threat to reveal radar secrets. Nor was it mentioned in any other article or book published by Johnson on Oswald. 

However, under oath before the Warren Commission she admitted that Oswald had told her that "he hoped his experience as a radar operator would make him more desirable to them (the Soviets)".

Note: Precilla Johnson, author of Marina and Lee is CIA and a key MOCKINGBIRD Propagandist, sometime handler of both Lee and Marina Oswald and a prime actor in the crafting of the Public Myth of Oswald the Lone Nut for over half a century - Lee understood this whilst being interviewed by her in Lenningrad, as his pre-defection interview in the American press formed a vital element of his Defection Narrative, the core aspect of his Legend.

When Oswald's application to stay in the Soviet Union he was rejected Oswald attempted suicide by cutting his wrist. Oswald was kept in hospital for a week and after his release was allowed to remain in the country.

Lee Oswald in Minsk, circa 1960

In January, 1960, Oswald was sent to Minsk where he was given work as an assembler at a radio and television factory. While there he met Marina Prusakova, a nineteen year old pharmacy worker, and in April 1960 the couple got married. Oswald soon got disillusioned with life in the Soviet Union and in June, 1962, he was given permission to take his wife and baby daughter to the United States.

The Oswald family settled in Fort Worth. Later the family lived in Dallas and New Orleans. 

Note: Marina lived far more frequently with a selection of CIA and DIA handlers during this period - the early life of Rupert Murdoch's Chinese wife in America, Wendi Deng, is identical in this regard, only Wendi appears to be a proactive Chinese Intelligence agent infiltrating the US, whereas Marina was just someone who happened to be a Soviet Citizen, married to an American spy.

He lived for a while with Charles Murret and his wife Lillian. Murret worked as a steamship clerk. He was also an illegal bookmaker and an associate of Sam Saia, one of the leaders of organized crime in New Orleans. Saia was also a close friend of Carlos Marcello.

Marina Oswald later claimed that on 10th April, 1963, Oswald attempted to assassinate General Edwin Walker, a right-wing political leader. She reported that she 

"asked him what happened, and he said that he just tried to shoot General Walker. I asked him who General Walker was. I mean how dare you to go and claim somebody's life, and he said "Well, what would you say if somebody got rid of Hitler at the right time? So if you don't know about General Walker, how can you speak up on his behalf?." Because he told me... he was something equal to what he called him a fascist."

NOTE: Marina Oswald herself has been subjected to rigorous attempt at brainwashing, coercion and mind-control, most intensely during her period of "protective detention" by the FBI immediately following the assassination - she has also been systematically lied to by almost everyone.

The story and allegation that Lee has shot at General Walker originates with Walker himself (who is a fascist, and was personally fired by JFK for distributing John Birch Society literature - an act of Seditious Treason - as part of a policy of political indoctrination amongst US Servicemen Stationed in West Germany) on or about the 25th November 1963, in a phonecall to an "ex-"Nazi friend in Germany, who encouraged him to inform the FBI, whilst Marina was being held incommunicado.

Walker's initial police report mentions two assailants he chased out of his driveway, who ran off in different directions before piling into the same, parked car and speeding away.

Lee Oswald was completely unable to drive.

And the single round pulled from Walker's study wall is of a completely different calibre, and does not relate to any gun connected to or alleged to be connected to Lee Oswald.

The connection with the Walker Shooting is a complete fabrication, intended to sheep-dip both the assassination and alleged assassin as bipartisan and not politically motivated, and Marina's account of Lee's verbal confession either represents a false or implanted memory on her part, or else Lee was ordered to claim credit for the act as part of his legend for unspecified motives.




In April, 1963, Lee Harvey Oswald moved to New Orleans. On 26th May, 1963, Oswald wrote to the Fair Play for Cuba Committee and proposed "renting a small office at my own expense for the purpose of forming a FPCC branch here in New Orleans". 

NOTE: Where is he getting the money?

Three days later, without waiting for a reply, Oswald ordered 1,000 copies of a handbill from a local printers. It read: 

"Hands Off Cuba! Join the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, New Orleans Charter Member Branch, Free Literature, Lectures, Everyone Welcome!"

According to Bill Simpich: 

"4/18/63 is the postmark date of the letter sent from Dallas by Oswald to the national FPCC office in New York. An FBI memo about this letter refers to “photographs of the below listed material made available by NY 3245-S* on 4/21/63...in the event any of this material is disseminated outside the bureau, caution should be exercised to protect the source, NY 3245-S*, and the communication should be classified “Confidential”". 

This refers to Victor Thomas Vicente, who was the FBI spy at the FPCC.

Note: It was FBI policy by dictat from Hoover to have an informant ratio in Communist or alleged Communist front groups, the Civil Rights movement, and laterly the Klu Klux Klan of at least 1:3, which was quickly and easily achieved during these years.

Oswald rented an office for the FPCC at 544 Camp Street. No one joined the FPCC in New Orleans but Oswald did send out two honourary membership cards to Gus Hall and Benjamin Davis, two senior members of the American Communist Party.



On 9th August, 1963, he was giving out his Fair Play for Cuba Committee leaflets when he became involved in a fight with Carlos Bringuier. Oswald was arrested and on 12th August, he was found guilty and fined $10. 

NOTE: As is well-known and widely documented, Lee Oswald was the Treasurer and ONLY member of the New Orleans chapter of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, incorporated by himself some fees days prior to his public altercation and arrest on the streets of New Orleans.

Who, then, are these others with him, distributing flyers by his side...?




One of them, to Oswald's immediate right in the above picture, and numbered "3" in the top picture, wearing the straight tie, we now know to be Marcello soldier and button-man "Raul", identified right-middle in the below photo-array by mutiple independent witnesses who knew him by that name - including a former dancer at Jack Ruby's club, who was raped by him.






While in prison he was visited by FBI agent, John L. Quigley. Five days later Oswald debated the issue of Fidel Castro and Cuba with Bringuier and Ed Butler on the Bill Stuckey Radio Show. Later that month Oswald was seen in the company of David Ferrie and Clay Shaw.

In September, 1963, Marina Oswald moved to Dallas to have her second child. 

NOTE: And remain under the custody of her assigned handlers.

Lee Harvey Oswald visited Mexico City 

NOTE: This is true.

where he visited the Cuban Embassy where he attempted to get permission to travel to Cuba. 

NOTE: This is SOMEWHAT true, but misleading.


The Not-Oswald attending the Cuban Embassy, as photographed by the FBI.


His application was turned down and after trying to get a visa for the Soviet Union 

NOTE: This is NOT True.

he arrived in Dallas in October, 1963. Marina and June were living with a woman called Ruth Paine. Oswald rented a room in Dallas and with the help of Ruth Paine, he found a job at the Texas School Book Depository.

On 22nd November, 1963, President John F. Kennedy arrived in Dallas. It was decided that Kennedy and his party, including his wife, Jacqueline Kennedy, Vice President Lyndon B. Johnson, Governor John Connally and Senator Ralph Yarborough, would travel in a procession of cars through the business district of Dallas. A pilot car and several motorcycles rode ahead of the presidential limousine. As well as Kennedy the limousine included his wife, John Connally, his wife Nellie, Roy Kellerman, head of the Secret Service at the White House and the driver, William Greer. The next car carried eight Secret Service Agents. This was followed by a car containing Lyndon Johnson and Ralph Yarborough.

At about 12.30 p.m. the presidential limousine entered Elm Street. Soon afterwards shots rang out. John F. Kennedy was hit by bullets that hit him in the head and the left shoulder. Another bullet hit John Connally in the back. Ten seconds after the first shots had been fired the president's car accelerated off at high speed towards Parkland Memorial Hospital. Both men were carried into separate emergency rooms. Connally had wounds to his back, chest, wrist and thigh. Kennedy's injuries were far more serious. He had a massive wound to the head and at 1 p.m. he was declared dead.


NOTE:

"Three bullet shells, or cartridge cases, were reportedly found near the sixth-floor sniper's window, from which Oswald allegedly fired at President Kennedy. These cases are Commission Exhibits 543, 544, and 545. According to the lone-gunman theory, these three shells were expended when Oswald supposedly fired three shots from the window. In other words, these three shells allegedly once contained and were used to fire the three shots of the lone-assassin scenario.


However, there is strong evidence that CE 543 was not, and could not have been, fired from Oswald's rifle on the day of the assassination. The only marks linking CE 543 to Oswald's rifle are marks from the rifle's magazine follower. According to Dr. Michael Kurtz and others, the case couldn't have received these marks from the magazine follower on the day of the assassination, because the last bullet in the clip must have been the unfired missile in the rifle's chamber (Kurtz, Crime of the Century, pp. 50-51). Dr. Kurtz also notes that CE 543 "lacks the characteristic indentation on the side made by the firing chamber of Oswald's rifle" (Crime of the Century, p. 51). Dr. E. Forrest Chapman studied the shell casings in 1973 and concluded (1) that CE 543 had most likely been dry loaded into a rifle, (2) that it had not been fired from the alleged murder weapon at the time of the shooting, and (3) that the indentation on the base of the case was characteristic only of a case that had been fired empty. Says Dr. Kurtz,


Dr. E. Forrest Chapman, forensic pathologist, who in 1973 was given access to the assassination materials in the National Archives, noted that Case 543 was probably "dry loaded" into a rifle. Since the dent [on the case] was too large for the case to have contained a bullet on November 22, it was never fired from Oswald's rifle. The empty case, however, for some unknown reason could have been loaded into a rifle, the trigger pulled, and the bolt operated. Dr. Chapman discovered this phenomenon through experiments of his own.


Dr. Chapman also noted that Case 543 had a deeper and more concave indentation on its base, at the primer, where the firing pin strikes the case. Only empty cases exhibit such characteristics. The FBI also reproduced this effect. Commission Exhibit 557 is a test cartridge case, fired empty from Oswald's rifle by the FBI for ballistics comparison purposes. It, too, contains the dent in the lip and deep primer impression similar to Case 543.


Thus, the evidence proves conclusively that Commission Exhibit 543 could not have been fired from Oswald's rifle. (Crime of the Century, p. 51, emphasis added)


Case 545 doesn't show any markings from the firing pin of Oswald's rifle. Therefore, the evidence proves only that both cases were loaded into the firing chamber of the alleged murder weapon, that Case 544 was ejected through the rifle's bolt action, but that Case 545 was not (Kurtz, Crime of the Century, pp. 51-52).


Witnesses at the scene of the assassination claimed they had seen shots being fired from behind a wooden fence on the Grassy Knoll and from the Texas School Book Depository. The police investigated these claims and during a search of the TSBD they discovered on the floor by one of the sixth floor windows, three empty cartridge cases. They also found a Mannlicher-Carcano rifle hidden beneath some boxes.

Note: They also found a 7.65 Mauser, hidden behind some other  boxes; this rifle had been fired. The M-C either had not been fired, or had been fire once, possible using a blank round.

"Questions abound about who really ordered the rifle and who picked it up. 

The rifle was shipped to an "A. Hidell" at Oswald's post office box address. 

However, the FBI acknowledged in a 6/3/64 memo that Oswald had not listed any "Hidell" to receive mail from his post office box (CE 2585, Question 12), and there is no hard evidence that Oswald ever picked up the rifle from the post office (see Sylvia Meagher, Accessories After the Fact, New York: Vintage Books edition, 1992, pp. 49-50; cf. Mark Lane, Rush to Judgment, New York: Thunder's Mouth Press edition, 1992, pp. 137-141, 412-414).

Furthermore, Oswald's time sheet shows he was at work when the money order was purchased."

Oswald was seen in the Texas School Book Depository before (11.55 a.m.) and just after (12.31 p.m.) the shooting of John F. Kennedy. 

At 12.33 Oswald was seen leaving the building and by 1.00 p.m arrived at his lodgings. His landlady, Earlene Roberts, testified before the Warren Commission that Oswald stayed only a few minutes but while he was in the house a Dallas Police Department car parked in front of the house. 

In the car were two uniformed policemen. Roberts described how the driver sounded the horn twice before driving off. Soon afterwards Oswald left the house.

At 1.16 p.m. J. D. Tippet, a Dallas policeman, approached a man, later identified as Oswald, walking along East 10th Street. A witness later testified that after a short conversation Oswald pulled out a hand gun and fired a number of shots at Tippet. Oswald ran off leaving the dying Tippet on the ground.

Note: This witness fell apart on subsqeuent questioning, failed to identify Oswald at a line-up and was both hysterical and near-blind.

Other witnenesses describe two men, both definitively not-Oswalds, running off in different directions, after ejecting their spent revolver casings and leaving them at the scene. 

There is no evidence Lee was ever anywhere near the scene of the Tippet Shooting, in the opposite direction from his rooming house to his eventual destination at the Texas Theatre.

John Brewer was manager of Hardy's Shoe Store in Oak Cliff. After hearing a news flash that J. D. Tippit had been shot nearby, he saw a man acting strangely outside the shop: "The police cars were racing up and down Jefferson with their sirens blasting and it appeared to me that this guy was hiding from them. He waited until there was a break in the activity and then he headed west until he got to the Texas Theatre."

Brewer went into the theatre and spoke to Warren Burroughs, the assistant manager. Burroughs had seen him enter the balcony of the theatre. When the police arrived Brewer accompanied the officers into the cinema where he pointed out the man he had seen acting in a suspicious manner. After a brief struggle Oswald was arrested.

During his interrogation by the Dallas Police Oswald requested the services of John Abt. He is recorded as saying: "I want that attorney in New York, Mr. Abt. I don't know him personally but I know about a case that he handled some years ago, where he represented the people who had violated the Smith Act... I don't know him personally, but that is the attorney I want... If I can't get him, then I may get the American Civil Liberties Union to send me an attorney." 

However, Abt was on holiday in Connecticut and later told reporters that he had received no request either from Oswald or from anyone on his behalf to represent him.

The police soon found out that Oswald worked at the Texas School Book Depository. They also discovered his palm print on the Mannlicher-Carcano rifle that was found earlier that day. 

NOTE: Not until after Oswald's death, and not until after a trip by Dallas PD detectives carrying a briefcase, where they insisted on being left alone with the body for nearly 20 mins. 

The partial latent palm print miraculously noticed by forensic technicians the following day (having been missed by the FBI crime lab for 3 days) was located in and area of the rifle and in a position only relating to having touched the rifle whilst disassembled, and impossible to leave whilst aiming and firing the rifle.

Other evidence emerged that suggested that Oswald had been involved in the killing of John F. Kennedy. Oswald's hand prints were found on the book cartons and the brown paper bag. 

Charles Givens, a fellow worker, testified that he saw Oswald on the sixth floor at 11.55 a.m. 

Another witness, Howard Brennan, claimed he saw Oswald holding a rifle at the sixth floor window.

The police also discovered that the Mannlicher-Carcano rifle was purchased under the name A. Hiddell. When he was arrested, the police found that Oswald was carrying a forged identity card bearing the name Alek Hiddell. The rifle had been sent by the mail order company from Chicago to P.O. Box 2915, Dallas, Texas. The Post Office box belonged to Oswald.


Note: it is therefore illegal for someone owning a Post Office box in the name of Oswald to collect mail addressed to A. Hiddel - either the box was not owned by Oswald (which seems likely), or the US Postal Service illegally released the package to someone other than the addressee, who was not the designated owner of the Post Office Box.

The most likely scenario is that the box was rented by someone using the name A.Hiddel, who both ordered the rifle, and collected it under that name, and Lee was duped into carrying around false identification in the name of the legend Alek Hiddell for completely unrelated reasons - A. Hiddell does not exist, could not have ordered or collected the rifle, and he is not Lee Oswald - Lee Oswald cannot be linked or tied to the Manlicher-Carcano rifle in any way.

Lee Harvey Oswald was interrogated by the Dallas Police for over 13 hours. However, the police made no tapes nor took any transcripts of the interrogations. Oswald denied he had been involved in the killing of Kennedy. He also told newsmen on the night of the assassination he was a "patsy" (a term used by the Mafia to describe someone set up to take the punishment for a crime they did not commit).

On 24th November, 1963, Jesse Curry decided to transfer Oswald to the county jail. Will Fritz placed George Butler in immediate charge of the transfer. Ike Pappas, a journalist working for WNEW Radio in Maryland was one of the hundred people watching Oswald being led through the basement of police headquarters. 

“I noted out of the corner of my eye, this black streak went right across my front and leaned in and, pop, there was an explosion. And I felt the impact of the air from the explosion of the gun on my body.... And then I said to myself, if you never say anything ever again into a microphone, you must say it now. This is history.” 

The gunman was quickly arrested by police officers. Oswald died soon afterwards. 

The man who killed him was later identified as being Jack Ruby."





from Spike EP on Vimeo.




Lee Harvey Oswald was your typical America-hating communist from Louisiana, and like every Russkie-loving pinko from the South he grew up watching American spy dramas, volunteered for a Civilian Air Patrol run by a CIA contract agent and joined the US Marines. Nicknamed Oswaldski for his tendency to speak Russian and spout pro-Soviet propaganda, he was given special training and assigned to one of the most sensitive facilities in the world running the radar for the U2s spying on the Russkies and the ChiComs. After contracting gonorrhea in the line of duty, Oswald was tested for Russian proficiency before being honorably discharged to take care of his mother who wasn’t ill and flew to Europe using money he didn’t have on planes that didn’t exist to arrive at Helsinki, where he stayed at the most luxurious hotel in town before waltzing into the Soviet Union at the height of the Cold War. While there he kept a detailed log of Soviet facilities, made notes about microdots, and carried a CIA standard-issue Minox camera, before getting bored and returning to the United States on a military jet using money loaned to him from the US Embassy.

After waltzing back into the United States after supposedly defecting to the enemy at the height of the Cold War he settled back in New Orleans where he appeared in radio and TV interviews, got into fistfights on the street and handed out leaflets from a pro-Castro Cuban group sharing office space with an ex-FBI agent involved in government-sponsored anti-Castro Cuban groups. Moving to Texas and befriending a millionaire Russian oil man who helped get him a job at the Texas School Book Depository, Oswald made sure to let his murderous intent be known by attempting to assassinate a right-wing general in the area thus potentially jeopardizing any plot to kill the President and sent vanity photos of himself posing with his rifle to his close friends.

Luckily, on the morning of November 22nd, Lee Harvey Oswald went to work in the School Book Depository where the President just happened to be driving by. After somehow getting the secret service to stand down before entering Dealey Plaza, Oswald set up a makeshift sniper’s nest he got off three shots in six seconds leaving four bullets without leaving any nitrate on his cheek (a feat that has never been duplicated), including one bullet that managed to cause seven entry/exit wounds (a feat that has never been duplicated) penetrating 15 inches of tissue, 4 inches of rib and a radius bone to come out in almost perfect condition on a stretcher in the hospital while no one was looking. He then ran downstairs and got himself a Coke from the vending machine within seconds of the assassination before heading home, grabbing his things, walking down the street, shooting a police officer, ducking into a movie theatre and waiting to be arrested. After jumping up and pulling his gun on the police officers who swarmed the theatre, he was led out the front door (or the back) and taken into police custody. There he was not charged with the murder of the president, and, like any America-hating communist grandstander who just killed the President of the United States in a pinko rage, denied he had anything to do with it. Before being transferred to county jail he was shot on live tv by a two-bit union mafia stooge, supposedly torn by grief at the death of the President (whose brother he personally hated), later claiming that it was part of a conspiracy the world will never know.

Luckily, the crusading journalists of the unbiased media told the public the straight truth about what happened.

Hoover wrote a memo that weekend demanding that the public be convinced that Lee Harvey Oswald was the lone assassin, LBJ appointed a commission, telling Commissioner Warren that he had to find that Lee Harvey Oswald was the lone assassin, and as luck would have it, that commission concluded exactly that.

This is the story of the JFK assassination as brought to you by the truth tellers in government and the media and if you have any questions about it you are a woo-woo, grassy-knoll, tin-foil, lizard-fearing America-hater.

If you love Jesus, sunshine, ponies, monster trucks, mini-skirts and the American flag, you will never ask any questions about any part of this story to anyone. Ever.

This message has been brought to you by the CIA, Joint Chiefs of Staff, Warren Commission, and the MSM. 


Because Ignorance is Strength!

THE DEATH OF JFK:  PHYSICAL EVIDENCE OF CONSPIRACY*

Michael T. Griffith


http://www.assassinationresearch.com/v1n2/physical.html

JFK50: The New US Ambassador to Japan



Saturday, 23 November 2013

Monsters


"There are some corners of the universe which have bred the most terrible things.

Things that act against everything that we believe in.

They must be fought..."