Sunday 5 January 2014

The Founder of the Nation of Islam...... Looks Kinda White...

Wallace Fard Muhammad



"Allah came to us from the Holy City Mecca, Arabia, in 1930. He used the name Wallace D. Fard, often signing it W. D. Fard, in the third year (1933). He signed his name W. F. Muhammad which stands for Wallace Fard Muhammad. He came alone. He began teaching us the knowledge of ourselves, of God and the devil, of the measurement of the earth, of other planets, and of the civilizations of some of the planets other than earth."

The Hon. Elijah Muhammad,
Message to the Black Man, 1966

I quote The Enemy:

"Historians have used public records to identify Fard as Wallace Dodd Ford, a former restaurateur and Moorish Science Temple leader.

In 2001, Nation of Islam chronicler Karl Evanzz stated that Fard was the son of Zared Fard, a New Zealander of East Indian extraction, and his wife Beatrice, part of New Zealand's British population.

However, recent research has indicated that the Department for Internal Affairs in New Zealand has no record of Fard's birth or the birth or death of these alleged parents.

Evanzz claims that Fard, using the name Fred Dodd, married Pearl Allen in Multnomah County, Oregon on May 9, 1914 with their first child, a son, born the next year.

Dodd/Fard left his family in 1916 and moved to Los Angeles using the name Wallie Dodd Fard. A World War I draft registration card for Wallace Dodd Ford, from 1917, indicated he was living in Los Angeles, California, unmarried, as a restaurant owner, and reported that he was born in Shinka, Afghanistan on February 26, 1893. He was described as being of medium height and build with brown eyes and black hair.

As of 1920, he was still living in Los Angeles, as 26 year-old Wallie D. Ford, with his 25 year-old wife, Hazel. In the 1920 United States Census he reported his race as white, his occupation as a proprietor of a restaurant, and gave his place of birth as New Zealand. He provided no known place of birth for his parents, nor his date of immigration.

On June 5, 1924, one Wallie Dodd Ford was wed to Carmen Frevino (or Trevino) in Orange County, California. Ford reported he was a cook, age 26, born in Oregon, but living in Los Angeles. He reported he was of "Spanish" race. His parents names are given as Zaradodd Ford of "Madrad, Span" (presumably Madrid, Spain) and Babbjie.

In 1926, Ford was arrested and imprisoned for bootlegging alcohol to an undercover police officer, serving three years in San Quentin State Prison. After he was released in 1929, he disappeared from the public record until "Wallace Fard" was arrested in 1932. He was identified as Wallace Dodd Ford on the basis of photographs and matching fingerprints."

Jeff Gerth: From Watergate to Whitewater






Bill Clinton and his wife were business partners with the owner of a failing savings and loan association that was subject to state regulation early in his tenure as Governor of Arkansas, records show.

The partnership, a real estate joint venture that was developing land in the Ozarks, involved the Clintons and James B. McDougal, a former Clinton aide turned developer. It started in 1978, and at times money from Mr. McDougal's savings and loan was used to subsidize it. The corporation continues to this day, but does not appear to be active.

Mr. McDougal gave a detailed account of his relationship in several interviews in the last two weeks. This account, along with an examination of related local, state and Federal records and interviews with dozens of others in Arkansas, found the following:

*Available records covering the most active period of the real estate corporation, called Whitewater Development, appear to show that Mr. McDougal heavily subsidized it, insuring that the Clintons were under little financial risk in what turned out to be an unsuccessful enterprise. The corporation bought 200 acres of Ozark Mountain vacation property and planned to sell it in lots. During this period, the Clintons appear to have invested little money, so stood to lose little if the venture failed, but might have cashed in on their 50 percent interest if it had done well.

*The Clintons and Mr. McDougal disagree about what happened to Whitewater's records. Mr. McDougal says that at Mr. Clinton's request they were delivered to the Governor's mansion. The Clintons say many of them have disappeared. Many questions about the enterprise cannot be fully answered without the records.

*After Federal regulators found that Mr. McDougal's savings institution, Madison Guaranty, was insolvent, meaning it faced possible closure by the state, Mr. Clinton appointed a new state securities commissioner, who had been a lawyer in a firm that represented the savings and loan. Mr. Clinton and the commissioner deny giving any preferential treatment. The new commissioner approved two novel proposals to help the savings and loan that were offered by Hillary Clinton, Governor Clinton's wife and a lawyer. She and her firm had been retained to represent the association.

*The Clintons improperly deducted at least $5,000 on their personal tax returns in 1984 and 1985 for interest paid on a portion of at least $30,000 in bank loan payments that Whitewater made for them. The deductions saved them about $1,000 in taxes, but since the error was more than three years ago, Internal Revenue Service regulations do not require the Clintons to pay.

The complicated relationship between Mr. McDougal and the Clintons came to light in an investigation by The New York Times of the Clintons' tax records and business relationships. It raises questions of whether a governor should be involved in a business deal with the owner of a business regulated by the state and whether, having done so, the governor's wife through her law firm should be receiving legal fees for work done for the business. Confusion Is Cited

Asked about these matters, the Clintons retained two lawyers to answer questions. The lawyers said the improper tax deductions were honest errors, made because there was confusion over who really owned a certain piece of Whitewater property and who was responsible for the loan taken out to buy it, Whitewater or the Clintons.

The deed for the land and the loan papers are all in the Clintons' names.

The lawyers said they were not in a position to answer questions about where the money that went into Whitewater came from. But generally, they said they thought neither the Clintons nor Mr. McDougal had profited from the venture. They also said the Clintons were once liable for about $100,000 in bank loans that financed Whitewater's original purchase of land. But the lawyers have only been able to find original documents showing $5,000 that the Clintons paid.

Some questions about the relationship and the Clintons' role in it may be difficult to resolve because of differing accounts and the missing records.

The two lawyers representing the Clintons are Susan P. Thomases, a longtime friend, and Loretta Lynch, a campaign aide, who participated in several hours of interviews at Ms. Thomases' Manhattan offices Thursday and Friday. Payments on Debt

The records that are available, and Mrs. Thomases' account, show that Whitewater made payments between 1982 and 1985 on Mrs. Clinton's $30,000 real estate debt, reducing the debt by about $16,000 while also paying at least $14,000 in interest. At least one of those checks was signed by Mr. McDougal.

Mrs. Clinton originally borrowed the $30,000 from a bank also controlled by Mr. McDougal, Bank of Kingston, but "Hillary took the loan on behalf of the corporation," Ms. Thomases said. That, she explained, is why Whitewater made the payments.

The Clintons' 1984 and 1985 tax returns show that they took deductions for interest payments of $2,811 and $2,322 that Whitewater had made.

"It clearly is an error," Ms. Thomases said. She noted that the tax returns for those years were prepared by accountants in Arkansas.

The Clintons' gross income in 1984, as reported on their tax returns, was about $111,000 and they paid $22,280 in Federal taxes. In 1985, their reported income was about $102,000, and they paid $18,791 in Federal taxes. 

Longtime Friendship

Mr. Clinton and Mr. McDougal had been friends since the 1960's. When Mr. Clinton became the nation's youngest Governor at 32 years old, he took Mr. McDougal into his administration as an aide for economic development. It was at about this time that the men formed Whitewater.

A few years later Mr. McDougal, having left government in 1979, bought control of a small savings and loan association, Madison Guaranty, and built it into one of the largest state-chartered associations in Arkansas.

But over time, the savings and loan got in trouble, like many others around the country. Finally Federal regulators took the savings and loan away from Mr. McDougal, and a Federal grand jury charged him with fraud, though he was acquitted. The Clintons were not involved in those proceedings.

Mr. McDougal began having personal problems, too. He was found to be suffering from manic-depressive illness, though he was judged competent to stand trial. In the interviews, Mr. McDougal appeared stable, careful and calm.

A year after the Clintons and McDougals bought the Ozark Mountain property and founded Whitewater Development in 1979, the corporation bought a modular house for about $22,000 and placed it on one of its lots. That lot was then conveyed to Mrs. Clinton, and the deed indicates that she paid nothing for it. Ms. Thomases says this was an error by Whitewater. The deed, she said, should have shown the price and said that Mrs. Clinton paid.

But the house was carried on the books as a Whitewater corporate asset and used as a model house to attract other buyers, according to Whitewater records produced by Ms. Thomases. Because the records are incomplete, it is unclear exactly what happened. But about the same time, Mrs. Clinton personally borrowed $30,000 from Mr. McDougal's bank to pay for the house and the lot.

Ms. Thomases said Mrs. Clinton and the corporation regarded this as a corporate debt, though it was in Mrs. Clinton's name. The corporation included no one but the Clintons and the McDougals. It was this debt that Whitewater made payments on until the end of 1985.

One year after acquiring the property, Mrs. Clinton sold it for $27,500, with payments to be made over time, records show. It is not clear who received the buyer's down payment of $3,000. But Ms. Thomases said it was the corporation that took the loss on its books. A few years later, the buyer went bankrupt and stopped making payments, and then he died.

In 1988 Mrs. Clinton bought back the house from the estate of the buyer. Records show that she paid $8,000 and then resold the property a short time later for about $23,000, after closing costs. The Clintons reported a capital gain that year of $1,640.

Ms. Thomases explained that the capital gain was small because, as part of that transaction, Mrs. Clinton had to pay off Whitewater's remaining $13,000 debt on the property, originally incurred by Mrs. Clinton. The payments the previous owner had been making to Whitewater before he went bankrupt had been used to help pay off that debt. 

Account Overdrawn

It was during the period when Whitewater was making the Clintons' loan payments that Madison Guaranty was putting money into Whitewater.

For example, Whitewater's check ledger shows that Whitewater's account at Madison was overdrawn in 1984, when the corporation was making payments on the Clintons' loan. Money was deposited to make up the shortage from Madison Marketing, an affiliate of the savings and loan that derived its revenues from the institution, records also show.

It was also in 1984 that Madison started getting into trouble. Federal examiners studied its books that year, found that it was violating Arkansas regulations and determined that correcting the books to adjust improperly inflated profits would "result in an insolvent position," records of the 1984 examination show.

Arkansas regulators received the Federal report later that year, and under state law the securities commissioner was supposed to close any insolvent institution.

As the Governor is free to do at any time, Mr. Clinton appointed a new securities commissioner in January 1985. He chose Beverly Bassett Schaffer, a lawyer in one of the firms that had been representing Madison. Fund-Raising Ideas

Ms. Thomases, after talking to Mr. Clinton this week, said the Governor chose her because they were friends, and because he wanted to appoint a well qualified woman to an important post.

In interviews, Mrs. Schaffer, now a Fayetteville lawyer, said she did not remember the Federal examination of Madison but added that in her view, the findings were not "definitive proof of insolvency."

In 1985, Mrs. Clinton and her Little Rock law firm, the Rose firm, twice applied to the Securities Commission on behalf of Madison, asking that the savings and loan be allowed to try two novel plans to raise money.

Mrs. Schaffer wrote to Mrs. Clinton and another lawyer at the firm approving the ideas. "I never gave anybody special treatment," she said.

Madison was not able to raise additional capital. And by 1986 Federal regulators, who insured Madison's deposits, took control of the institution and ousted Mr. McDougal. Mrs. Schaffer supported the action.



The owner of a failing Arkansas savings and loan association raised money for Gov. Bill Clinton in 1985 to help relieve the Clinton family of a $50,000 personal debt that the Clintons would otherwise have had trouble repaying, newly discovered documents show.

The disclosure that the money covered a heavy private debt, rather than a less personally onerous campaign obligation, shows that the savings and loan executive, James McDougal, performed a more valuable favor for Mr. Clinton than has been previously known.

Federal investigators and Congressional officials are looking into the costly collapse of Mr. McDougal's savings and loan, and one aspect of the inquiries is whether his friendship with the Governor influenced the state regulatory treatment he received.

The Government took over the institution, Madison Guaranty Savings and Loan, in 1989 at a cost to taxpayers of more than $60 million. That was five years after Federal regulators first found numerous violations at Madison and three years after they acted to remove Mr. McDougal.

Three months before Mr. McDougal helped Mr. Clinton cover his debt, the Governor had appointed as the new state regulator in charge of savings and loans a Little Rock lawyer who had previously represented Mr. McDougal's troubled institution.

Over the next 18 months, up to the point where Federal officials removed Mr. McDougal, the new regulator took no significant action against Madison, even as she was moving vigorously against another failing institution with similar problems.

Bruce Lindsey, a senior Presidential adviser chosen by the White House to respond to questions about Mr. McDougal, said today that the relationship between the Clintons and the savings and loan owner had been entirely proper.

But Mr. Lindsey said he was unable to answer specific questions about the $50,000 debt or its repayment. As for the appointment of the regulator, Beverly Bassett Schaffer, he said, "The President felt she was a respected securities attorney and turned out to be a respected securities commissioner."

A Federal investigation uncovered evidence some time ago that Mr. McDougal had diverted money from his institution to help repay debts left over from Mr. Clinton's 1984 re-election campaign.

But the newly discovered documents, and interviews with onetime political aides to Mr. Clinton, show for the first time that the campaign's only debt was to Mr. Clinton, who had contributed $50,000 to help finance his own candidacy. Mr. Clinton borrowed the money from the tiny Bank of Cherry Valley, which was owned and run by a senior aide to the Governor.

By borrowing the money and giving it to his campaign, Mr. Clinton was incurring a liability that his financial records suggest he barely could have met without help.

Just a few weeks after Mr. McDougal raised the money for him, Madison Guaranty won approval from Mrs. Schaffer, Mr. Clinton's new financial regulator, for a novel plan to sell stock. And Federal investigators have learned that Mrs. Schaffer previously served for a short time as one of Madison's lawyers.

In her legal work, the investigators say, she gained inside knowledge of some of Madison's wrongdoing. Yet when she became a regulator, she never told her subordinates that she had worked for Madison, present and former state officials say. And she continued to make decisions about the institution despite state ethics guidelines that, according to leading ethics experts in Arkansas and nationally, suggest she should have stepped aside.

Mrs. Schaffer, now a lawyer in Arkansas, denied in an interview that Madison had received preferential treatment and said her predecessor in the post had allowed Madison to pursue risky investments. She said Mr. Clinton had not intervened on behalf of Madison, adding of her own role: "I didn't try to protect anyone. And I didn't try to hurt anyone."

In an interview last year, Mr. McDougal said the appointment of Mrs. Schaffer and his role in retiring the campaign debt were part of a relationship in which he and Mr. Clinton had done favors for each other. Mrs. Schaffer was his preferred candidate for the post of regulator, he said.

By 1985, however, he had come to resent Mr. Clinton's requests for help on such matters as the campaign debt, Mr. McDougal said.

"I was beginning to feel I was getting used," he said. "I would have gotten Bassett anyways," he said of Mrs. Schaffer. Rapid Growth, 'Willful' Violations

Mr. McDougal's relationship with Mr. Clinton dates from the 1960's, when they met while working as aides to Senator J. W. Fulbright, Democrat of Arkansas.

Mr. McDougal later served for a year as Governor Clinton's economic development aide, then left government and in 1982 bought a savings and loan in Augusta, Ark., a sleepy rural town. The institution, Madison Guaranty, quickly got caught up in the go-go ethos of the early 1980's. Its growth was exponential, from assets of $3 million to more than $120 million by 1985.

Federal auditors took a dim view of Mr. McDougal's activities. A 1984 review found "unsafe and unsound lending practices" and concluded that "the viability of the institution is jeopardized."

Mr. McDougal promised to make amends, and state and Federal regulators eventually allowed him to go forward, provided he made adjustments to his books and obtained required state approval for several large real estate projects.

One of those was a project to sell land on a foggy Canadian island off the coast of Maine. In violation of Federal land law, Madison had sold scores of lots without making disclosure of risks to purchasers and had failed to register any such disclosure statement with the Department of Housing and Urban Development, according to state and Federal records and former Madison officials.

Madison's lawyers learned of these omissions in 1984. Mrs. Schaffer, then at the Little Rock firm of Mitchell, Williams, Selig, Jackson & Tucker, wrote a memo describing the failure to comply with land law as "willful," Federal officials say.

Madison registered with HUD in February 1985 and began providing buyers the federally required disclosure on the project's considerable risks. One year later, roughly half the buyers of Canadian lots had canceled their purchases, increasing Madison's losses and pushing it to the brink of insolvency, according to a 1986 Federal examination of the institution.

As Mr. McDougal faced questions from Federal regulators, Mr. Clinton was gearing up for his 1984 re-election campaign for governor. By the fall of 1984, he had raised hundreds of thousands of dollars for the drive, and polls showed him comfortably ahead.

Still, in the final week Mr. Clinton put himself at significant personal financial risk to inject an additional $50,000 into the coffers. He and his wife, Hillary, applied for a loan from the Bank of Cherry Valley, a tiny institution in northeast Arkansas then run by W. Maurice Smith, who was also a senior aide to the Governor.

Mr. Smith said in an interview that the loan had been unsecured, meaning that the Clintons had not been required to pledge any collateral and would repay the loan on the basis of their joint income. According to the Clintons' tax returns, their combined income in 1984 and 1985 was about $100,000 a year.

Further, they had only modest personal assets. They did not own a home, and they had substantial debts. Records released by the Clinton Presidential campaign in 1992 show that in 1984, the couple owed more than $75,000 in bank loans stemming from their investment in Whitewater Development, an unsuccessful real estate company that they owned jointly with Mr. McDougal and his wife.

Asked whether he was aware of the Clintons' debts when he approved the loan, Mr. Smith said that "if it was in their financial statement" that they filed with the bank as a requirement for the loan, then "I knew about it." A Spring Evening Worth $35,000

In January 1985, Mr. Clinton named Mrs. Schaffer as head of the State Securities Department, the Arkansas agency that shared with Federal regulators the responsibility for overseeing state-chartered savings and loan associations.

Separately, his political aides began raising tens of thousands of dollars for his 1986 re-election bid. At the same time, according to Mr. McDougal and Betsey Wright, who had managed the 1984 campaign, Mr. Clinton asked Mr. McDougal to take care of the debt still left over from 1984.

"He asked me to knock out the deficit," Mr. McDougal recalled.

In the spring of 1985, Mr. McDougal held an early-evening fund-raising event at Madison's office in Little Rock, near the governor's mansion. There, he says, he delivered about $35,000 in checks to Ms. Wright.

The records reflecting the contributions from the fund-raiser are missing from campaign documents on file with the Pulaski County clerk in Little Rock. But among the documents that are on file there are those listing Mr. Clinton's $50,000 contribution to his own campaign.

Investigators reviewing Madison's records in the wake of its collapse found evidence that led them to suspect that some of the campaign donations assembled by Mr. McDougal had been improperly diverted from the savings and loan, Federal officials have said.

The investigators traced checks totaling $12,000 from Madison to the Clinton campaign's account at the Bank of Cherry Valley. Those checks were issued on April 4.

The day before, senior Madison officials met in Dallas with Federal regulators who wanted to know how the savings and loan intended to meet minimum requirements for capital. Madison said it planned to raise the money by selling stock, according to a Federal memo describing the meeting. The institution planned to issue preferred stock, the sale of which had rarely, if ever, been attempted by an Arkansas savings and loan.

The search for new capital took Madison to the offices of Mrs. Schaffer, who had the ultimate authority to approve any such stock sale. One of the lawyers employed by Madison to argue its case before the state regulators was Mrs. Clinton.

Within weeks, Mrs. Schaffer wrote a letter to Mrs. Clinton giving preliminary approval to Madison's stock plan.

The sale never went forward. But this fall the Resolution Trust Corporation, the Federal agency that disposes of failed savings and loans, asked the Justice Department to examine a number of Madison's transactions, and Federal officials say the state's approval of the stock plan was among the matters raised by investigators.

The R.T.C. noted that Mrs. Schaffer's approval of the stock sale had come in the face of her own, prior knowledge that Madison had failed to comply with Federal land-sale laws.

Mrs. Schaffer says that even in not stepping aside in matters involving Madison, she acted properly. Citing lawyer-client confidentiality, she declines to discuss what she learned when she represented Madison. Whatever she learned, she now says, did not seem important later, when she became a state regulator. 

2 Institutions, 2 Approaches

Mr. McDougal, who was acquitted of Federal bank fraud charges in 1990, maintains he did nothing wrong. He blames overzealous regulators for his problems.

But a blistering Federal report in 1986, three years before Madison was seized, found that records were missing or inaccurate, that the institution was probably insolvent and that millions of dollars had been improperly diverted to Mr. McDougal, his friends and his family.

State records show that from 1984 to 1986, as Madison hurtled toward collapse, Arkansas regulators imposed no special requirements on it. The state's only action against Madison was to concur when Federal regulators removed Mr. McDougal in the summer of 1986.

But Arkansas regulators were not hesitant to move against another failing institution.

Mrs. Schaffer said she had urged Federal regulators to shut down Guaranty Savings and Loan, a $450 million institution based in northern Arkansas that was closed in December 1985. She said the problems at Guaranty had been growth that was too rapid, bad loans outside of Arkansas and reliance on large deposits brokered by other financial institutions -- virtually the same problems that regulators found at Madison.

Mrs. Schaffer said she had moved against Madison as soon as legally possible, relying on her own staff and acting in conjunction with Federal regulators. Even looking back now, she said, "I don't see what I could have done differently."


Saturday 4 January 2014

JFK50: Henry Cabot Lodge


Telephone Conversation Between President Johnson and Senator Richard Russell, Washington, May 27, 1964, 10:55 p.m.




Johnson: One of our big problems there, Dick, the biggest, between us and I don't want this repeated to anybody, is Lodge. 

Russell: I know it. 

Johnson: He ain't worth a damn. 

Russell: Why, of course. 

Johnson: And he can't work with anybody. He won't let anybody else work. We get the best USIA man to put all on all the radios and try to get them to be loyal to the government and to be fighting and quit deserting. 

Russell: He thinks he's the emperor out there. 

Johnson: And he calls in USIA and says: "I handle the newspapers and the magazines and radio myself, so hell with you." So that knocks that guy out. So then we send out the best CIA man we've got and he says, "I handle intelligence, to hell with you." 

Then he wants a new Deputy Chief of Mission and we get him to give us some names, and we pick one, the best one we've got, send him out there to run the damn war, and he gets where he [Lodge] won't speak to the Deputy Chief of Mission. 

Then we get General Harkins out there, we thought he was a pretty good man, and he gets where he can't work with him. So we send Westmoreland out there. It's just a hell of a mess. 

You can't do anything with Lodge, and that is where McNamara gets so frustrated. They go out and get agreements and issue orders, and sends his stuff in there, and then Lodge takes charge of it himself, and he is not a take-charge man. And he just gets stacked up. 

Russell: He never has followed anything through to a conclusion since I've known him, and I've known him for 20 odd years. He never has. I went out with him around the world in '43, the only committee that went out during the war, we went everywhere. And Lodge was on there, he's a bright fellow, intelligent fellow, but he is not a man that persists. 

And he thinks he is dealing with barbarian tribes out there, and that he's the emperor, and he is going to tell them what to do. And there isn't any doubt in my mind that he had old Diem killed out there, himself, so he could. 

Johnson: That was a tragic mistake. 

Russell: Oh, it was horrible, awful. 

Johnson: And we've lost ever since. 

Russell: You have to go get someone that's more pliant than Lodge, that would do exactly as he said right quick. He's living up on cloud nine, it's a bad mistake. I don't know but the best thing you could do is ask Lodge if he don't think it's about time that he coming home? 

Johnson: Well, he'd be home campaigning against us on this issue every day. 

Russell: Well, God Almighty, he's goin' to come back anyway, when time comes. I'd give him a reason for doing it. He is going to come back. If you bring him back now, everybody going to say, "hell, he's coming back cause Johnson removed him from out there." 

MacArthur with all his power couldn't hurt Truman because everybody would said, well, hell, he just mad cause he got removed, though millions sympathized with him in it. And you needn't worry. Lodge will be in here, in my judgment, he'll be on that ticket some way. 

I don't think they'll nominate him for President, but they may put him on there for Vice President. But whether they do or don't, he'll be back here campaigning before that campaign's over. 

I don't know, I best take that back. This thing is so hopeless for the Republicans. He has certainly got enough critical sense to know that and not get his head chopped off. It would be foolish. 

Johnson: Has Clay got any judgment on a thing like this? 

Russell: Yeah, he has, even though he inclined . . . 

Johnson: He's off in another part of the world, mostly, isn't he. 

Russell: I think Clay knows. I'd take his judgment on most anything if he separates himself from his predilections. And he don't have any out there in that part of the world. 

I think that people generally have a good deal of respect for Clay's judgment too. And there's a great deal of affection and respect for old man Bradley, he's not in his dotage yet by a hell of a lot. I had him up here the other day getting some advice on some matters and I found him very alert. He's so humble, I don't know, he could tend to be a doormat for Lodge out there. 

But he's an intelligent man. Now Clay wouldn't. Clay would stand up to anybody if he felt he had support from high up places. 

I just don't know, it's a tragic situation, it's one of those places were you just can't win. Anything you do is wrong. 

Johnson: Well, think about it and call me. 

Russell: All right, sir. I have thought about it and worried about it and prayed about it. 

Source: U.S., Department of State, Office of the Historian, Foreign Relations of the United States 1964-1968, Volume XXVII, Mainland Southeast Asia; Regional Affairs, Washington, DC, Document Number 52

(Original Source: Johnson Library, Recording and Transcripts, Telephone Conversation between the President and Russell, Tape F64.27, Side B PNO 121 and F 64.28, Side A PNO 1. No classification marking. This transcript was prepared in the Office of the Historian specifically for this volume)



Russell: And he thinks he is dealing with barbarian tribes out there, and that he's the emperor, and he is going to tell them what to do. 

And there isn't any doubt in my mind that he had old Diem killed out there, himself, so he could. 



Johnson: That was a tragic mistake. 

Russell: Oh, it was horrible, awful. 

Johnson: And we've lost ever since. 

Trouble Brewing.

Johnson: How important is it to us? 

Russell: It isn't important a damn bit for all this new missile stuff. 

Johnson: I guess it is important. 

Russell: From a psychological standpoint. 

Johnson: I mean, yes, and from the standpoint that we are a party to a treaty. And if we don't pay any attention to this treaty I don't guess that they think paying attention to any of them. 

Russell: Yeah, but we are the only ones paying attention to it. 

Johnson: Yeah, I think that is right. 

Russell: You see the other people are just as bound to that treaty as we are. 

Johnson: Yes, that's right. 

Russell: I think there are some twelve or fourteen other countries. 

Johnson: That's right. Yeah, there are fourteen of them. 

Russell: I don't know much about the foreign policy but it seems to me that there were several of them that were parties to it. 

And other than the question of our word and saving face, that's the reason that I said that I don't think that anybody would expect us to stay in there. 

Some old freebooter down in there, I've forgotten his name, I haven't heard about him lately, but he is still there, sort of a hellraiser and he don't know exactly what he wants, but I think he is the most dangerous thing to the present regime. I think that if he were to take over, he would ask us to get out. 

And, of course, if he did, with our theory of standing by self-determination of people, I don't think how we could say we not going to go if he is in charge of the government. 

It's going to be a headache to anybody that tries to fool with it. You've got all the brains in the country, Mr. President, you better get a hold of them. I don't know what to do about this. 

I saw it all coming on, but that don't do any good now, that's water over the dam and under the bridge. And we are there.

Richard Russell was racist (as was Johnson) and as conservative and stubborn as all Hell.

But he was an extremely bright guy, even in his 70s, that's why he was President Johnson's first phone call and an most trusted (Southern) advisor.

And everything from my research, and the research of many, many who have come before me leads be to conclude that Russell's analysis was absolutely dead on the money.

I have seen people excerpting another LBJ phone all out-of context where Johnson says "we (meaning America) took out Diem in '63", to suggest that he did it, he planned it and he wanted it (because he's so cold-blooded and stuff).

Nonsense. I have all meetings tapes made prior to and during the November 2nd Coup weekend and LBJ wasn't in on even one of the meetings.

The one constant unknown variable at all stages of the pre-coup was that of everyone in the room (Colby was briefing Jack, Bobby, McNamarra, Helms, Bundy, Maxwell Taylor and others), between the lot of them, they had absolutely no clue what Lodge was up to or what his intentions were, because he was running his own policy out there.

Dr. David Acer, Dentistry and the AIDS Crisis


"Three years into the Acer investigation, I had fallen deeply into a U.S. Government cover-up... [t]he Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) and Florida health officials had covered up almost all of the incriminating evidence linking Dr. Acer to thirty six serial killers studied by the FBI."
"I was forced to conclude the authorities covered up the evidence implicating Dr. Acer to prevent the media, and subsequently the public, from probing into his background. The legal testimony in the case indicated he believed he was dying of a virus that the government had created. Dr. Acer, his best friend testified, believed that the virus had been unleashed for genocide against America's gay community and Third World Blacks."
Dr. Len Horowitz




FOR three years, medical sleuths have been trying to figure out how Dr. David J. Acer, a Florida dentist, infected six of his patients with the AIDS virus. But they are stumped, and the case has become one of the most disturbing unsolved mysteries in the annals of medicine.
Now, some are asking whether it should be considered a murder mystery.
The late Dr. Acer is the only health care worker anywhere known to have infected even one of his patients. Last month, a teen-aged girl became his sixth patient to test positive for the same strain of the virus that killed him. Fifty-seven other health-care professionals have told the authorities that they are H.I.V.-positive; 19,000 of their patients have been tested. Not one has caught the virus from medical treatment.
Because of publicity about Dr. Acer and his patient Kimberly Bergalis, who died of AIDS in 1991, legislators and public health officials have come under enormous pressure to restrict infected health-care workers.
Before Miss Bergalis died at age 23, she and her family waged a crusade for laws mandating that all medical workers get AIDS tests and be forced to tell their patients if they were infected. Her father, George, argued that "someone who has AIDS and continues to practice is nothing better than a murderer."
Some groups that represent medical workers call the testing an invasion of privacy and say such disclosures would empty the practices of infected dentists and slam the operating room doors shut on infected surgeons. Now perplexed scientists are asking in public what they had only whispered before: Could Dr. Acer have done it deliberately? And if so, how? And why?
And the very asking of those questions raises another: If a convincing case can be made that Dr. Acer murdered his patients, is it fair to write restrictions on every medical and dental worker in the United States because of the actions of one lunatic?
Before he died of AIDS in 1990, Dr. Acer wrote an open letter to his patients saying: "I am a gentle man, and I would never intentionally expose anyone to this disease. I have cared for people all my life, and to infect anyone with this disease would be contrary to everything I have stood for."
The Federal General Accounting Office, which looked into the case at Congress's request, has said that "no good evidence suggests that the dentist deliberately infected his patients."
Nevertheless, with news of the latest infection, the case for murder is being argued again -- largely because there is no other plausible way to explain what happened, and growing disbelief that a dentist could have accidentally infected so many people.
The American Dental Association has not formally considered the question since there is no evidence against Dr. Acer, said its director, Dr. John S. Zapp.
But Dr. Harold W. Jaffe, an epidemiologist who headed the team that investigated the case for the Federal Centers for Disease Control, says people asking him about the case now often assume it was murder.
"You present the negative evidence," he said, "and people just shrug and say, 'That is not really evidence -- all you are really saying is you haven't found out how he could have done it.' "
He notes that the C.D.C. isn't a police agency and that Florida prosecutors have twice declined to open a criminal investigation. The Case for Calling It Murder
One dentist who believes Dr. Acer murdered his patients, and who discussed the case with colleagues at a recent meeting, is Dr. Stanley N. Turetzky, who practices in Hicksville, N.Y. "How else could it happen except by some deliberate method?" he asked in an interview. "Everybody seems to think that, but no one has proof."
A possible motive was suggested by Edward Parsons, a nurse who was a friend of Dr. Acer. He told The Palm Beach Post last year that Dr. Acer had said to him in 1988 that mainstream America was ignoring AIDS because it affected mostly homosexuals like himself, hemophiliacs and drug addicts. "When it starts affecting grandmothers and younger people, then you'll see something done," Mr. Parsons said Dr. Acer told him.
Dr. Acer knew he was infected as early as 1986. The six patients, all of whom were probably infected by mid-1988, include four women and two men ranging in age from about 15 to about 65.
There are several ways he might have infected them, accidentally or deliberately.
The initial assumption was that his equipment had blood on it, passing the virus from him to patients or from patient to patient. But the investigating team virtually ruled that out.
All the strains of the virus are the same as his.
No pattern in the dates of appointments is apparent; as far as can be told from Dr. Acer's records, no more than two of the infected patients were ever in his office on the same day. When they were, it seemed unlikely the same instruments would have been used on them.
Investigators said Dr. Acer did not always sterilize his equipment but that he was no more sloppy than other dentists in the area.
A second theory is that he accidentally cut his own finger while working and bled into his patients' mouths, or jabbed himself with a hypodermic without noticing it and injected his blood along with the anesthetic.
But that explanation has been weakened by the latest case; the teen-ager only had fillings done, something unlikely to cut a dentist's fingers. The others had extractions, crown placement or other invasive work.
Many AIDS patients suffer nerve damage in their fingers; but Dr. Acer's medical records do not show that he had.
Moreover, no infected patient or office worker recalled Dr. Acer hurting himself that way, and no one suggested that he suffered AIDS-induced dementia that would have led him to ignore injuries.
"It seems very unlikely that these patients could have been infected simply by having a drop of Dr. Acer's blood falling into their mouths," Dr. Jaffe said.
Transmission through sex or rape was ruled out -- his infected patients denied having sex with him and none were under general anesthesia.
Another possibility is that Dr. Acer used instruments on himself, say at lunchtime, then did not sterilize them. No staff member reported seeing him do so -- and the idea seems a little far-fetched. It's not easy to do dental work on oneself.
If Dr. Acer did it deliberately, he has outwitted his investigators. They cannot figure out how.
Almost certainly, he would have had to inject patients with his own blood. The Case Against
His staff said he used a fresh vial of clear-colored lidocaine -- a local anesthetic injected in the gums -- for each patient. No one noticed a reddish tinge to it. No one noticed any second hypodermics that might have contained blood or other infectious fluids. His staff said nothing in his behavior made them suspicious.
And even if he did inject blood, epidemiologists are baffled by his success rate. Health-care workers have been infected by accidental needle sticks while treating AIDS patients -- but studies have shown that only about one stick in 300 transmits the infection.
Anecdotes have been cited of some AIDS victims who were so furious at having contracted the disease that they seduced other people and then taunted that that they'd passed on the infection. But no one suggested that Dr. Acer harbored such anger. He kept his homosexuality largely secret, but that may not be surprising in a city of under 10,000 people.
And Dr. Acer's friends and colleagues said he was -- as he described himself -- a gentle man, and they could not believe he would have knowingly infected patients.
He cooperated with investigators, giving them a blood sample when asked, knowing that new molecular tests would show whether his patients had the same H.I.V. strain he did.
Some have suggested that his strain was unusually virulent or that his blood unusually full of the virus. But virulence can't be tested in fatal human infections, and tests for virus concentrations weren't performed.
In a way, the Acer case was a long time coming.
Infectious disease experts had predicted that a health worker would someday give AIDS to a patient, because it has happened with hepatitis B, a liver-damaging virus spread, like AIDS, through blood or semen.
But no one expected the example to be such an anomaly -- one dentist with six cases versus 57 professionals with no cases.
And yet, none of the doctors who have lobbied legislators and officials to stop them from restricting H.I.V.-infected workers have suggested during testimony or from convention podiums that Dr. Acer could be a murderer and should not be used as a standard to judge others by. Although "deliberate infection" was sometimes on the lists scientists drew up at meetings, it was swiftly discarded, and no expert interviewed could recall a discussion that focused on murder.
The National AIDS Commission never held a session to discuss deliberate infection. Its co-chairman, Dr. David E. Rogers, who is a critic of attempts to restrict the practice of H.I.V.-infected health workers, said he now believes the omission was a serious mistake.
"It is so unthinkable to view another health professional as doing something dastardly that I guess I shied away from it," Dr. Rogers said. "But it certainly should have been on the table. It is a perfectly logical reason for not promulgating those Draconian solutions."

Thursday 2 January 2014

Lyndon Johnson Sometimes Did the Right Thing


This is very interesting - I had never before seen this prior to right now.


This is an excellent example of Lyndon Johnson actually doing something right and, at a key moment refusing to be handled. Contrary to popular myth.


LBJ's brief initial statement at Andrews is rightly deemed to be completely forgettable - what I find extremely interesting and frankly rather surprising is that he has clearly personally amended the prepared remarks the staff, and done so in such a way as to completely excise the entire Cold War dimension and all hints of nationalism from the words so as to correctly characterise the day's events as a global tragedy rather than merely an American loss.


Which was absolutely the right thing to do.


Mind you, he was also trying to avert a global thermonuclear war from breaking out;



Afghanistan