Friday 10 July 2015

The Economist : The Future of Mind Control (2002)

"RenĂ© Descartes was a philosopher who believed that he had found the exact point in the brain where the body and soul meet. Rather unromantically, the structure he chose was the humble pineal gland. 

As the author of a popular textbook on the subject dryly notes, however, “this now seems unlikely because pineal tumours do not cause the changes one would expect to find associated with distortion of the soul." "


‘The ‘secret society’ was organized on the conspiratorial pattern of circles within circles. 

The ROUND TABLE worked behind the scenes at the highest levels of British government....'







In his book None Dare Call it ConspiracyGary Allen writes: 
THE ROUND TABLE organization in England grew out of the life-long dream of gold and diamond magnate CECIL RHODES for a ‘new world order’. 

“Rhodes’ biographer, Sara Millin, was a little more direct. As she puts it: ‘the government of the world was Rhodes’ simple desire’.” “Quigley quotes: 
‘In the middle 1890’s Rhodes had a personal income of at least a million pounds sterling a year which he spent so freely for mysterious purposes that he was usually overdrawn on his account… Cecil Rhodes’ commitment to a conspiracy to establish World Government was set down in a series of wills described by Frank Aydelotte in his book American Rhodes Scholarships.’ 
‘Aydelotte writes: 
‘….In his first will Rhodes states his aim still more specifically: the extension of British rule throughout the world…(with English as the world language), the foundation of so great a power as to hereafter render wars impossible and promote the interest of humanity. ‘The ‘Confession of Faith’ (part of the testament) enlarges upon these ideas. The model for this proposed secret society was the Society of Jesus, though he mentions also the Masons.’ 
“Gary Allen continues: 
“It should be noted that the originator of this type of secret society was Adam Weishaupt, the monter who founded the Order of (Bavarian) Illuminati on May 1, 1776, for the purpose of conspiracy to control the world. The role of Weishaupt’s (Bavarian) Illuminati has long been recognized as models for Communist methodology. Weishaupt also used the structure of the Society of Jesus (the Jesuits) as the model, and rewrote his Code in Masonic terms.”
“Aydelotte continues: 
‘In 1888 Rhodes made his third will…leaving everything to LORD ROTHSCHILD (his financier in mining enterprises), with an accompanying letter enclosing ‘the written matter discussed between us.’ This, one surmises, consisted of the first will and the ‘Confession of Faith’, since in a postscript Rhodes says ‘in considering questions suggest take Constitution of the Jesuits if obtainable’… ‘Apparently for strategic reasons Lord Rothschild was subsequently removed from the forefront of the scheme. Professor Quigley reveals that Lord Rosebury, replaced his father-in-law Lord Rothschild, in Rhodes’ next (and last) will. 

‘The ‘secret society’ was organized on the conspiratorial pattern of circles within circles. Professor Quigley informs us that the central part of the ‘secret society’ was established by March, 1891, using Rhodes’ money. The organization was run for Rothschild by Lord Alfred Milner – The ROUND TABLE worked behind the scenes at the highest levels of British government, influencing foreign policy and England’s involvement and conduct of WW I.’ 
“William Bramley writes about the ROUND TABLE group:
‘Rhodes was certainly on the right track. If he had reached his goal, many of the negative effects… by the network of the ‘Brotherhood of the Snake” might have been undone. By a world language the detrimental effects touched upon in the story of the Tower of Babel, having to do with people talking in different tongues, might have been reversed. Fostering a feeling for world citizenship would help to overcome the forms of National Socialism that help to unleash wars. But something went wrong. He thought of realizing his objectives via a network of the corrupt ‘Brotherhood of the Snake’. So Rhodes set up institutions that ended up by falling into the hands of those who would use these institutions for the suppression of humanity.’”

The future of mind control

IN AN attempt to treat depression, neuroscientists once carried out a simple experiment. Using electrodes, they stimulated the brains of women in ways that caused pleasurable feelings. The subjects came to no harm—indeed their symptoms appeared to evaporate, at least temporarily—but they quickly fell in love with their experimenters.

Such a procedure (and there have been worse in the history of neuroscience) poses far more of a threat to human dignity and autonomy than does cloning. Cloning is the subject of fierce debate, with proposals for wholesale bans. Yet when it comes to neuroscience, no government or treaty stops anything. For decades, admittedly, no neuroscientist has been known to repeat the love experiment. A scientist who used a similar technique to create remote-controlled rats seemed not even to have entertained the possibility. “Humans? Who said anything about humans?” he said, in genuine shock, when questioned. “We work on rats.”

Ignoring a possibility does not, however, make it go away. If asked to guess which group of scientists is most likely to be responsible, one day, for overturning the essential nature of humanity, most people might suggest geneticists. In fact neurotechnology poses a greater threat—and also a more immediate one. Moreover, it is a challenge that is largely ignored by regulators and the public, who seem unduly obsessed by gruesome fantasies of genetic dystopias.
A person's genetic make-up certainly has something important to do with his subsequent behaviour. But genes exert their effects through the brain. If you want to predict and control a person's behaviour, the brain is the place to start. Over the course of the next decade, scientists may be able to predict, by examining a scan of a person's brain, not only whether he will tend to mental sickness or health, but also whether he will tend to depression or violence. Neural implants may within a few years be able to increase intelligence or to speed up reflexes. Drug companies are hunting for molecules to assuage brain-related ills, from paralysis to shyness (see article). 

A public debate over the ethical limits to such neuroscience is long overdue. It may be hard to shift public attention away from genetics, which has so clearly shown its sinister side in the past. The spectre of eugenics, which reached its culmination in Nazi Germany, haunts both politicians and public. The fear that the ability to monitor and select for desirable characteristics will lead to the subjugation of the undesirable—or the merely unfashionable—is well-founded. 

Not so long ago neuroscientists, too, were guilty of victimising the mentally ill and the imprisoned in the name of science. Their sins are now largely forgotten, thanks in part to the intractable controversy over the moral status of embryos. Anti-abortion lobbyists, who find stem-cell research and cloning repugnant, keep the ethics of genetic technology high on the political agenda. But for all its importance, the quarrel over abortion and embryos distorts public discussion of bioethics; it is a wonder that people in the field can discuss anything else.

In fact, they hardly do. America's National Institutes of Health has a hefty budget for studying the ethical, legal and social implications of genetics, but it earmarks nothing for the specific study of the ethics of neuroscience. The National Institute of Mental Health, one of its component bodies, has seen fit to finance a workshop on the ethical implications of “cyber-medicine”, yet it has not done the same to examine the social impact of drugs for “hyperactivity”, which 7% of American six- to eleven-year-olds now take. 

The Wellcome Trust, Britain's main source of finance for the study of biomedical ethics, has a programme devoted to the ethics of brain research, but the number of projects is dwarfed by its parallel programme devoted to genetics. 

Uncontrollable fears

The worriers have not spent these resources idly. Rather, they have produced the first widespread legislative and diplomatic efforts directed at containing scientific advance. The Council of Europe and the United Nations have declared human reproductive cloning a violation of human rights. The Senate is soon to vote on a bill that would send American scientists to prison for making cloned embryonic stem cells. 

Yet neuroscientists have been left largely to their own devices, restrained only by standard codes of medical ethics and experimentation. This relative lack of regulation and oversight has produced a curious result. When it comes to the brain, society now regards the distinction between treatment and enhancement as essentially meaningless. Taking a drug such as Prozac when you are not clinically depressed used to be called cosmetic, or non-essential, and was therefore considered an improper use of medical technology. Now it is regarded as just about as cosmetic, and as non-essential, as birth control or orthodontics. American legislators are weighing the so-called parity issue—the argument that mental treatments deserve the same coverage in health-insurance plans as any other sort of drug. Where drugs to change personality traits were once seen as medicinal fripperies, or enhancements, they are now seen as entitlements.

This flexible attitude towards neurotechnology—use it if it might work, demand it if it does—is likely to extend to all sorts of other technologies that affect health and behaviour, both genetic and otherwise. Rather than resisting their advent, people are likely to begin clamouring for those that make themselves and their children healthier and happier. 

This might be bad or it might be good. It is a question that public discussion ought to try to settle, perhaps with the help of a regulatory body such as the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Authority, which oversees embryo research in Britain. History teaches that worrying overmuch about technological change rarely stops it. Those who seek to halt genetics in its tracks may soon learn that lesson anew, as rogue scientists perform experiments in defiance of well-intended bans. But, if society is concerned about the pace and ethics of scientific advance, it should at least form a clearer picture of what is worth worrying about, and why.

Open your mind

IN THE genetically engineered world portrayed in “Gattaca”, a movie made in 1997, the hero and heroine attend a concert in which a pianist performs a concerto that can be played only by a person with six fingers on each hand. This is a society in which genetic perfectionists have had their way. The concert-goers have been altered before birth to be free of such ailments as baldness, obesity and diabetes, and to be tall, good-looking and intelligent. In that room, improbable as it may seem, only Ethan Hawke has lived a life free of genetic enhancement; he alone has had to take his chances with the genetic lottery of natural conception.
Compare this scene to one in which the effects of neurotechnology (technology that makes it possible to manipulate the brain) are pervasive. The old man on the left of the aisle is being saved from Alzheimer's disease by an implant that bathes his brain cells in a healthy broth of chemicals. The little girl in the circle, vows her doctor, has a cortex that will one day win her a Nobel prize in physics—if she keeps up the correct regime of “cogniceuticals”, of course. As a condition of their employment, the security guards posted at the entrance had to undergo brain scans to demonstrate that they were free of propensities to uncontrollable rage. The musicians on stage are on drugs that speed their reflexes, heighten their hearing and assuage their performance anxiety. Not that different from “Gattaca”, is it?

The mind's eye

Although often overlooked, advances in neurotechnology raise ethical and legal questions of the same nature and gravity as advances in genetics. Concerns about genetic technology fall into three main categories: first, how much screening should be allowed for certain genetic traits; second, who should have access to such information; and third, what will happen when those traits can be modified at will, possibly in ways that challenge the very idea of what it is to be human.

Neuroscientists may soon be able to screen people's brains to assess their mental health
Concerns about neurotechnology fall into the same three groups. Neuroscientists may soon be able to screen people's brains to assess their mental health; to distribute that information, possibly accidentally, to employers or insurers; and to “fix” faulty personality traits with drugs or implants on demand. They may also, according to some philosophers, expose fallacies in philosophical thinking that go to the heart of human nature by showing how the brain actually makes decisions.

Until recently, neurobiologists have been constrained in their research by the consideration that most kinds of experiment with the human brain are seen as unethical. Tradition has it that they must sit around with their fingers crossed, hoping that a patient will walk through the door sporting a tumour or other injury in a part of the brain whose function is not yet understood. Ideally, this patient will show some odd behaviour—say, being able to multiply but not add, or mistreating cats but not dogs—that can be tied to the injured area. Thus, painstakingly, a map of which parts of the brain do what can be built up.

Over the past decade, however, machines for measuring brain activity have proliferated. There are now half a dozen such technologies, ranging from old favourites, such as electro-encephalography, to new-fangled methods including magneto-encephalography, which measures the brain's magnetic fields, and single-photon-emission computerised tomography, which tracks radioactively tagged chemicals around the organ. One of the most important new techniques is functional magnetic-resonance imaging (fMRI), which employs powerful magnetic fields to monitor the rate of blood flow in the brain, and thus to determine which parts are particularly active. 

With the help of fMRI, researchers can observe which brain areas are involved when somebody performs a particular task or thinks along particular lines. That could be a boon. It could, for example, identify children whose brains are not maturing normally—making possible early intervention with, say, special lessons. 

Researchers can observe which brain areas are involved when somebody performs a particular task or thinks along particular lines

A study to be published shortly in Neuroimage shows how this might work. Vinod Menon and his colleagues at Stanford University have been using fMRI to investigate how people's brains behave when they are subjected to the Stroop colour-word interference task. The Stroop task is a well-established psychological test that presents subjects with the names of colours printed in ink that does not match the colour named. The subjects have to name the colour of the ink, not the word that has been printed. 

As people mature, their brains get better at coping with the challenge the task poses. Dr Menon has found that children, adolescents and adults show progressively different patterns of brain activity which appear to reflect this improvement. He has discovered that a child whose brain is not maturing normally will show an unusual pattern of brain activation when performing the test. That reveals problems with brain development that an ordinary questionnaire-based psychological evaluation does not.

Nobody could object to such a worthy enterprise. But what about the following idea? Greg Siegle and his colleagues at the University of Pittsburgh are studying depression. In a paper published in this month's issue of Biological Psychiatry, they report that when depressed individuals are read a list of depressing words, they show a different response in a region of the brain called the amygdala from that displayed by “normal” individuals. The amygdalas of the depressed hum away for as long as 25 seconds after hearing a depressing word. Those of individuals who have never been depressed stop showing activity after ten seconds. Dr Siegle suggests that the depressed subjects ruminate on, or think repeatedly about, sad words, while the undepressed subjects simply move on.

Since the amygdala is known to be involved in processing emotion, that is not altogether startling. Suppose, though, that job-recruiting agencies were fitted with fMRI machines (unlikely at the moment, given their expense, but not unimaginable). An individual who wished to conceal evidence of depression from possible employers would have a much harder time doing so in the face of fMRI, than in the face of a little light form-filling. 

Just as genetic markers can be associated with physical states, so features of brain scans will surely be linked to a wide variety of mental states

And that may only be the start. Just as genetic markers can be associated with physical states, so features of brain scans will surely be linked to a wide variety of mental states. fMRI screening might, for example, become a foolproof method of lie detection—one that could catch out even “astute liars” who pretend to have impaired memories when put under pressure by an interrogator. Other personality traits, such as tendencies to aggression or risk-aversion, could also yield their secrets to fMRI's probing glance. 

Steal your face

Medical privacy is another area that brain scanning could compromise. One of the most immediate threats is a little-considered side-effect of the scanning process: that what is scanned and recorded is actually the head, and not merely the brain. In other words, a magnetic scan of a brain also contains enough information about the front of the skull to recreate a recognisable depiction of the scanned subject. The result is that, unlike a genetic profile, which does not, by itself, tell you who has been profiled, no magnetic-resonance image is inherently anonymous.
Neuroscientists are already building up databases of brain scans for research purposes. In 2000 John Van Horn and Michael Gazzaniga, two cognitive neuroscientists at Dartmouth College in Hanover, New Hampshire, launched a database called the fMRI Data Centre, to help disseminate fMRI studies among scientists. They hope that it will spur discoveries in neuroscience in the same way that GenBank, a public database of gene sequences, has spurred discoveries in genetics. The fMRI Data Centre makes raw data from such studies available to researchers, and will soon organise the data so that interesting features can be extracted from it systematically. So far, says Dr Gazzaniga, roughly 400 researchers around the world have requested data from the centre. Those data are shipped to them on compact discs to do with as they please.

One answer to the lack of anonymity of magnetic-resonance images is to scramble the picture in the part of the image that contains facial information. The managers of the Dartmouth database do just that. Such scrambling, however, makes the data useless for some sorts of analysis. It is therefore questionable whether the operators of other databases of neuro-images (several are planned) will follow suit.

Pictures of perfection

Just as with genetics, however, the spectre that most terrifies many of those who fear the advance of neurotechnology is that it will one day be capable of “enhancing” human beings. Some worry that this may blunt the differences between individuals, turning society into one homogeneous mass. Others see the opposite risk—a Gattacesque division between the privileged and the unenhanced.

Potential dystopias always make good press. But drawing the line between necessary therapy and discretionary enhancement is genuinely difficult. Some argue that society accepted the idea of so-called “cosmetic psychopharmacology” when people first began using recreational drugs. Who has not perceived himself to be wittier and more attractive than normal when under the influence of alcohol—or, indeed, seen wit and attractiveness in others in the same circumstances?

Another argument is that drugs for the brain are simply one more step down a road taken by orthodontics, face lifts, Viagra and other medical extras. That may be so. But it could be a step in seven-league boots, for pharmaceutical companies are only just beginning to mine the spectrum of psychological ailments that flesh is heir to. Drugs to combat shyness, forgetfulness, sleepiness and stress are now in or close to clinical trials, not to mention better versions of drugs that have already swept society—what Arthur Caplan, a bioethicist at the University of Pennsylvania, calls “super-Prozacs”.

One example of the trend towards making the normal treatable is research into “mild cognitive impairment”, the kind of slight deterioration in memory that goes with getting old. Or that does for now, anyway. Many companies are hunting for drugs to fend off this sort of memory loss. Researchers at Cortex Pharmaceuticals in Irvine, California, for example, are exploring molecules known as ampakines. These attach themselves to nerve-cell proteins called AMPAreceptors. That serves to amplify the transmission of signals from one nerve cell to another. In particular, it amplifies the effect of a second protein, the NMDA receptor, which is known to be associated with learning. Meanwhile, Targacept, a firm based in Winston-Salem, North Carolina, is looking at another group of nerve-cell proteins, the nicotinergic receptors, whose activation has been shown to increase alertness and may fend off cognitive decline.

Another technology, known as transcranial magnetic stimulation (TMS), also holds out the promise of enhancement. Since nerve cells use electrical signals, and magnetic fields can induce and disrupt such signals, a strong, well-aimed magnetic stimulation can affect the brain's operation. By holding a magnetic coil over somebody's skull, a researcher can affect the activity of the piece of cortex beneath, while causing no pain to the subject. Sending repeated magnetic pulses disrupts neural transmission in that area, in effect creating a small lesion on demand. Although nobody is quite sure how it works, there is evidence to suggest that certain kinds of TMS improve performance in memory and reasoning tasks. 

The death of free will?

Screening, privacy and enhancement are all important issues, to be sure. For many critics, though, they are side-shows. The really uncomfortable questions raised by brain science are those that go to the heart of what it is to be human. Or, more specifically, what philosophers and theologians have claimed is the heart of what it is to be human.

In the West, at least, that defining quality is the concept of “free will”. Although some philosophers see free will as an illusion that helps people to interact with one another, others think it is genuine—in other words, that an individual faced with a particular set of circumstances really could take any one of a range of actions. That, however, sits uncomfortably with the idea that mental decisions are purely the consequence of electrochemical interactions in the brain, since the output of such interactions might be expected to be an inevitable consequence of the input. It also sits uncomfortably with the separate, but parallel, argument that correct moral choices are the result of a sort of biological decision-making programme, shaped by evolution, rather than being arrived at by abstract reasoning.

There are already cases where neurotechnology may have a practical effect on people's moral development

Whatever the philosophical arcana of the field, there are already cases where neurotechnology may have a practical effect on people's moral development. Erik Parens of the Hastings Centre, a think-tank in Garrison, New York, is concerned that it could, for example, “reduce the number of ways acceptable to be a person”.

To illustrate this point he says that the act of giving a normal, healthy child Ritalin, a drug used to treat so-called hyperactivity, is really “a substantive moral choice”, because it tells that child that he needs to change to be acceptable. If forgetfulness, xenophobia and a whole host of the other eccentricities that make up a person's character become optional traits rather than inevitable ones, people will be more inclined to discriminate against the bearers of those traits.
Discoveries in neuroscience may also have profound legal implications. Most courts, for example, accept a claim of insanity as a defence in certain criminal cases. If a propensity towards aggression or violence is shown to have a biological basis in the brain, a lawyer may argue that his client could not control his violent urges. Courts may be asked to treat brain-image data as exculpatory evidence, which shows that a suspect is not really guilty of a crime he has committed.

Donald Kennedy, a neuroscientist who is also editor of Science, says it is likely that “some extension of the domain of exculpatory conditions” will be made as a result of neuroscientific advances. In any case, each jurisdiction treats insanity claims in its own way, so they may well disagree over whether brain-image data are exculpatory. In Texas, for example, all that a prosecutor needs to demonstrate is that a suspect knew “the difference between right and wrong” at the time of the crime. Even individuals who are clearly insane can be found guilty if they meet this test. 

Soul-searching questions

In many ways, therefore, thinkers who are wrestling with questions of free will, the soul and human nature are seeing the terms of their debate altered by modern brain science. But the history of the debate may offer consolation to those who fear that neurotechnology is a hair's breadth from catapulting society into a “post-human future”, as Francis Fukuyama termed it in the title of a recent book. The human soul—or its physiological equivalent—has proved surprisingly elusive.

RenĂ© Descartes was a philosopher who believed that he had found the exact point in the brain where the body and soul meet. Rather unromantically, the structure he chose was the humble pineal gland. As the author of a popular textbook on the subject dryly notes, however, “this now seems unlikely because pineal tumours do not cause the changes one would expect to find associated with distortion of the soul.” There is a deal of searching to do yet before human nature gives up its secrets.

Larry Elder- Lawn Jockey to Irv Rubin and the Terrorist Jewish Defense League (JDL)


"When I began working with best- selling author and KABC talk show host Larry Elder in 2012, he would repeatedly tell me that the reason for our partnership was not my writing skills, which he admired, nor my filmmaking/editing abilities, which he always put to good use, but rather my good nature. “You always seem to be happy and loving life,” he would tell me. 

Larry is a lawyer as well as a brilliant political thinker. He has a mind like a steel trap. So it was a feather in my cap that I fooled the shit out of him with that whole “happy and loving life” thing.

*****

During my years as “Jewish Holocaust denier” David Cole, I was often accused of spreading “hate,” to the extent that entire college campuses would hold “anti-hate rallies” if I spoke on campus. The truth is, I neither denied the Holocaust, nor did I ever spread hate (except when referring to Nazis, who I do, indeed, hate). So great a “hater” was I assumed to be that a $25,000 bounty was placed on my head by the Jewish Defense League, whose leaders, before dying in prison after plotting terror attacks in retaliation for 9/11, assured the world that they wanted me dead in the name of “fighting hate.”

- Jewish Revisionist David Cole/Stein,
Republican Party Animal




Thursday 9 July 2015

The Bombing of PanAm Flight 103: Case Not Closed By William Blum (March 2001)



The Bombing of PanAm Flight 103: Case Not Closed

By William Blum – Published March 2001

The newspapers were filled with pictures of happy relatives of the victims of the December 21, 1988 bombing of PanAm 103 over Lockerbie, Scotland. A Libyan, Abdelbaset Ali Mohmed al Megrahi, had been found guilty of the crime the day before, January 31, 2001, by a Scottish court in the Hague, though his co-defendant, Al Amin Khalifa Fhimah, was acquitted. At long last there was going to be some kind of closure for the families.
But what was wrong with this picture?
What was wrong was that the evidence against Megrahi was thin to the point of transparency. Coming the month after the (s)election of George W. Bush, the Hague verdict could have been dubbed Supreme Court II, another instance of non-judicial factors fatally clouding judicial reasoning. The three Scottish judges could not have relished returning to the United Kingdom after finding both defendants innocent of the murder of 270 people, largely from the U.K. and the United States. Not to mention having to face dozens of hysterical victims’ family members in the courtroom. The three judges also well knew the fervent desires of the White House and Downing Street as to the outcome. If both men had been acquitted, the United States and Great Britain would have had to answer for a decade of sanctions and ill will directed toward Libya.
One has to read the entire 26,000-word “Opinion of the Court”, as well as being very familiar with the history of the case going back to 1988, to appreciate how questionable was the judges’ verdict.
The key charge against Megrahi – the sine qua non – was that he placed explosives in a suitcase and tagged it so it would lead the following charmed life:
  1. loaded aboard an Air Malta flight to Frankfurt without an accompanying passenger;
  2. transferred in Frankfurt to the PanAm 103A flight to London without an accompanying passenger;
  3. transferred in London to the PanAm 103 flight to New York without an accompanying passenger.
To the magic bullet of the JFK assassination, can we now add the magic suitcase?
This scenario by itself would have been a major feat and so unlikely to succeed that any terrorist with any common sense would have found a better way. But aside from anything else, we have this – as to the first step, loading the suitcase at Malta: there was no witness, no video, no document, no fingerprints, nothing to tie Megrahi to the particular brown Samsonite suitcase, no past history of terrorism, no forensic evidence of any kind linking him or Fhimah to such an act.
And the court admitted it: “The absence of any explanation of the method by which the primary suitcase might have been placed on board KM180 [Air Malta] is a major difficulty for the Crown case.” 
Moreover, under security requirements in 1988, unaccompanied baggage was subjected to special X-ray examinations, plus – because of recent arrests in Germany – the security personnel in Frankfurt were on the lookout specifically for a bomb secreted in a radio, which turned out to indeed be the method used with the PanAm 103 bomb.
Requiring some sort of direct and credible testimony linking Megrahi to the bombing, the Hague court placed great – nay, paramount – weight upon the supposed identification of the Libyan by a shopkeeper in Malta, as the purchaser of the clothing found in the bomb suitcase. But this shopkeeper had earlier identified several other people as the culprit, including one who was a CIA agent.   When he finally identified Megrahi from a photo, it was after Megrahi’s photo had been in the world news for years. The court acknowledged the possible danger inherent in such a verification: “These identifications were criticised inter alia on the ground that photographs of the accused have featured many times over the years in the media and accordingly purported identifications more than 10 years after the event are of little if any value.” 
There were also major discrepancies between the shopkeeper’s original description of the clothes-buyer and Megrahi’s actual appearance. The shopkeeper told police that the customer was “six feet or more in height” and “was about 50 years of age.” Megrahi was 5’8” tall and was 36 in 1988. The judges again acknowledged the weakness of their argument by conceding that the initial description “would not in a number of respects fit the first accused [Megrahi]” and that “it has to be accepted that there was a substantial discrepancy.” 
Nevertheless, the judges went ahead and accepted the identification as accurate. Before the indictment of the two Libyans in Washington in November 1991, the press had reported police findings that the clothing had been purchased on November 23, 1988.   But the indictment of Megrahi states that he made the purchase on December 7. Can this be because the investigators were able to document Megrahi being in Malta (where he worked for Libya Airlines) on that date but cannot do so for November 23? 
There is also this to be considered – if the bomber needed some clothing to wrap up an ultra-secret bomb in a suitcase, would he go to a clothing store in the city where he planned to carry out his dastardly deed, where he knew he’d likely be remembered as an obvious foreigner, and buy brand new, easily traceable items? Would an intelligence officer – which Megrahi was alleged to be – do this? Or even a common boob? Wouldn’t it make more sense to use any old clothing, from anywhere?
Furthermore, after the world was repeatedly assured that these items of clothing were sold only on Malta, it was learned that at least one of the items was actually “sold at dozens of outlets throughout Europe, and it was impossible to trace the purchaser.” 
The “Opinion of the Court” placed considerable weight on the suspicious behavior of Megrahi prior to the fatal day, making much of his comings and goings abroad, phone calls to unknown parties for unknown reasons, the use of a pseudonym, etc. The three judges tried to squeeze as much mileage out of these events as they could, as if they had no better case to make. But if Megrahi was indeed a member of Libyan intelligence, we must consider that intelligence agents have been known to act in mysterious ways, for whatever assignment they’re on. The court, however, had no idea what assignment, if any, Megrahi was working on.
There is much more that is known about the case that makes the court verdict and written opinion questionable, although credit must be given the court for its frankness about what it was doing, even while it was doing it. “We are aware that in relation to certain aspects of the case there are a number of uncertainties and qualifications,” the judges wrote. “We are also aware that there is a danger that by selecting parts of the evidence which seem to fit together and ignoring parts which might not fit, it is possible to read into a mass of conflicting evidence a pattern or conclusion which is not really justified.” 
It is remarkable, given all that the judges conceded was questionable or uncertain in the trial – not to mention all that was questionable or uncertain that they didn’tconcede – that at the end of the day they could still declare to the world that “There is nothing in the evidence which leaves us with any reasonable doubt as to the guilt of [Megrahi]”. 
The Guardian of London later wrote that two days before the verdict, “senior Foreign Office officials briefed a group of journalists in London. They painted a picture of a bright new chapter in Britain’s relations with Colonel Gadafy’s regime. They made it quite clear they assumed both the Libyans in the dock would be acquitted. The Foreign Office officials were not alone. Most independent observers believed it was impossible for the court to find the prosecution had proved its case against Megrahi beyond reasonable doubt.” 

Alternative scenario

There is, moreover, an alternative scenario, laying the blame on Palestinians, Iran and Syria, which is much better documented and makes a lot more sense, logistically and otherwise.
Indeed, this was the Original Official Version, delivered with Olympian rectitude by the U.S. government – guaranteed, sworn to, scout’s honor, case closed – until the buildup to the Gulf War came along in 1990 and the support of Iran and Syria was needed.
Washington was anxious as well to achieve the release of American hostages held in Lebanon by groups close to Iran. Thus it was that the scurrying sound of backtracking became audible in the corridors of the White House.
Suddenly – or so it seemed – in October 1990, there was a New Official Version: It was Libya – the Arab state least supportive of the U.S. build-up to the Gulf War and the sanctions imposed against Iraq – that was behind the bombing after all, declared Washington.
The two Libyans were formally indicted in the U.S. and Scotland on Nov. 14, 1991.
“This was a Libyan government operation from start to finish,” declared the State Department spokesman. 
“The Syrians took a bum rap on this,” said President George H.W. Bush. 
Within the next 20 days, the remaining four American hostages were released along with the most prominent British hostage, Terry Waite.
The Original Official Version accused the PFLP-GC, a 1968 breakaway from a component of the Palestine Liberation Organization, of making the bomb and somehow placing it aboard the flight in Frankfurt.
The PFLP-GC was led by Ahmed Jabril, one of the world’s leading terrorists, and was headquartered in, financed by, and closely supported by, Syria. The bombing was allegedly done at the behest of Iran as revenge for the U.S. shooting down of an Iranian passenger plane over the Persian Gulf on July 3, 1988, which claimed 290 lives.
The support for this scenario was, and remains, impressive, as the following sample indicates:
In April 1989, the FBI – in response to criticism that it was bungling the investigation – leaked to CBS the news that it had tentatively identified the person who unwittingly carried the bomb aboard. His name was Khalid Jaafar, a 21-year-old Lebanese- American. The report said that the bomb had been planted in Jaafar’s suitcase by a member of the PFLP-GC, whose name was not revealed. 
In May, the State Department stated that the CIA was “confident” of the Iran-Syria-PFLP-GC account of events. 
On Sept. 20, The Times of London reported that “security officials from Britain, the United States and West Germany are ‘totally satisfied’ that it was the PFLP-GC” behind the crime.
In December 1989, Scottish investigators announced that they had “hard evidence” of the involvement of the PFLP-GC in the bombing. 
A National Security Agency electronic intercept disclosed that Ali Akbar Mohtashemi, Iranian interior minister, had paid Palestinian terrorists $10 million dollars to gain revenge for the downed Iranian airplane.  The intercept appears to have occurred in July 1988, shortly after the downing of the Iranian plane.
Israeli intelligence also intercepted a communication between Mohtashemi and the Iranian embassy in Beirut “indicating that Iran paid for the Lockerbie bombing.” 
Even after the Libyans had been indicted, Israeli officials declared that their intelligence analysts remained convinced that the PFLP-GC bore primary responsibility for the bombing. 
In 1992, Abu Sharif, a political adviser to PLO chairman Yasser Arafat, stated that the PLO had compiled a secret report which concluded that the bombing of 103 was the work of a “Middle Eastern country” other than Libya. 
In February 1995, former Scottish Office minister, Alan Stewart, wrote to the British Foreign Secretary and the Lord Advocate, questioning the reliability of evidence which had led to the accusations against the two Libyans. This move, wrote The Guardian, reflected the concern of the Scottish legal profession, reaching into the Crown Office (Scotland’s equivalent of the Attorney General’s Office), that the bombing may not have been the work of Libya, but of Syrians, Palestinians and Iranians. 
We must also ask why Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, writing in her 1993 memoirs about the US bombing of Libya in 1986, with which Britain had cooperated, stated: “But the much vaunted Libyan counter-attack did not and could not take place. Gaddafy had not been destroyed but he had been humbled. There was a marked decline in Libyan-sponsored terrorism in succeeding years.” 

Key Question

A key question in the PFLP-GC version has always been: How did the bomb get aboard the plane in Frankfurt, or at some other point? One widely disseminated explanation was in a report, completed during the summer of 1989 and leaked in the fall, which had been prepared by a New York investigating firm called Interfor. Headed by a former Israeli intelligence agent, Juval Aviv, Interfor – whose other clients included Fortune 500 companies, the FBI, IRS and Secret Service   – was hired by the law firm representing PanAm’s insurance carrier. The Interfor Report said that in the mid-1980s, a drug and arms smuggling operation was set up in various European cities, with Frankfurt airport as the site of one of the drug routes. The Frankfurt operation was run by Manzer Al-Kassar, a Syrian, the same man from whom Oliver North’s shadowy network purchased large quantities of arms for the contras. At the airport, according to the report, a courier would board a flight with checked luggage containing innocent items; after the luggage had passed all security checks, one or another accomplice Turkish baggage handler for PanAm would substitute an identical suitcase containing contraband; the passenger then picked up this suitcase upon arrival at the destination.
The only courier named by Interfor was Khalid Jaafar, who, as noted above, had been named by the FBI a few months earlier as the person who unwittingly carried the bomb aboard.
The Interfor report spins a web much too lengthy and complex to go into here. The short version is that the CIA in Germany discovered the airport drug operation and learned also that Kassar had the contacts to gain the release of American hostages in Lebanon. He had already done the same for French hostages. Thus it was, that the CIA and the German Bundeskriminalamt (BKA, Federal Criminal Office) allowed the drug operation to continue in hopes of effecting the release of American hostages. According to the report, this same smuggling ring and its method of switching suitcases at the Frankfurt airport were used to smuggle the fatal bomb aboard flight 103, under the eyes of the CIA and BKA.
In January 1990, Interfor gave three of the baggage handlers polygraphs and two of them were judged as being deceitful when denying any involvement in baggage switching. However, neither the U.S., UK or German investigators showed any interest in the results, or in questioning the baggage handlers. Instead, the polygrapher, James Keefe, was hauled before a Washington grand jury, and, as he puts it, “They were bent on destroying my credibility – not theirs” [the baggage handlers]. To Interfor, the lack of interest in the polygraph results and the attempt at intimidation of Keefe was the strongest evidence of a cover-up by the various government authorities who did not want their permissive role in the baggage switching to be revealed. 
Critics claimed that the Interfor report had been inspired by PanAm’s interest in proving that it was impossible for normal airline security to have prevented the loading of the bomb, thus removing the basis for accusing the airline of negligence.
The report was the principal reason PanAm’s attorneys subpoenaed the FBI, CIA, DEA, State Department, National Security Council, and NSA, as well as, reportedly, the Defense Intelligence Agency and FAA, to turn over all documents relating to the crash of 103 or to a drug operation preceding the crash. The government moved to quash the subpoenas on grounds of “national security”, and refused to turn over a single document in open court, although it gave some to a judge to view privately.
The judge later commented that he was “troubled about certain parts” of what he’d read, adding “I don’t know quite what to do because I think some of the material may be significant.” 

Drugs Revelation

On October 30, 1990, NBC-TV News reported that “PanAm flights from Frankfurt, including 103, had been used a number of times by the DEA as part of its undercover operation to fly informants and suitcases of heroin into Detroit as part of a sting operation to catch dealers in Detroit.”
The TV network reported that the DEA was looking into the possibility that a young man who lived in Michigan and regularly visited the Middle East may have unwittingly carried the bomb aboard flight 103. His name was Khalid Jaafar. “Unidentified law enforcement sources” were cited as saying that Jaafar had been a DEA informant and was involved in a drug-sting operation based out of Cyprus. The DEA was investigating whether the PFLP-GC had tricked Jaafar into carrying a suitcase containing the bomb instead of the drugs he usually carried.
The NBC report quoted an airline source as saying: “Informants would put [suit]cases of heroin on the PanAm flights apparently without the usual security checks, through an arrangement between the DEA and German authorities.” 
These revelations were enough to inspire a congressional hearing, held in December, entitled, “Drug Enforcement Administration’s Alleged Connection to the PanAm Flight 103 Disaster”.
The chairman of the committee, Cong. Robert Wise (Dem., W. VA.), began the hearing by lamenting the fact that the DEA and the Department of Justice had not made any of their field agents who were most knowledgeable about flight 103 available to testify; that they had not provided requested written information, including the results of the DEA’s investigation into the air disaster; and that “the FBI to this date has been totally uncooperative”.
The two DEA officials who did testify admitted that the agency had, in fact, run “controlled drug deliveries” through Frankfurt airport with the cooperation of German authorities, using U.S. airlines, but insisted that no such operation had been conducted in December 1988. (The drug agency had said nothing of its sting operation to the President’s Commission on Aviation Security and Terrorism which had held hearings in the first months of 1990 in response to the 103 bombing.)
The officials denied that the DEA had had any “association with Mr. Jaafar in any way, shape, or form.” However, to questions concerning Jaafar’s background, family, and his frequent trips to Lebanon, they asked to respond only in closed session. They made the same request in response to several other questions. 
NBC News had reported on October 30 that the DEA had told law enforcement officers in Detroit not to talk to the media about Jaafar.
The hearing ended after but one day, even though Wise had promised a “full-scale” investigation and indicated during the hearing that there would be more to come. What was said in the closed sessions remains closed. 
One of the DEA officials who testified, Stephen Greene, had himself had a reservation on flight 103, but he canceled because of one or more of the several international warnings that had preceded the fateful day. He has described standing on the Heathrow tarmac, watching the doomed plane take off. 
There have been many reports of heroin being found in the field around the crash, from “traces” to “a substantial quantity” found in a suitcase.   Two days after the NBC report, however, the New York Times quoted a “federal official” saying that “no hard drugs were aboard the aircraft.”

The film

In 1994, American filmmaker Allan Francovich completed a documentary, “The Maltese Double Cross”, which presents Jaafar as an unwitting bomb carrier with ties to the DEA and the CIA. Showings of the film in Britain were canceled under threat of law suits, venues burglarized or attacked by arsonists. When Channel 4 agreed to show the film, the Scottish Crown Office and the U.S. Embassy in London sent press packs to the media, labeling the film “blatant propaganda” and attacking some of the film’s interviewees, including Juval Aviv the head of Interfor.   Aviv paid a price for his report and his outspokenness. Over a period of time, his New York office suffered a series of break-ins, the FBI visited his clients, his polygrapher was harassed, as mentioned above, and a contrived commercial fraud charge was brought against him. Even though Aviv eventually was cleared in court, it was a long, expensive, and painful ordeal. 
Francovich also stated that he had learned that five CIA operatives had been sent to London and Cyprus to discredit the film while it was being made, that his office phones were tapped, that staff cars were sabotaged, and that one of his researchers narrowly escaped an attempt to force his vehicle into the path of an oncoming truck. 
Government officials examining the Lockerbie bombing went so far as to ask the FBI to investigate the film. The Bureau later issued a highly derogatory opinion of it. 
The film’s detractors made much of the fact that the film was initially funded jointly by a UK company (two-thirds) and a Libyan government investment arm (one-third). Francovich said that he was fully aware of this and had taken pains to negotiate a guarantee of independence from any interference.
On April 17, 1997, Allan Francovich suddenly died of a heart attack at age 56, upon arrival at Houston Airport.   His film has had virtually no showings in the United States.

Abu Talb

The DEA sting operation and Interfor’s baggage-handler hypothesis both predicate the bomb suitcase being placed aboard the plane in Frankfurt without going through the normal security checks. In either case, it eliminates the need for the questionable triple-unaccompanied baggage scenario. With either scenario the clothing could still have been purchased in Malta, but in any event we don’t need the Libyans for that.
Mohammed Abu Talb fits that and perhaps other pieces of the puzzle. The Palestinian had close ties to PFLP-GC cells in Germany which were making Toshiba radio-cassette bombs, similar, if not identical, to what was used to bring down 103. In October 1988, two months before Lockerbie, the German police raided these cells, finding several such bombs. In May 1989, Talb was arrested in Sweden, where he lived, and was later convicted of taking part in several bombings of the offices of American airline companies in Scandinavia. In his Swedish flat, police found large quantities of clothing made in Malta.
Police investigation of Talb disclosed that during October 1988 he had been to Cyprus and Malta, at least once in the company of Hafez Dalkamoni, the leader of the German PFLP-GC, who was arrested in the raid. The men met with PFLP-GC members who lived in Malta. Talb was also in Malta on November 23, which was originally reported as the date of the clothing purchase before the indictment of the Libyans, as mentioned earlier.
After his arrest, Talb told investigators that between October and December 1988 he had retrieved and passed to another person a bomb that had been hidden in a building used by the PFLP-GC in Germany. Officials declined to identify the person to whom Talb said he had passed the bomb. A month later, however, he recanted his confession.
Talb was reported to possess a brown Samsonite suitcase and to have circled December 21 in a diary seized in his Swedish flat. After the raid upon his flat, his wife was heard to telephone Palestinian friends and say: “Get rid of the clothes.”
In December 1989, Scottish police, in papers filed with Swedish legal officials, made Talb the only publicly identified suspect “in the murder or participation in the murder of 270 people”; the Palestinian subsequently became another of the several individuals to be identified by the Maltese shopkeeper from a photo as the clothing purchaser.   Since that time, the world has scarcely heard of Abu Talb, who was sentenced to life in prison in Sweden, but never charged with anything to do with Lockerbie.
In Allan Francovich’s film, members of Khalid Jaafar’s family – which long had ties to the drug trade in Lebanon’s notorious Bekaa Valley – are interviewed. In either halting English or translated Arabic, or paraphrased by the film’s narrator, they drop many bits of information, but which are difficult to put together into a coherent whole. Amongst the bits … Khalid had told his parents that he’d met Talb in Sweden and had been given Maltese clothing … someone had given Khalid a tape recorder, or put one into his bag … he was told to go to Germany to friends of PFLP-GC leader Ahmed Jabril who would help him earn some money … he arrived in Germany with two kilos of heroin … “He didn’t know it was a bomb. They gave him the drugs to take to Germany. He didn’t know. Who wants to die?” …
It can not be stated with certainty what happened at Frankfurt airport on that fateful day, if, as seems most likely, that is the place where the bomb was placed into the system. Either Jaafar, the DEA courier, arrived with his suitcase of heroin and bomb and was escorted through security by the proper authorities, or this was a day he was a courier for Manzer al-Kassar, and the baggage handlers did their usual switch. Or perhaps we’ll never know for sure what happened.
On February 16, 1990, a group of British relatives of Lockerbie victims went to the American Embassy in London for a meeting with members of the President’s Commission on Aviation Security and Terrorism. After the meeting, Britisher Martin Cadman was chatting with two of the commission members. He later reported what one of them had said to him: “Your government and our government know exactly what happened at Lockerbie. But they are not going to tell you.” 

Comments about the Hague Court verdict

“The judges nearly agreed with the defense. In their verdict, they tossed out much of the prosecution witnesses’ evidence as false or questionable and said the prosecution had failed to prove crucial elements, including the route that the bomb suitcase took.” – New York Times analysis
“It sure does look like they bent over backwards to find a way to convict, and you have to assume the political context of the case influenced them.” – Michael Scharf, professor, New England School of Law
“I thought this was a very, very weak circumstantial case. I am absolutely astounded, astonished. I was extremely reluctant to believe that any Scottish judge would convict anyone, even a Libyan, on the basis of such evidence.” – Robert Black, Scottish law professor who was the architect of the Hague trial
“A general pattern of the trial consisted in the fact that virtually all people presented by the prosecution as key witnesses were proven to lack credibility to a very high extent, in certain cases even having openly lied to the court.”
“While the first accused was found ‘guilty’, the second accused was found ‘not guilty’. … This is totally incomprehensible for any rational observer when one considers that the indictment in its very essence was based on the joint action of the two accused in Malta.”
“As to the undersigned’s knowledge, there is not a single piece of material evidence linking the two accused to the crime. In such a context, the guilty verdict in regard to the first accused appears to be arbitrary, even irrational. … This leads the undersigned to the suspicion that political considerations may have been overriding a strictly judicial evaluation of the case … Regrettably, through the conduct of the Court, disservice has been done to the important cause of international criminal justice.” – Hans Koechler, appointed as an international observer of the Lockerbie Trial by UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan
So, let’s hope that Abdelbaset Ali Mohmed al Megrahi is really guilty. It would be a terrible shame if he spends the rest of his life in prison because back in 1990 Washington’s hegemonic plans for the Middle East needed a convenient enemy, which just happened to be his country.
This essay is a chapter in the book, Everything You Know Is Wrong, a sequel to the book You Are Being Lied To. Both books are published by Disinformation Books.

Notes

  1. “Opinion of the Court”, Par. 39 
  2. Mark Perry, Eclipse: The Last Days of the CIA (Wm. Morrow, New York, 1992), pp.342-7. 
  3. “Opinion of the Court”, Par. 55 
  4. “Opinion of the Court”, Par. 68 
  5. See, e.g., Sunday Times (London), Nov. 12, 1989, p.3. 
  6. For a detailed discussion of this issue see, “A Special Report from Private Eye: Lockerbie the Flight from Justice”, May/June 2001, pp.20-22; Private Eye is a magazine published in London. 
  7. Sunday Times (London), December 17, 1989, p.14.  Malta is, in fact, a major manufacturer of clothing sold throughout the world. 
  8. “Opinion of the Court”, Par. 89 
  9. Ibid. 
  10. The Guardian (London), June 19, 2001 
  11. New York Times, Nov. 15, 1991 
  12. Los Angeles Times, Nov. 15, 1991 
  13. New York Times, April 13, 1989, p.9; David Johnston, Lockerbie: The Tragedy of Flight 103 (New York, 1989), pp.157, 161-2. 
  14. Washington Post, May 11, 1989, p. 1 
  15. New York Times, December 16, 1989, p.3. 
  16. Department of the Air Force – Air Intelligence Agency intelligence summary report, March 4, 1991, released under a FOIA request made by lawyers for PanAm. Reports of the intercept appeared in the press long before the above document was released; see, e.g., New York Times, Sept. 27, 1989, p.11; October 31, 1989, p.8; Sunday Times, October 29, 1989, p.4. But it wasn’t until Jan. 1995 that the exact text became widely publicized and caused a storm in the UK, although ignored in the U.S. 
  17. The Times (London), September 20, 1989, p.1 
  18. New York Times, November 21, 1991, p.14.  It should be borne in mind, however, that Israel may have been influenced because of its hostility toward the PFLP-GC. 
  19. The Guardian, Feb. 24, 1995, p.7 
  20. Reuters dispatch, datelined Tunis, Feb. 26, 1992 
  21. Margaret Thatcher, The Downing Street Years (New York, 1993), pp.448-9. 
  22. National Law Journal, Sept. 25, 1995, p.A11, from papers filed in a New York court case. 
  23. Barron’s (New York), December 17, 1990, pp.19,22.  A copy of the Interfor Report is in the author’s possession, but he has been unable to locate a complete copy of it on the Internet. 
  24. Barron’s, op. cit., p.18. 
  25. The Times (London), November 1, 1990, p.3; Washington Times, October 31, 1990, p.3 
  26. Government Information, Justice, and Agriculture Subcommittee of the Committee on Government Operations, House of Representatives, December 18, 1990, passim. 
  27. Ibid. 
  28. The film, “The Maltese Double Cross” (see below). 
  29. Sunday Times (London), April 16, 1989 (traces); Johnston, op. cit., p.79 (substantial).  ”The Maltese Double Cross” film mentions other reports of drugs found, by a Scottish policeman and a mountain rescue man. 
  30. Financial Times (London), May 12, 1995, p.8 and article by John Ashton, leading 103 investigator, in The Mail on Sunday (London), June 9, 1996. 
  31. Ashton, op. cit.; Wall Street Journal, December 18, 1995, p.1, and December 18, 1996, p.B2 
  32. The Guardian (London), April 23, 1994, p.5 
  33. Sunday Times (London), May 7, 1995. 
  34. Francovich’s former wife told the author that he had not had any symptoms of a heart problem before.  However, the author also spoke to Dr. Cyril Wecht, of JFK “conspiracy” fame, who performed an autopsy on Francovich.  Wecht stated that he found no reason to suspect foul play. 
  35. Re: Abu Talb, all 1989: New York Times, Oct. 31, p.1, Dec. 1, p.12, Dec. 24, p.1; Sunday Times (London), Nov. 12, p.3, December 5; The Times (London), Dec. 21, p.5.  Also The Associated Press, July 11, 2000 
  36. Cadman in “The Maltese Double Cross”.  Also see The Guardian, July 29, 1995, p.27 
  37. New York Times, Feb. 2, 2001 
  38. Ibid. 
  39. Electronic Telegraph UK News, February 4, 2001 
  40. All quotations are from Koechler’s report of February 3, 2001, easily found on the Internet

The "Get LaRouche" Taskforce





The John Train “Salon” Delivered Perjured Testimony in the “Get LaRouche” Trials

Among the crucial evidence illegally withheld from defense attorneys in both the Boston and Alexandria federal prosecutions of Lyndon LaRouche and associates was a June 26, 1986 FBI memorandum from the SAC Boston to the FBI Director. The document was only released, in redacted form, on April 5, 1991, as the result of a Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) request filed by LaRouche.
The documents is now on file with the Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals in Richmond, Va. as part of the 2255 motion still pending on appeal.
The FBI memo constituted another critical piece of evidence of the role of the John Train "salon" in not only orchestrating a government-linked slander campaign against LaRouche, but in also foisting perjured testimony for use by federal prosecutors. The withholding of the document constituted yet another instance of fraud upon the court by federal attorneys. Had the three-page FBI memo been made available to defense attorneys in Boston or Alexandria, many of the most important prosecution witnesses—all former LaRouche associates—would have been hopelessly discredited as witting perjurers, in some cases exposed as "victims" of "deprogramming" and other forms of behavior modification carried out by federal agents, by the Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith (ADL), by the ADL-allied nationwide kidnap-for-hire ring, Cult Awareness Network (CAN), and by key players in the Train salon, including NBC-TV producer Pat Lynch and Dennis King.
The FBI document revealed that: "Over the past three months, through contacts developed by the UNITED STATES ATTORNEY'S (USA'S) OFFICE, Boston, and Bureau OCPA, Boston has identified a series of disaffected former LAROUCHE insiders who have tentatively expressed their willingness to provide information....
"On June 22, 1986, Assistant United States Attorney (AUSA) JOHN J. MARKHAM was introduced to one of these cooperating disaffected LAROUCHE members, [next ten lines of text redacted]
"From this contact [redacted] and from interviewing several other former LAROUCHE supporters, Boston feels that it is fair to characterize them as deprogrammed members of a cult."
The reference to "Bureau OCPA" as a source of the "disaffected former LAROUCHE insiders" provided another critical piece of evidence withheld by Boston and Alexandria prosecutors. The FBI's Office of Congressional and Public Affairs, headed by Assistant FBI Director William Baker, had been contacted on April 2, 1986 by NBC-TV producer Lynch and provided with information about prospective witnesses against LaRouche who could be produced for a then-ongoing Boston federal grand jury. The Lynch call was memorialized in a memo dated April 4, 1986 from ASAC Edward W. Ludemann to SAC Boston. That document was also withheld from defense attorneys and only declassified on April 17, 1991 as the result of the same LaRouche FOIA case. It, too, is now on file at the Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals.
NBC-TV producer Pat Lynch was a pivotal participant in the John Train salon sessions, as was New York City "journalist" and paid ADL informant Dennis King. Both attended the initial April 23, 1983 gathering of the Train-assembled collection of 25 journalists, ADL officials and government agents, where a string of libelous slanders against LaRouche was mapped out. At the first of the three known Train salon meetings, Train personally helped arrange financing for King's booklength slander of LaRouche via the League for Industrial Democracy (LID) and the U.S. intelligence-linked Smith-Richardson Foundation. As a direct outgrowth of the Train gathering, Lynch produced the March 1984 20-minute "First Camera" TV news magazine slander of LaRouche, which provided pretext-cover for the FBI's launching of a national security probe of the LaRouche organization under the guidelines of Executive Order 12333.
The first formal activation of the national security probe of LaRouche came at the January 15, 1983 meeting of the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board (PFIAB), where three close allies of Henry Kissinger—Edward Bennett Williams, David Abshire and Leo Cherne—all pressed for a formal probe of LaRouche on the phony grounds that LaRouche had suspected hostile foreign intelligence ties.
The Train salon "active measures" propaganda campaign was instigated as part of the PFIAB effort, a fact corroborated by the presence of PFIAB consultant Roy Godson at at least one of the three known Train meetings. According to two other participants, the Train salon sessions were also attended by other unnamed government agents, believed to be representing the FBI and the IRS. The PFIAB discussion of LaRouche was itself the outgrowth of five months of intensive personal lobbying by Henry Kissinger, who first approached FBI Director William Webster to launch a pretext prosecution of LaRouche in July 1982 at the annual meeting of the Bohemian Grove. The evidence of the Kissinger-Webster correspondence was never provided to LaRouche attorneys by government prosecutors, despite its obvious exculpatory nature. It, too, was only declassified and released via FOIA suits.
Despite evidence eventually produced regarding the PFIAB meeting and eyewitness accounts of the John Train salon sessions, throughout the federal prosecutions, government attorneys denied that there ever was an E.O. 12333 probe of LaRouche. However, on July 6, 1989, once again as the result of an FOIA suit, the FBI finally acknowledged that it had maintained an entire investigative file on the LaRouche organization that remained classified under E.O. 12333. Under E.O. 12333, which only dealt with foreign counterintelligence and international terrorism, not even the case number of the investigation could be declassified. LaRouche attorneys had contended during the Boston and Alexandria trials that the government had run unjustified national security probes of LaRouche as a means of illegally disrupting the legitimate political activities of LaRouche and his political association. The contents of the E.O. 12333 files on LaRouche and associates are still classified to this day. 
Defector and Grand Jury Data
Following the contact with FBI Deputy Director Baker, but prior to the June 26, 1986 FBI memo, Lynch and King collaborated to pen a lengthy smear, which was published in the Wall Street Journal on May 27, 1986. The article was based on confidential Boston federal grand jury material that should never have been made available to Lynch and King. It was also based on interviews with two of the LaRouche organization "defectors," who would later play pivotal roles in the federal and state prosecutions.
The two "defectors," Konstanin Kalimtgis and Charles Tate, were identified in the articles by pseudonyms, but the content of their interviews, the descriptions provided by King and Lynch, and their subsequent role in the prosecutions, made their identities evident to LaRouche attorneys.
The Lynch-King Wall Street Journal "story," one of a dozen major media slanders against LaRouche that were commissioned at the Train salon sessions, attended by U.S. government officials as well as reporters and at least one ADL employee, Mira Lansky Boland, provided nearly verbatim formulations that would be used by federal and state prosecutors in Boston, Alexandria, New York City and Roanoke.
Tate, Kalimtgis, and a third former LaRouche associate, Steven Bardwell, would provide government agents with access to a score of ex-members of various LaRouche organizations who would be screened and subjected to intensive psychological conditioning by government specialists as well as agents of the purportedly "private" organization, CAN. The result would be a pattern of knowingly perjured testimony by these former LaRouche associates at all of the subsequent grand juries and trials. 
Train Salon Spawned Halloween Party
On October 6, 1986, 400 federal, state, and county police descended on Leesburg, Va. ostensibly to serve two search warrants and four arrest warrants against longtime LaRouche associates. FBI officials, as well as Loudoun County deputy sheriff Donald Moore, attempted unsuccessfully to get U.S. Attorney's authorization for a search of a farm outside of Leesburg where Lyndon LaRouche was then residing.
Slightly more than three weeks after the raid, approximately 40 of the former LaRouche associates gathered at the Hastings-on-Hudson, New York home of Steven and Gail Bardwell. The guest of honor at the Halloween party was Kalimtgis, who flew in from Florida for the event. According to one eyewitness account, the purpose of the party, as spelled out in a several-page invitation and handout provided to all attendees, was to line up witnesses for the pending trial of the LaRouche organization in federal court in Boston.
The Halloween event was a direct outgrowth of the Train salon. It was the sources drawn together by Lynch, King and the ADL—on behalf of the PFIAB-ordered E.O. 12333 "active measures" campaign against LaRouche and associates—who organized the event and played the pivotal role in lining up new witnesses for the prosecution. By the time the Halloween party took place, a number of the "insider" witnesses had already been brought before the Boston grand jury.
Bolstering the eyewitness account was a series of handouts distributed to all of the party guests. One of the handouts, marked "GAME ONE," was labeled "Pin the Rap on LaRouche." It read:
"BACKGROUND: Lyndon H. LaRouche (aka L. Marcus) has been implicated in a worldwide confidence scheme involving a Panamanian drug-runner. Many of his shells (NCLC: dba USLP, EAP, LODF, COL, etc.) have been indicted by federal prosecutors. One of these prosecutors who has high hopes of burying the undead, will be taking testimony.
"RULES: You have one minute before the cameras to testify as to the single most serious crime committed by L. LaRouche.
"OBJECTIVE: ... to further the career objectives of the prosecutor who is serious about burying the undead."
One of the former LaRouche associates, Mark Stahlman, did in fact videotape the "party." Eyewitnesses reported that Kalimtgis, one of the "sources" for the Train salon-foisted Lynch-King Wall Street Journal story, spoke individually with all of the party guests, sizing up their willingness to cooperate with AUSA Markham in the Boston and later Alexandria prosecutions.
Yet, when attorneys representing LaRouche in the federal trial in Boston attempted to interrogate government witnesses Tate and the two Bardwells about the Halloween event, all three suffered memory lapses and claimed alternately that the Stahlman videotape had been destroyed, or that the videotaping had never taken place.
Nevertheless, the evidence presented to the jury about the Halloween session had a significant impact on the jurors. After over 90 days of trial, interrupted by a judge's order for a renewed search of government files for exculpatory evidence withheld during the pre-trial proceedings, the Boston trial ended in a mistrial. Jurors, stung by the government's abuse of prosecution, polled themselves after being dismissed, and convened a press conference to announce that they would have acquitted all the defendants on all 124 counts in the indictment. The jurors had been convinced that if any crimes had been committed, they were committed by the government against the LaRouche movement.
Six months after the Boston mistrial, through fraudulent means, the government had shifted the case to Alexandria, Va. under a "new" indictment. Throughout the Alexandria trial, Federal District Court Judge Albert V. Bryan, Jr. blocked defense attorneys from pursuing questions about the Halloween party, claiming that brief testimony by Charles Tate was sufficient to show the jury that there was malice towards the defendants. 
Malice or Witness Tampering?
Yet, what the June 26, 1986 FBI memorandum, which was withheld from defense attorneys, showed, was that the Halloween party participants were not merely hostile to the LaRouche movement. According to the FBI document, the witnesses were officially considered "deprogrammed members of a cult."
The FBI formulation was a straightforward admission that the "insider" witnesses had been tampered with, via aversive behavior modification techniques broadly labeled "deprogramming." For the most part, the tracking and initial conditioning of the "defector" witnesses was handled by participants in the Train salon, including Lynch, who was already in active contact with the Cult Awareness Network, a nationwide kidnapping and deprogramming outfit, at the time of the 1984 LaRouche civil suit versus NBC and the ADL.
Beginning in September 1992, details of the "deprogramming" effort began to surface with the indictments of CAN operator Galen Kelly, Loudoun County deputy sheriff Donald Moore and several others, on charges they plotted to kidnap LaRouche associate Lewis du Pont Smith, an heir to the DuPont family fortune. Smith's father, Newbold Smith, was one of the individuals indicted.
Although Kelly, Moore, Smith and the others were acquitted on the conspiracy case, Kelly and Moore were later convicted of kidnapping in another case. Kelly is in jail and Moore is awaiting sentencing.
The CAN prosecutions unearthed details of the "deprogramming" techniques used by such individuals as deputy sheriff Moore and Galen Kelly to "prepare" witnesses for the LaRouche trials in Boston and Alexandria. The methods included sleep deprivation, encounter sessions, sensory deprivation, physical and sexual abuse. 
Chain of Command Under E.O. 12333
The slander and witness-tampering efforts of the John Train-led salon were sanctioned by the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board, under the pretext of Executive Order 12333, giving government intelligence agencies extra-legal authority to deal with foreign intelligence agents and international terrorists. The guidelines were wittingly abused under heavy pressure from Henry Kissinger personally.
Wall Street broker and Anglophile intelligence operator John Train took charge of key aspects of the propaganda and witness tampering in the Get LaRouche drive beginning in April 1983, working in league with the Project Democracy apparatus inside the Reagan-Bush administration. Train operated under the illegally invoked umbrella of Executive Order 12333.
Through key salon figures including NBC-TV producer Pat Lynch, and with financial backing of tax exempt foundations later implicated in the entire Iran-Contra "secret parallel government," such as the Smith-Richardson Foundation and the Mellon-Scaife funds, Train oversaw the recruiting and "aversive conditioning" of key "insider" witnesses who appeared at every subsequent LaRouche-linked trial.
Evidence detailing this top-down frameup was systematically withheld from defense attorneys, constituting a serious case of fraud upon the court.