Wednesday 20 August 2014

Proposition 64


California Proposition 64, or the Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome Act of 1986, was on the November 4, 1986 ballot in California as an initiated state statute, where it was defeated.


Yes: 2,039,744 (29.3%)

No: 5,012,255 (70.7%)

"Declares that AIDS is an infectious, contagious and communicable disease and that the condition of being a carrier of the HTLV-III virus is an infectious, contagious and communicable condition.

Requires both be placed on the list of reportable diseases and conditions maintained by the director of the Department of Health Services. Provides that both are subject to quarantine and isolation statutes and regulations.

Provides that Department of Health Services personnel and all health officers shall fulfill the duties and obligations set forth in specified statutory provisions to preserve the public health from AIDS."

from Spike EP on Vimeo.

The one enduring legacy of Live Aid (other than war) is the Social Construct and Public Myth of African AIDS.

"HIV does not cause AIDS.... The point that everyone is missing is that all of those original papers Gallo wrote on HIV have been found fraudulent.... The HIV hypothesis was based on those papers"

— Peter Duesberg

In 1980, Dr. Robert Gallo, a retrovirologist with the National Cancer Institute, discovered the first human retrovirus (HTLV-I). A retrovirus is distinguished from an ordinary virus by virtue of the fact that its RNA is converted to DNA by an enzyme called reverse transcriptase. Its replication and survival is totally dependent on the viability of the host cell. If the host cell dies, the virus is finished. Dr. Gallo knew this basic fact; however, he would soon purposely ignore this fact in order to serve his own needs by claiming that the virus was very "mysterious". Somehow it would mysteriously survive while mysteriously slaughtering T-cells by the millions (this has never been observed). He had contended in the past, but failed to prove, that the very same retrovirus (HTLV-I) caused a specific type of leukemia which was occuring in Japan. The power of position, that of being a top government official and scientist, has allowed the erroneous label of "leukemia virus" to remain intact even though it was rejected by the scientific community.

In 1981, it was proposed that an acquired immune deficiency was the basis for a new syndrome of diseases (AIDS) that appeared to be surfacing amongst promiscuous male homosexuals and intravenous drug users. Dr. David Durack, of Duke University, a recognized expert on infectious diseases and the immune system, though admitting the prevalence of drug use (particular "poppers" or amyl nitrites) and repeated multiple infections, ignored these well-known causes of immune deficiency and announced that this "truly new syndrome" must be due to "some new factor". Continuously this group of scientists has resorted to theory, not fact, as to how the AIDS virus supposedly accomplishes its dirty deeds. The words, "it is thought", are constantly used in casual conversations or in the non-scientific articles and popular magazines and books. In the scientific journals or at lectures the theory is presented as established fact although there are no facts involved. It is portrayed as an established truth and therefore is accepted as such by most scientists, including physicians. The so-called HIV virus is still referred to as a "new" virus in spite of the indisputable evidence to the contrary. Incorrectly, the virus has been characterized as "attacking" or "infiltrating" the immune system, when in reality this is impossible because it is not alive and does not invade. Retroviruses are engulfed by the cells and incorporated into the cell's life processes.

In 1983, Dr. Gallo embarked on a mission to convince his fellow scientists, in the absence of any scientific experimental proof whatsoever, that another virus he had discovered caused AIDS. At a widely publicized press conference held in Washington, D.C. on April 23, 1984, Dr. Gallo announced that he had discovered the cause of AIDS. He claimed the unearthing of a new retrovirus which he had named HTLV-III, thus inferring that it was a member of the family of retroviruses he had previously discovered. His claim was bolstered by Margaret Heckler, Secretary of the Department of Health and Human Services, who was under great pressure to come up with some answer to the looming "epidemic". Heckler announced, "Today we add another miracle to the long honor roll of American medicine and science." She also promised that we would have a vaccine within two years, undoubtedly as a result of Dr. Gallo's grandiose urgings. That very day, Dr. Gallo filed a U.S. patent for an HIV test kit which was destined to make him very wealthy. Dr. Gallo, unquestionably very knowledgeable in retrovirology, chose to set aside the facts and became the quintessential intellectual whore. 

The benefits to Dr. Gallo are money and power; but the costs to humanity are suffering and countless unnecessary deaths. 

In contrast, street prostitutes are honest – you know what you're getting and you know the risks – and, by the way, AIDS is not one of them.

Margaret Heckler very quickly awarded the lucrative contract for AZT to Burroughs-Wellcome Pharmaceutical Company before the first scientific paper ever appeared in any U.S. journal. AZT was a drug in search of a disease. It had been sitting on the shelves of the National Institutes of Health since the 1960's. It was an experimental drug that had failed as a cancer remedy and had been declared too toxic to use. Retrovirology had gained importance because of Nixon's "War on Cancer" and the belief that a retrovirus might be the cause of cancer in humans. 

This approach seemed logical at the time, because retroviruses typically prompted cells to multiply – a characteristic of the cancer process. 

This is directly opposite to the cell destruction that normally occurs in viral infections.








America's Hitler? Behind the California AIDS Initiative
By DENNIS KING
New York Native, November 3, 1986 

The battle over Proposition 64, California's AIDS quarantine initiative, is raging hot and heavy. The medical community opposes it as being irrational and unscientific, but polls indicate that it has significant public support. Its sole champion among elected officials, Congressman William E. Dannemeyer (R-Cal.), describes it as a legitimate public health measure.

In fact, Proposition 64 is a political/ideological maneuver which has little to do with AIDS or public health. It was dreamed up by the Virginia-based extremist and three-time Presidential candidate, Lyndon LaRouche, to cash in on the public worry over AIDS and the recent resurgence of gay-bashing. It was LaRouche who coined the rallying cry for the Prop. 64 campaign, "Spread Panic, not AIDS." Followers of LaRouche drafted the measure, circulated the petitions, and are now doing most of the campaigning for it. A LaRouche-linked business, Caucus Distributors, Inc., has provided most of the funding.

Experts on the LaRouche organization say they doubt that LaRouche cares at all about stopping AIDS or helping its victims. "Considering his view of gays as subhumans, the logical belief for him would be the more AIDS the better," says Russ Bellant, a consultant on right-wing groups. Publications of the LaRouche organization are peppered with words like "faggot" and "queer," along with allusions to the possible need for violence against gays, whom the LaRouchians generally equate with child molesters.

The opponents of Prop. 64 have not been silent about LaRouche's role; one of the main committees opposing the measure is called "Stop LaRouche." But Prop. 64's critics have sometimes lacked solid information about LaRouche's ideology and tactics, according to Joel Bellman, a reporter at KBIG-FM radio in Los Angeles, who is closely following the campaign. 

Thus, when the issue of LaRouche's involvement came up in debates or on talk shows early in the campaign, spokespersons for Congressman Dannemeyer or for PANIC (LaRouche's committee supporting the measure) often succeeded in steering the debate back to the crackpot medical theories which serve as a smokescreen for LaRouche’s political objectives.

LaRouche worked out his ideology and tactics in the late 1970s, in a series of books and articles with such titles as The Case of Walter LippmanThe Secrets Known Only to the Inner Elites, and A Machiavellian Solution for Israel. In these tracts and in writings by several of LaRouche's top lieutenants, history was depicted as a struggle for the true human race to assert itself against the degenerative influence of assorted subhumans such as Jews, gays, Freemasons, witches, Jesuits, and (most recently) the Slavs behind the Iron Curtain.

The subhumans, according to LaRouche and company, are led by an "evil species" outside the human race: the "Zionist-British organism." To defeat this ancient enemy and save humanity, LaRouche taught, it is necessary to have a "grand design" in the spirit of Alexander the Great, Frederick Barbarossa, and other conquerors who marched East. His own grand design included setting up a dictatorship in America, purging the "Jewish lobby" from public life, and preparing for "total war."

It was classic neo-Nazism, but even disguised in code words and metaphor it could hardly be sprung directly on the public. LaRouche began to experiment with ways to inject it indirectly. He launched a "war on drugs" which appeared legitimate until you read the fine print and saw that it was really a war on rich Jews and Zionists (controllers, in LaRouchian mythology, of the world drug traffic). He launched a campaign for "beam weapons." but when you examined this one closely, you saw that the messianic rhetoric and call for trillion-dollar programs had little to do with President Reagan’s "Star Wars" program, being more akin to the old Hitlerite formula of total mobilization for total war.

LaRouche’s Proposition 64 is simply the latest of these agitational gimmicks for inserting neo-Nazi ideas into mainstream political discourse. For years, the LaRouchians suggested that homosexuality is a characteristically Jewish condition, and that Jews promote it in society at large for conspiratorial reasons. Now LaRouche has tacked on the charge that Jewish bankers stand in the way of stopping AIDS.

Big Lie Number One: Gay Equals Jewish

This is an old theme with the LaRouchians. Their newspaper New Solidarity raved in the late 1970s against the "faggot politics" of "Zionist-supporting" gay activists, but the publication also targeted Jews who were not part of the gay community. A cartoon strip depicted New York investment banker Felix Rohatyn (regarded by the LaRouchians as a central figure in the world Jewish conspiracy) as participating in a homosexual banquet with other prominent New York Jews, including Mayor Edward I. Koch (labeled the "Emperor of Homohattan") and union leader Albert Shanker ("Albertius Judas").

In the following years, the LaRouchians repeatedly accused prominent Jews and pro-Zionists of homosexuality--of being part of an international "Homintern." LaRouche wrote a broadside on Henry Kissinger which he entitled "The Politics of Faggotry." According to LaRouche, Kissinger's alleged "heathen sexual inclinations" are merely an integral part of a larger evil," adding that "psychologically," Kissinger is of "a distinct species." Earlier, writing on psychoanalysis, LaRouche taught that the alleged pathology of the Jewish family, especially that of the "Jewish mother," produces sexual problems and repulsive psychological traits in young Jews. That idea has recently been refined. The March 7 issue of LaRouche's newspaper included an article, "Jewish Mothers in the Age of Aquarius," which expressed, through a sick joke, the idea that homosexuality is the natural outgrowth of being raised by a Jewish mother.

Big Lie Number Two: Jews Promote Immorality

In a November 1985 speech, LaRouche called AIDS a "manmade evil" and linked it to "evil cults out of Babylon" (the LaRouchians see the origins of the "cult" of Judaism in Babylon, and, like the Ku Klux Klan, they frequently use Babylon as a code word for Jews). In "The End of the Age of Aquarius" (January 1986)--a long rambling tirade against the Babylonians, the "British" (another LaRouche code word), Henry Kissinger, "usurers," and "cabalists" (practitioners of a Jewish mystical tradition)--LaRouche stated, "Homosexuality was organized in the United States. It wasn’t something that sprang from the weeds...It was organized..."

These two pieces are not unique in the LaRouchian canon. Prop. 64's sponsor has charged in numerous articles over the past decade that the oligarchical enemy encourages sodomy, sodomic rites, a homosexual lifestyle, and a homosexual state of mind, all as a conspiratorial means of controlling the masses and undermining Western civilization.

Big Lie Number Three: Jews Stand in the Way of the Fight Against AIDS

LaRouche, in an October 1985 article linking the U.S. government's monetary policy to AIDS, said, "Shylock demands his pound of flesh, and cares not in the least whether the collection kills the debtor." LaRouche continued, "Shylocks have their own reasons. To unleash the kinds of public health measures needed to stop AIDS' spread, would require a dumping of the present policies of the international monetary system..."

Of course, it follows from the latter belief, in LaRouche's conspiratorial logic, that anyone who opposes LaRouche's plan for fighting AIDS must be working for the Shylocks and is probably also Jewish. In an August 18 article, LaRouche lashed out at "Meyer Lansky's and Sidney Korshak's Hollywood" for opposing Prop. 64. And an August 25 joke column in LaRouche's newspaper said that the Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B’rith had launched a new stop LaRouche committee called "AiDsL."

Not surprisingly, there are close parallels between LaRouche's ideas about AIDS and Hitler's thoughts on syphilis, as set down in Mein Kampf (1925). Syphilis, like AIDS, is sexually transmitted, and in the 1920s there was no cure. Hitler focused on it because of his concern about maintaining the purity of the Aryan race and preventing contamination of the Aryan "blood." He blamed victims of syphilis, especially prostitutes, for spreading it, just as LaRouche today blames gays for spreading AIDS. Hitler believed that sexual promiscuity and prostitution were the result of "Jewification of our spiritual life and mammonization of our mating instinct"; he thus called syphilis the "Jewish disease." Contrast this with LaRouche, who fulminates about "Sodom and Gomorrah" and the "Babylonian disease."

Hitler's answer to the syphilis problem was to call for a quarantine of prostitutes and other syphilis victims: "[T]here must be no half-measures; the gravest and most ruthless decisions will have to be made. It is a half-measure to let incurably sick people steadily contaminate the remaining healthy ones....[I]f necessary, the incurably sick will be pitilessly segregated--a barbaric measure for the unfortunate who is struck by it, but a blessing for his fellow man and posterity."

LaRouche, in "The End of the Age of Aquarius," urges much the same idea: "[W]e’ve got to contain [AIDS], we can’t find a miracle cure that fast; we’re going to have to use methods of public health, which means we're going to have to put away every carrier until they can no longer carry; and if you don’t do that, you don’t care about your neighbor or your children.”

In reading the section of Mein Kampf dealing with syphilis and the section of LaRouche's "Aquarius" piece dealing with AIDS, one finds numerous parallels. Hitler says there "is no freedom to sin at the cost of posterity." LaRouche says that it's "nonsense" to be concerned with the "civil rights" of AIDS patients. Hitler criticizes the authorities for not "summoning up the energy to take decisive measures" and for their attitude of "total capitulation." LaRouche says the U.S. government is afraid to "estrange the votes of a bunch of faggots and cocaine sniffers." Hitler says that for people who refuse to fight to save their own health, "the right to live in this world of struggle ends"; LaRouche says that the American people, unless they change their attitude to AIDS and their "moral direction," will "no longer [be] fit to survive morally, and will not survive."

Where do such ideas take us? Neither Mein Kampf nor the writings of LaRouche openly call for putting Jews or political dissenters into concentration camps. Both the 1920s Nazi policy on syphilis and the LaRouche policy on AIDS claim to focus on isolating disease carriers in order to save lives.
Hitler's rhetorical caution is understandable in retrospect. He was the jailed leader of a relatively small and powerless movement (not all that much bigger than LaRouche’s) when he dictated Mein Kampf in his prison cell. Fully revealing his hand would only have delayed his release from prison. Yet he stated clearly, in his discussion of how to fight syphilis, that this struggle was towards an esoteric higher goal: "The leadership [must] succeed in representing to the people the partial goal which now has to be achieved, or rather conquered, as the one which is solely and alone worthy of attention, on whose conquest everything depends. The great mass of people cannot see the whole road ahead of them without growing weary and despairing of the task." [italics added]

LaRouche is considerably more candid than this. He and his followers aggressively link the struggle for an AIDS quarantine with the need for a new ideological "paradigm” for America. Indeed, in an August 22, 1986 editorial, LaRouche's newspaper suggested that the AIDS crisis might become the springboard for a "nationalist" revolution.

How LaRouche’s AIDS policy meshes with such a fantasy is seen in LaRouchian propaganda calling for the rounding up of prostitutes, gays, drug users--anyone who might have been exposed to the so-called "AIDS virus”--and placing all "carriers" in "special isolation hospitals, under prison guard if necessary." (The quote is from a statement by the LaRouchian candidate for sheriff of Allegheny County, Pennsylvania, last fall.) The implications are also seen in passages of the "Aquarius" article in which LaRouche discusses the possible need to "hang" or "burn" those he believes are responsible for AIDS.

Spokesmen for California’s gay community who say that Prop. 64 calls for concentration camps are, technically speaking, overstating their case. The measure on the ballot contains no such language. But the ideology and rhetoric of Lyndon LaRouche amply demonstrate that Prop. 64 is being used to desensitize the public to the idea of concentration camps. As to other schemes up LaRouche’s sleeve: His organization is on record as calling for a "Special Prosecutor's Office" to try American "Zionists" for treason. One can only wonder if the "traitors" would join the "faggots and cocaine sniffers" in the Allegheny County "special isolation" facilities.

SIDEBAR: The Double Scapegoat

Underlying Lyndon LaRouche's anti-gay propaganda is a kind of double-whammy scapegoating: If gays are Jews, and Jews are gay, then the author of hate propaganda can get twice the mileage.
For instance, a recent article in New Solidarity by long-time LaRouche aide Tony Papert charged that the gay rights movement is controlled by a "network of pederastic satanists" who kidnap children for use as "human sacrifices" in "rituals that often feature cannibalism."

The charge is remarkably similar to the so-called "blood libel" against Jews: the belief, widespread in medieval Europe, that rabbis kidnapped Christian children and used them in ritual sacrifices. The latter belief is so discredited today that anti-Semites can no longer use it directly against Jews and convince anyone. So LaRouche and his followers use it against gays, then slyly equate gays with Jews in other agitational materials.

An alternate LaRouchian approach is to introduce muted or sanitized versions of the blood libel. Instead of accusing Jews or gays of murdering children, LaRouchians accuse them of controlling organized crime, Hollywood, and the record industry, which in turn are said to seduce children into the evil pathways of narcotics addiction and sexual hyperactivity.

This muted blood libel is rendered more effective when the LaRouchians select, as their symbol of the evil forces, a public figure with an obviously Jewish name or accent who also happens to have a controversial reputation (i.e., is easy to hate). If this Jewish individual happens to be gay (like the late Roy Cohn), so much the better. If he's straight (like Henry Kissinger), well, make up some gossip about him; people who don't like him anyway will believe it, because they want to believe it.

LaRouche is a master of such tactics. Indeed, in the midst of a 1982 harassment campaign against his two favorite enemies, LaRouche rose to heights of rhetorical inventiveness worthy of the late Joseph Goebbels:

"To understand the kind of faggot Henry Kissinger is, what Roy Cohn is," LaRouche said, "think back to the Emperor Nero and his court. Think of Studio 54, then of Nero's court, and then of Studio 54 again. Think of Roy Cohn's parties...Think of Nero, and then of Kissinger, and then of Nero, and then of Roy M. Cohn. That is the kind of faggot Henry Kissinger is. That kind of faggotry destroyed Rome. Will you permit it also to destroy the United States?"



Hollywood Accredits the Memes: The Body-Horror of AIDS from Spike EP on Vimeo.
I Hurt myself today,
To see if I still feel...

Annie Machon and "Privacy"


My interview on RT about the Germany/Turkey spying scandal. Was this a staged event by the USA to box Germany in re criticisms about NSA global surveillance?


I get that all the time.

Actually, it's the agents who tend to do most of the agent-baiting.

I blame the Paul-bearers and the Anarchist Hipsters.


It's the actual "ex-" agents that bug me the most.

Annie Machon of MI5 goes around insisting that privacy is absolute, an invioble, and any government that conducts basic counter-terrorism and passive surveillance has lost all legitimacy and the right to govern.

This is absolute lunacy - we know that there ARE real terrorists out there, somewhere - we know this, because the security services spend most of their time creating, financing, equipping and training them. They DO exist, because we paid for them (without our consent) using our taxes)


Annie Machon is not an anarchist - she's an "ex-" Mi5  agent who apparently cut a deal with the British Government who has a crazy ex-boyfriend who may or may not believe himself to be the Messiah and/or a woman, who still won't tell the truth about Lockerbie.

So she doesn't believe that. Or anything like that. 

She never did, and she never has.


So, we know there are people out there saying and exposing things they don't believe, and that aren't true.

This is undeniable. What we don't know, often, is why they are doing it. But they ARE doing it.

So, Annie Machon espouses the absolute supremacy of personal privacy - which conveniently, places her in opposition to any FOIA request anyone might submit aimed at learning when exactly the government stopped paying her... 

Or, if they did.




James Foley and the Left-Warmongers


EDL Membership shot up five-fold in the fortnight following the "murder" of "Lee Rigby" - whose regiment hasn't noticed that he is missing, according to any of their websites.

Few are aware that rather than being a BNP Spin-off, the EDL was founded, funded, trained and set in motion by the JDL, or Jewish Defence League - the Military Wing of the Anti-Defamation League of B'nai Brith.

This serves to explain their ardently pro-Zionist posture, and the exposure of same, and the discovery of it by Anglo-Saxon wide-boy front-man and Useful Idiot in Chief, "Tommy Robinson" last autumn serves to explain many of th subsequent events, which caused a timely deflation of the Islamophobic Hysteria considers necessary for Cammeron and Holland's Anglo-French Axis in NATO and the UN Security Council to bum-rush the Obama Administration into the War in Syria last September-October.









BBC EDL Girls - Dont Call Racist

A chronicle of the EDL "Angels" from BBC 3 in the wake of the Lee Rigby Incident in Woolwich.

"The English Defence League has gained notoriety as the far-right street movement with racist and extremist members whose protests often end in violence. Many of its members feel misunderstood and misrepresented by the media. This film explores the lives of some of the females living within the EDL's ranks.

After the murder of Fusilier Lee Rigby in May 2013, the EDL's ranks multiplied five times and a growing number joining the largely male group were women - they are known as EDL Angels.

This film follows a committed Angel, a new member and a teenager trying to decide whether to join, over six tumultuous months, charting the impact of EDL leader Tommy Robinson's departure as well as unearthing their views and fears, and shining a light on what members of the EDL believe and why.

Gail, 41, is the regional EDL leader for Yorkshire and one of the founding EDL Angels. The film follows her through the court case of the men accused of attacking her, leaving her jaw broken in seven places, and explores how her EDL beliefs have impacted on her life and family.

Amanda is an 18-year-old new recruit from Yorkshire. From her first introduction to the EDL to her nervous debut at a demonstration, she speaks of the fear of Muslim extremists that has made her turn to the EDL. The programme follows her journey to understand the EDL's principles as well as the mixed reception she gets from friends about her new political interests.

Katie, 16, from Reading is from a large extended family of staunch EDL supporters, including her mum and two sisters. Katie, however, struggles to make up her mind up about whether she wants to be part of their campaigning or if she's even prepared to tell her new college mates about her family's passion."


Goofs:

Plot holes - Rocky somehow ends up with an incredible tan when he fights Drago, despite having spent months training, completely covered up, in the snow.





How Many Julian Assanges Are There...?




Do you REALLY think he's been living in a single room in the Ecuadorian Embassy for nearly 3 years...?

How many Assanges are there...?



They used to drug all the kids, raise them communally, with a single "mother", given them all identical clothes and bleached blonde hair and given them all the same name.

Assange claims that he is "on the run" from these people.






To date, the existence has been firmly established of at least 38 different Lee Harvey Oswalds.

There were a minimum of two James Earl Rays - I have photographs of Sirhan Sirhan's (Jewish) double, Michael Wein getting his poster signed by Bobby Kennedy in the Ambassador Hotel pantry.

But this one is my favourite:






TESTS SET FOR MAN CHARGED IN THREAT


A Federal judge yesterday ordered a psychiatric examination for the 22-year-old unemployed man who was charged in Manhattan Tuesday with threatening to kill President Reagan. Other authorities said the man had indicated he was motivated to commit violence by a ''prophetic dream.''

The accused man, Edward M. Richardson of Drexel Hill, Pa., told of the dream in a letter that was delivered to Jodie Foster, the actress, at Yale University last Monday, Federal law enforcement officials said.

In the letter, Mr. Richardson indicated that in the dream he had received instructions to kill the President from John W. Hinckley Jr., the 25-year-old man who has been charged with attempting to assassinate Mr. Reagan in Washington on March 30.

''I will finish what Hinckley started,'' the letter said in part, according to the law enforcement officials. 'A Wave of Assassins'

''RR must die,'' the letter continued. ''He (JWH) has told me so in a prophetic dream. Sadly though, your death is also required. You will suffer the same fate as Reagan and others in his fascist regime. You cannot escape. We are a wave of assassins throughout the world.''

A number of parallels between Mr. Richardson and Mr. Hinckley have emerged. Both had apparently been captivated by the 18-year-old Miss Foster, the star of such films as ''Taxi Driver'' and ''Carny.'' Both stayed briefly at the Park Plaza Hotel in New Haven and sent letters to Miss Foster. Both had recently lived in Lakewood, Colo., just outside Denver. Both had been unable to find work and appeared to have been drifting around the country with little purpose in the weeks before they allegedly took action against the President.

But Federal authorities reiterated yesterday that they had found no evidence that the two men had ever met. Furthermore, the authorities said that Secret Service agents administered a polygraph, or lie detector, test to Mr. Richardson, which indicated he had no connection with Mr. Hinckley.

The Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms in Washington said yesterday afternoon it still had been unable to learn where Mr. Richardson obtained the gun he was carrying when he was arrested. Gun Sold March 20

But in an interview, Paul Eichenberg, a gunsmith at the Llanerch Gun Shop in Drexel Hill, two miles from the modest white house where Mr. Richardson lived with his parents, said that Mr. Richardson had purchased a .32-caliber Smith & Wesson with a four-inch barrel from the shop on March 20, 10 days before the attack on President Reagan for which Mr. Hinckley has been charged. Mr. Eichenberg said Mr. Richardson paid ''$80 to $85'' for the used weapon made in ''the 1930's or earlier,'' and picked it up on March 27.

In addition to the letter that was delivered to Miss Foster, the police and Secret Service agents found two other letters Tuesday morning in Room 608 at the Park Plaza, where Mr. Richardson had been staying since the previous Friday. One of the letters repeated the name ''Jodie'' over and over followed by ''I love you.''

On Mr. Richardson's first evening in New Haven, four days after the attack on President Reagan, he attended a performance of a play, ''Getting Off,'' in which Miss Foster plays the role of a tough woman recently released from prison, the New Haven police said. He saw the show for a second time on the next evening, the police said. Letters Left at Hotel

In the other letter found at hotel, Mr. Richardson said he was leaving for Washington ''to bring to completion Hinckley's reality.'' ''Ultimately,'' the letter continued, ''Ronald Reagan will be shot to death and this country turned to the Left.'' The letters in the hotel had been left in plain view on a night table, along with three .32-caliber cartridges. They were discovered by a maid shortly after Mr. Richardson left the hotel without paying his bill. He was arrested in the Port Authority Bus Terminal in midtown Manhattan a few hours later, armed with a loaded .32-caliber revolver.

In Federal District Court in Manhattan yesterday, Mr. Richardson, the son of a retired postman, appeared alert and calm as Judge David N. Edelstein ordered his psychiatric examination and directed that the study be carried out by Dr. Stanley L. Portnow, a forensic psychiatrist at the New York University Medical School.

When Judge Edelstein asked if Mr. Richardson had any questions, the young man responded in a firm but polite voice: ''You honor, I just ask the court to bear with me and try to understand who I am and what I believe.''

Mr. Richardson said nothing further to explain his request. The judge replied, ''I'll do my best.'' At Upper Darby High School, Jean Smith, an English teacher, recalled Mr. Richardson as one of her favorite students. He had graduated in 1976 and returned to visit her last spring.

He seemed ''disconnected from reality,'' then, Miss Smith said. ''He was incoherent,'' she continued, ''He seemed to have lost the thread of his life. He seemed lost. He didn't seem aggressive and hostile.'' ---- Another Arrested in a Threat

RALEIGH, N.C., April 8 (AP) - A man convicted of threatening to kill Presidents Lyndon B. Johnson, Richard M. Nixon and Gerald R. Ford was arrested today on charges of threatening to assassinate President Reagan, the Raleigh police said.

The man, Harry Thomas Smith, 34 years old, of Siler City, allegedly told an off-duty Raleigh police officer last night at the Greyhound bus terminal that ''President Reagan won't live long ... if I get my hands on him,'' according to James Blackburn, the United States Attorney.


Tuesday 19 August 2014

As He Saw It - by Elliot Roosevelt



Conference leaders during Church services on the after deck of HMS Prince of Wales, in Placentia Bay, Newfoundland, during the Atlantic Charter Conference. 

President Franklin D. Roosevelt (left) and Prime Minister Winston Churchill are seated in the foreground.

Standing directly behind them are Admiral Ernest J. King, USN; General George C. Marshall, U.S. Army; General Sir John Dill, British Army; Admiral Harold R. Stark, USN; and Admiral Sir Dudley Pound, RN.

At far left is Harry Hopkins, talking with W. Averell Harriman.

Date between 10 August 1941 and 12 August 1941

"It must be remembered that at this time Churchill was the war leader, Father only the president of a state which had indicated its sympathies in a tangible fashion. Thus, Churchill still arrogated the conversational lead, still dominated the after-dinner hours. But the difference was beginning to be felt.

And it was evidenced first, sharply, over Empire.

Father started it.

“Of course,” he remarked, with a sly sort of assurance, “of course, after the war, one of the preconditions of any lasting peace will have to be the greatest possible freedom of trade.”

He paused. The P.M.’s head was lowered; he was watching Father steadily, from under one eyebrow.

“No artificial barriers,” Father pursued. “As few favored economic agreements as possible. Opportunities for expansion. Markets open for healthy competition.” His eye wandered innocently around the room.

Churchill shifted in his armchair. “The British Empire trade agreements” he began heavily, “are—”

Father broke in. “Yes. Those Empire trade agreements are a case in point. It’s because of them that the people of India and Africa, of all the colonial Near East and Far East, are still as backward as they are.”

Churchill’s neck reddened and he crouched forward. “Mr. President, England does not propose for a moment to lose its favored position among the British Dominions. The trade that has made England great shall continue, and under conditions prescribed by England’s ministers.”

“You see,” said Father slowly, “it is along in here somewhere that there is likely to be some disagreement between you, Winston, and me.

“I am firmly of the belief that if we are to arrive at a stable peace it must involve the development of backward countries. Backward peoples. How can this be done? It can’t be done, obviously, by eighteenth-century methods. Now—”

“Who’s talking eighteenth-century methods?”

“Whichever of your ministers recommends a policy which takes wealth in raw materials out of a colonial country, but which returns nothing to the people of that country in consideration. Twentieth-century methods involve bringing industry to these colonies. Twentieth-century methods include increasing the wealth of a people by increasing their standard of living, by educating them, by bringing them sanitation — by making sure that they get a return for the raw wealth of their community.”

Around the room, all of us were leaning forward attentively. Hopkins was grinning. Commander Thompson, Churchill’s aide, was looking glum and alarmed. The P.M. himself was beginning to look apoplectic.

“You mentioned India,” he growled.

“Yes. I can’t believe that we can fight a war against fascist slavery, and at the same time not work to free people all over the world from a backward colonial policy.”

“What about the Philippines?”

“I’m glad you mentioned them. They get their independence, you know, in 1946. And they've gotten modern sanitation, modern education; their rate of illiteracy has gone steadily down. . . .”

“There can be no tampering with the Empire’s economic agreements.”

“They’re artificial. . .”

“They’re the foundation of our greatness.”

“The peace,” said Father firmly, “cannot include any continued despotism. The structure of the peace demands and will get equality of peoples. Equality of peoples involves the utmost freedom of competitive trade. Will anyone suggest that Germany’s attempt to dominate trade in central Europe was not a major contributing factor to war?”

It was an argument that could have no resolution between these two men. . . .

The conversation resumed the following evening:

Gradually, very gradually, and very quietly, the mantle of leadership was slipping from British shoulders to American. We saw it when, late in the evening, there came one flash of the argument that had held us hushed the night before. In a sense, it was to be the valedictory of Churchill’s outspoken Toryism, as far as Father was concerned. Churchill had got up to walk about the room. Talking, gesticulating, at length he paused in front of Father, was silent for a moment, looking at him, and then brandished a stubby forefinger under Father’s nose.

“Mr. President,” he cried, “I believe you are trying to do away with the British Empire. Every idea you entertain about the structure of the postwar world demonstrates it. But in spite of that” — and his forefinger waved — “in spite of that,we know that you constitute our only hope. And” — his voice sank dramatically— “you know that we know it. You know that we know that without America, the Empire won’t stand.”

Churchill admitted, in that moment, that he knew the peace could only be won according to precepts which the United States of America would lay down. And in saying what he did, he was acknowledging that British colonial policy would be a dead duck, and British attempts to dominate world trade would be a dead duck, and British ambitions to play off the U.S.S.R. against the U.S.A. would be a dead duck.

Or would have been, if Father had lived."



A Decade of American Foreign Policy 1941-1949
Declaration by the United Nations, January 1, 1942

A Joint Declaration by the United States, the United Kingdom, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, China, Australia, Belgium, Canada, Costa Rica, Cuba, Czechoslovakia, Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Greece, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, India, Luxembourg, Netherlands, New Zealand, Nicaragua, Norway, Panama, Poland, South Africa, Yugoslavia

The Governments signatory hereto,
Having subscribed to a common program of purposes and principles embodied in the Joint Declaration of the President of the United States of America and the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland dated August 14, 1941, known as the Atlantic Charter.
Being convinced that complete victory over their enemies is essential to defend life, liberty, independence and religious freedom, and to preserve human rights and justice in their own lands as well as in other lands, and that they are now engaged in a common struggle against savage and brutal forces seeking to subjugate the world,
DECLARE:
(1) Each Government pledges itself to employ its full resources, military or economic, against those members of the Tripartite Pact :and its adherents with which such government is at war.
(2) Each Government pledges itself to cooperate with the Governments signatory hereto and not to make a separate armistice or peace with the enemies.
The foregoing declaration may be adhered to by other nations which are, or which may be, rendering material assistance and contributions in the struggle for victory over Hitlerism.
Done at Washington
January First, 1942
[The signatories to the Declaration by United Nations are as listed above.]
The adherents to the Declaration by United Nations, together with the date of communication of adherence, are as follows:
Mexico June 5, 1942Peru Feb. 11, 1945
Philippines June 10, 1942Chile Feb. 12, 1945
Ethiopia July 28, 1942Paraguay Feb. 12, 1945
Iraq Jan. 16, 1943Venezuela Feb. 16, 1945
Brazil Feb. 8, 1943Uruguay Feb. 23, 1945
Bolivia Apr. 27, 1943Turkey Feb. 24, 1945
Iran Sept. 10, 1943Egypt Feb. 27, 1945
Colombia Dec. 22, 1943Saudi Arabia Mar. 1, 1945
Liberia Feb. 26, 1944Lebanon Mar. 1, 1945
France Dec. 26, 1944Syria Mar. 1, 1945
Ecuador Feb. 7, 1945

Danielle Jones

"The day before, Father's Day, there had been 'an atmosphere' between the youngster and her father.

Mrs Jones said Danielle had not given her father a Father's Day card that Sunday, but she and her husband found one in their bedroom after she went missing."




"Resolving these cases as equations in this way fulfills the balancing act that is depicted in the symbolism that we use for courts of justice, namely the Scales of Justice, applying natural logic to the facts. The logic of the completed equation is irrefutable because it is mathematically correct, and any error that is made in the calculation can be seen and corrected afterwards.

The jury system was created with a unanimous verdict in mind, but in 1967 the 10-2 majority verdict was allowed, presumably to speed up cases in which the jury had difficulty, and this has degraded the integrity of our jury system. The problem with the majority verdict is that it allows the "mob" (or the lowest common denominator) of the jury to get past the intelligent conscience in it, when previously, the requirement of a unanimous verdict ensured that the "mob" of the group would eventually give out to the intelligent conscience in it."

The conviction of Danielle Jones's uncle Stuart Campbell for her murder was secured with evidence that included neither a body, nor a murder weapon, nor a murder scene, and with an assumption of murder that is based on a disappearance that is part of a series of similar murders. His pleas of innocence throughout have been repeatedly ignored.

During their investigation, the police questioned Campbell for sixty hours - the full legal allowance - twice, and two months apart. The first occasion was just five days after the disappearance, and the second arrest occurred two months later in August 2001, just when his bail was running out. The police charged him with murder at the very point when otherwise they must let him go. Throughout this period Campbell pleaded his innocence.

At each arrest the police announced to the press that they had received "significant" information in the case, which was followed by a worthless search of marshland in the neighbourhood in the first case, and a worthless search of Stuart Campbell's building site in the second. The second arrest occurred after two consecutive days of witnesses coming forward to claim that they had seen a blue van and a white man in his thirties connected with the disappearance, and just a day after the police had begun their search of his building site. Their behaviour shows that they did not get their alleged breakthroughs from their interrogation of Campbell or from any useful source, and that they charged him with murder simply because they were running out of time with him and wished to close the case.

Like Ian Huntley, Stuart Campbell was prosecuted for murder because he was the last person known to have had any contact with the missing girl, and, like Roy Whiting, he was charged because he had a van that resembled in colour a van that was seen by eyewitnesses at the time of her disappearance.

The evidence that the prosecution used against him consisted of two text messages that he had received from Danielle's mobile phone at around the time of her disappearance. The prosecution was based on the presumption that Danielle did not send these texts and that therefore the recipient had, and that he had access to her mobile phone at the time of her disappearance. These messages were transmitted on the day of her disappearance (18th June 2001) and the day after (19th June 2001). The first message ran:

"HI-YA STU WOT YOU UP IM IN SO MUCH TROUBLE AT MOMENT. EVONE HATES ME EVEN YOU WOT THE HELL HAVE I DONE Y WONT YOU JUST TELL ME. TEXT BCK PLEASE. DAN XXX."

The second, sent the day after her disappearance, ran:

"HI-YA STU. THANKS FOR BEING SO NICE, YOU ARE THE BEST UNCLE EVER TELL MUM I'M SO SORRY LUV YA LOADZ DAN XXX"

The first of these is written in stress and worry, the source of which is evident in the message, and the second is written flowingly and happily, the source of which is in the message. There is nothing in the wording or mood to suggest that anyone but Danielle herself wrote them. As far as this goes the texts look authentic.

In the first message there are two instances of three consecutive letters dropping out of the message. These occur in the letters "THE" in "AT THE MOMENT", and "ERY" in "EVERYONE". There is another instance of a drop-out in the case of a "TO". These drop-outs may be due to a technical fault in her mobile phone, or perhaps to her stress, which would confirm the authenticity of the message. The other drop-outs confirm that the missing "THE" was due to this technical fault. The second message has no such errors.

The prosecution case was that Danielle would not have written "AT MOMENT" without the "THE", and that she tended to write this phrase as "at the mo" instead. However, if she had dropped the "the" in her message, she would have needed to write the word "moment" in full in order to recover the sense in her communication. The prosecution also claimed that when she texted friends she spelt "What" as "WAT" instead of as "WOT". There is no evidence in these texts that Danielle's uncle had written them himself, but the prosecution argued that it was not likely that an abductor would bother to do it himself.

The prosecution case against her uncle was that because of these drop-outs, someone other than Danielle had written these messages, that this person must have been Campbell himself, and that he had done it to deflect suspicion from himself over the abduction. However this is not consistent with subsequent events, because these messages provided the prosecution with the only evidence that it had to connect him with the abduction. It is understood by the media that Campbell was charged on the strength of this evidence, but the pattern of events leading to the charge suggests otherwise.

The prosecution claimed that Danielle tended to text her friends with lower-case letters, but her phone defaulted on capital letters and these were used for these messages.

They Thought They Were Free - The Germans, 1933-45



They Thought They Were Free


The Germans, 1933-45

Excerpt from pages 166-73 of "They Thought They Were Free" First published in 1955

By Milton Mayer

But Then It Was Too Late

"What no one seemed to notice," said a colleague of mine, a philologist, "was the ever widening gap, after 1933, between the government and the people. Just think how very wide this gap was to begin with, here in Germany. And it became always wider. You know, it doesn’t make people close to their government to be told that this is a people’s government, a true democracy, or to be enrolled in civilian defense, or even to vote. All this has little, really nothing, to do with knowing one is governing.

"What happened here was the gradual habituation of the people, little by little, to being governed by surprise; to receiving decisions deliberated in secret; to believing that the situation was so complicated that the government had to act on information which the people could not understand, or so dangerous that, even if the people could understand it, it could not be released because of national security. And their sense of identification with Hitler, their trust in him, made it easier to widen this gap and reassured those who would otherwise have worried about it.


"This separation of government from people, this widening of the gap, took place so gradually and so insensibly, each step disguised (perhaps not even intentionally) as a temporary emergency measure or associated with true patriotic allegiance or with real social purposes. And all the crises and reforms (real reforms, too) so occupied the people that they did not see the slow motion underneath, of the whole process of government growing remoter and remoter.

"You will understand me when I say that my Middle High German was my life. It was all I cared about. I was a scholar, a specialist. Then, suddenly, I was plunged into all the new activity, as the university was drawn into the new situation; meetings, conferences, interviews, ceremonies, and, above all, papers to be filled out, reports, bibliographies, lists, questionnaires. And on top of that were the demands in the community, the things in which one had to, was ‘expected to’ participate that had not been there or had not been important before. It was all rigmarole, of course, but it consumed all one’s energies, coming on top of the work one really wanted to do. You can see how easy it was, then, not to think about fundamental things. One had no time."

"Those," I said, "are the words of my friend the baker. ‘One had no time to think. There was so much going on.’"

"Your friend the baker was right," said my colleague. "The dictatorship, and the whole process of its coming into being, was above all diverting. It provided an excuse not to think for people who did not want to think anyway. I do not speak of your ‘little men,’ your baker and so on; I speak of my colleagues and myself, learned men, mind you. Most of us did not want to think about fundamental things and never had. There was no need to. Nazism gave us some dreadful, fundamental things to think about—we were decent people—and kept us so busy with continuous changes and ‘crises’ and so fascinated, yes, fascinated, by the machinations of the ‘national enemies,’ without and within, that we had no time to think about these dreadful things that were growing, little by little, all around us. Unconsciously, I suppose, we were grateful. Who wants to think?

"To live in this process is absolutely not to be able to notice it—please try to believe me—unless one has a much greater degree of political awareness, acuity, than most of us had ever had occasion to develop. Each step was so small, so inconsequential, so well explained or, on occasion, ‘regretted,’ that, unless one were detached from the whole process from the beginning, unless one understood what the whole thing was in principle, what all these ‘little measures’ that no ‘patriotic German’ could resent must some day lead to, one no more saw it developing from day to day than a farmer in his field sees the corn growing. One day it is over his head.


"How is this to be avoided, among ordinary men, even highly educated ordinary men? Frankly, I do not know. I do not see, even now. Many, many times since it all happened I have pondered that pair of great maxims, Principiis obsta and Finem respice—‘Resist the beginnings’ and ‘Consider the end.’ But one must foresee the end in order to resist, or even see, the beginnings. One must foresee the end clearly and certainly and how is this to be done, by ordinary men or even by extraordinary men? Things might have. And everyone counts on that might.

"Your ‘little men,’ your Nazi friends, were not against National Socialism in principle. Men like me, who were, are the greater offenders, not because we knew better (that would be too much to say) but because we sensed better. Pastor Niemöller spoke for the thousands and thousands of men like me when he spoke (too modestly of himself) and said that, when the Nazis attacked the Communists, he was a little uneasy, but, after all, he was not a Communist, and so he did nothing; and then they attacked the Socialists, and he was a little uneasier, but, still, he was not a Socialist, and he did nothing; and then the schools, the press, the Jews, and so on, and he was always uneasier, but still he did nothing. And then they attacked the Church, and he was a Churchman, and he did something—but then it was too late."

"Yes," I said.

"You see," my colleague went on, "one doesn’t see exactly where or how to move. Believe me, this is true. Each act, each occasion, is worse than the last, but only a little worse. You wait for the next and the next. You wait for one great shocking occasion, thinking that others, when such a shock comes, will join with you in resisting somehow. You don’t want to act, or even talk, alone; you don’t want to ‘go out of your way to make trouble.’ Why not?—Well, you are not in the habit of doing it. And it is not just fear, fear of standing alone, that restrains you; it is also genuine uncertainty.

"Uncertainty is a very important factor, and, instead of decreasing as time goes on, it grows. Outside, in the streets, in the general community, ‘everyone’ is happy. One hears no protest, and certainly sees none. You know, in France or Italy there would be slogans against the government painted on walls and fences; in Germany, outside the great cities, perhaps, there is not even this. 


In the university community, in your own community, you speak privately to your colleagues, some of whom certainly feel as you do; but what do they say? They say, ‘It’s not so bad’ or ‘You’re seeing things’ or ‘You’re an alarmist.’

"And you are an alarmist. You are saying that this must lead to this, and you can’t prove it. 


These are the beginnings, yes; but how do you know for sure when you don’t know the end, and how do you know, or even surmise, the end? On the one hand, your enemies, the law, the regime, the Party, intimidate you. 

On the other, your colleagues pooh-pooh you as pessimistic or even neurotic. You are left with your close friends, who are, naturally, people who have always thought as you have.

"But your friends are fewer now. Some have drifted off somewhere or submerged themselves in their work. 


You no longer see as many as you did at meetings or gatherings. Informal groups become smaller; attendance drops off in little organizations, and the organizations themselves wither. Now, in small gatherings of your oldest friends, you feel that you are talking to yourselves, that you are isolated from the reality of things. 

This weakens your confidence still further and serves as a further deterrent to—to what? It is clearer all the time that, if you are going to do anything, you must make an occasion to do it, and then you are obviously a troublemaker. So you wait, and you wait.

"But the one great shocking occasion, when tens or hundreds or thousands will join with you, never comes. That’s the difficulty. If the last and worst act of the whole regime had come immediately after the first and smallest, thousands, yes, millions would have been sufficiently shocked—if, let us say, the gassing of the Jews in ’43 had come immediately after the ‘German Firm’ stickers on the windows of non-Jewish shops in ’33. But of course this isn’t the way it happens. In between come all the hundreds of little steps, some of them imperceptible, each of them preparing you not to be shocked by the next. Step C is not so much worse than Step B, and, if you did not make a stand at Step B, why should you at Step C? And so on to Step D.

"And one day, too late, your principles, if you were ever sensible of them, all rush in upon you. The burden of self-deception has grown too heavy, and some minor incident, in my case my little boy, hardly more than a baby, saying ‘Jewish swine,’ collapses it all at once, and you see that everything, everything, has changed and changed completely under your nose. The world you live in—your nation, your people—is not the world you were born in at all. 


The forms are all there, all untouched, all reassuring, the houses, the shops, the jobs, the mealtimes, the visits, the concerts, the cinema, the holidays. But the spirit, which you never noticed because you made the lifelong mistake of identifying it with the forms, is changed. Now you live in a world of hate and fear, and the people who hate and fear do not even know it themselves; when everyone is transformed, no one is transformed. Now you live in a system which rules without responsibility even to God. The system itself could not have intended this in the beginning, but in order to sustain itself it was compelled to go all the way.

"You have gone almost all the way yourself. Life is a continuing process, a flow, not a succession of acts and events at all. It has flowed to a new level, carrying you with it, without any effort on your part. On this new level you live, you have been living more comfortably every day, with new morals, new principles. You have accepted things you would not have accepted five years ago, a year ago, things that your father, even in Germany, could not have imagined.

"Suddenly it all comes down, all at once. You see what you are, what you have done, or, more accurately, what you haven’t done (for that was all that was required of most of us: that we do nothing). You remember those early meetings of your department in the university when, if one had stood, others would have stood, perhaps, but no one stood. A small matter, a matter of hiring this man or that, and you hired this one rather than that. You remember everything now, and your heart breaks. Too late. You are compromised beyond repair.

"What then? You must then shoot yourself. A few did. Or ‘adjust’ your principles. Many tried, and some, I suppose, succeeded; not I, however. Or learn to live the rest of your life with your shame. This last is the nearest there is, under the circumstances, to heroism: shame. Many Germans became this poor kind of hero, many more, I think, than the world knows or cares to know."

I said nothing. I thought of nothing to say.

"I can tell you," my colleague went on, "of a man in Leipzig, a judge. He was not a Nazi, except nominally, but he certainly wasn’t an anti-Nazi. He was just—a judge. In ’42 or ’43, early ’43, I think it was, a Jew was tried before him in a case involving, but only incidentally, relations with an ‘Aryan’ woman. This was ‘race injury,’ something the Party was especially anxious to punish. In the case at bar, however, the judge had the power to convict the man of a ‘nonracial’ offense and send him to an ordinary prison for a very long term, thus saving him from Party ‘processing’ which would have meant concentration camp or, more probably, deportation and death. But the man was innocent of the ‘nonracial’ charge, in the judge’s opinion, and so, as an honorable judge, he acquitted him. Of course, the Party seized the Jew as soon as he left the courtroom."

"And the judge?"

"Yes, the judge. He could not get the case off his conscience—a case, mind you, in which he had acquitted an innocent man. He thought that he should have convicted him and saved him from the Party, but how could he have convicted an innocent man? The thing preyed on him more and more, and he had to talk about it, first to his family, then to his friends, and then to acquaintances. (That’s how I heard about it.) After the ’44 Putsch they arrested him. After that, I don’t know."

I said nothing.

"Once the war began," my colleague continued, "resistance, protest, criticism, complaint, all carried with them a multiplied likelihood of the greatest punishment. Mere lack of enthusiasm, or failure to show it in public, was ‘defeatism.’ You assumed that there were lists of those who would be ‘dealt with’ later, after the victory. Goebbels was very clever here, too. He continually promised a ‘victory orgy’ to ‘take care of’ those who thought that their ‘treasonable attitude’ had escaped notice. And he meant it; that was not just propaganda. And that was enough to put an end to all uncertainty.

"Once the war began, the government could do anything ‘necessary’ to win it; so it was with the ‘final solution of the Jewish problem,’ which the Nazis always talked about but never dared undertake, not even the Nazis, until war and its ‘necessities’ gave them the knowledge that they could get away with it. The people abroad who thought that war against Hitler would help the Jews were wrong. And the people in Germany who, once the war had begun, still thought of complaining, protesting, resisting, were betting on Germany’s losing the war. It was a long bet. Not many made it."


Copyright notice: Excerpt from pages 166-73 of They Thought They Were Free: The Germans, 1933-45 by Milton Mayer, published by the University of Chicago Press. ©1955, 1966 by the University of Chicago. All rights reserved. This text may be used and shared in accordance with the fair-use provisions of U.S. copyright law, and it may be archived and redistributed in electronic form, provided that this entire notice, including copyright information, is carried and provided that the University of Chicago Press is notified and no fee is charged for access. Archiving, redistribution, or republication of this text on other terms, in any medium, requires the consent of the University of Chicago Press. 

(Footnotes and other references included in the book may have been removed from this online version of the text.)

Opertion Northwoods - Justification for US Military Intervention in Cuba

from Spike EP on Vimeo.

3. A "Remember the Maine" incident could be arranged in several forms:

a. We could blow up a US ship in Guantanamo Bay and blame Cuba.

b. We could blow up a drone (unmannded) vessel anywhere in the Cuban waters. We could arrange to cause such incident in the vicinity of Havana or Santiago as a spectacular result of Cuban attack from the air or sea, or both.

The presense of Cuban planes or ships merely investigating the intent of the vessel could be fairly compelling evidence that the ship was taken under attack.

The nearness to Havana or Santiago would add credibility especially to those people that might have heard the blast or have seen the fire.

The US could follow with an air/sea rescue operation covered by US fighters to "evacuate" remaining members of the non-existant crew.

Casualty lists in US newspapers would cause a helpful wave of national indignation.

4. We could develop a Communist Cuba terror campaign in the Miami area, in other Flordia cities and even in Washington.

The terror campaign could be pointed at Cuban refugees seeking haven in the United States. We could sink a boatload of Cubans enroute to Florida (real or simulated).

We could foster attempts on lives of Cuban refugees in the United States even to the extent of wounding in instances to be widely publicized.

Exploding a few plastic bombs in carefully chosen spots, the arrest of Cuban agents and the release of prepared documents substantiating Cuban involvement also would be helpful in projecting the idea of an irresponsible government.

6. Use of MIG type aircraft by US pilots could provide additional provocation. Harassment of civil air, attacks on surface shipping and destruction of US military drone aircraft by MIG type planes would be useful as complementary actions. An F-86 properly painted would convince air passengers that they saw a Cuban MIG, especially if the pilot of the transport were to announce such fact. The primary drawback to this suggestion appears to be the security risk inherent in obtaining or modify- ing an aircraft. However, reasonable copies of the MIG could be purchased from US resources in about three months.

(Appendix to Enclosure A 9 Page 13)

7. Hijacking attempts against civil air and surface craft should appear to continue as harassing measures condoned by the government of Cuba. Concurrently, genuine defections of Cuban civil and military air and surface craft should be encouraged.

8. It is possible to create an incident which will demonstrate convincingly that a Cuban aircraft has attacked and shot down a chartered civil airliner enroute from the United States to Jamaica, Guatemala, Panama or Venezuela. The destination would be chosen only to cause the flight plan route to cross Cuba. The passengers could be a group of college students off on a holiday or any grouping of persons with a common interest to support chartering a non-scheduled flight.

a. An aircraft at Eglin AFB would be painted and numbered as an exact duplicate for a civil registered aircraft belonging to a CIA proprietary organization in the Miami area. At a designated time the duplicate would be subsituted for the actual civil aircraft and would be loaded with the selected passengers, all boarded under carefully prepared aliases. The actual registered aircraft would be converted to a drone.

b. Take off times of the drone aircraft and the actual aircraft will be scheduled to allow a rendezvous south of Florida. From the rendezvous point the passenger-carrying aircraft will descend to minimum altitude and go directly into an auxiliary field at Eglin AFB where arrangements will have been made to evacuate the passengers and return the aircraft to its original status. The drone aircraft meanwhile will continue to fly the filed flight plan. When over Cuba the drone will being transmitting on the inter- national distress frequency a "MAY DAY" message stating he is under attack by Cuban MIG aircraft. The transmission will be interrupted by the destruction of aircraft which will be triggered by radio signal. This will allow IACO radio stations in the Western Hemisphere to tell the US what has happened to the aircraft instead of the US trying to "sell" the incident.

9. It is possible to create an incident which will make it appear that Communist Cuban MIGs have destroyed a USAF aircraft over international waters in an unprovoked attack.

a. Approximately 4 of 5 F-101 aircraft will be dispatched in trail from Homestead AFB, Florida, to the vicinity of Cuba. Their mission will be to reverse course and simulate fakir aircraft for an air defense exercise in southern Florida. These aircraft would conduct variations of these flights at frequent intervals. Crews would be briefed to remain at least 12 miles off the Cuban coast; however, they would be required to carry live ammunition in the event that hostile actions were taken by the Cuban MIGs.