News Spike

Monday, 29 July 2013

Freikorps

After the First World War former senior officers in the German Army began raising private armies called Freikorps. These were used to defend the German borders against the possibility of invasion from the Red Army. Later they were used against attempts at revolution in Germany.

General Franz Epp led 30,000 soldiers to crush the Bavarian Socialist Republic in March, 1919. It is estimated that Epp's men killed over 600 communists and socialists over the next few weeks.

Herman Ehrhardt, a former naval commander and Wolfgang Kapp, a right-wing journalist, led a group of soldiers to take control of Berlin in March 1920. The Kapp Putsch was defeated by a general strike of trade unionists and Kapp was forced to flee to Sweden.

The Freikorps were dissolved in 1921 and later many of them joined Sturm Abteilung (Storm Section), the private army of Adolf Hitler.

The first segment describes the assassination program which eliminated the democratic leadership of Weimar Germany paving the way for Hitler's rise to power. The second details the formation of the Nazi Party as a front for German military intelligence.

Execute Order 66

"You think I didn't see your lil' movie.... ?

Bitch, I had undercover FBI send Booty-calls to all those Mormon fools o' your family's on their government-issue Blackberries...

They gone, Honey!

Have some fruit punch an' enjoy yo'self.

It's a celebration, bitches...!!!

Second Term, Baby!!

Sunday, 28 July 2013

Che

Julian Borger, The Guardian (26th November, 2003)

A few days before his assassination, President Kennedy was planning a meeting with Cuban officials to negotiate the normalisation of relations with Fidel Castro, according to a newly declassified tape and White House documents.

The rapprochement was cut off in Dallas 40 years ago this week by Lee Harvey Oswald, who appears to have believed he was assassinating the president in the interests of the Cuban revolution.

But the new evidence suggests that Castro saw Kennedy's killing as a setback. He tried to restart a dialogue with the next administration, but Lyndon Johnson was at first too concerned about appearing soft on communism and later too distracted by Vietnam to respond.

A later attempt to restore normal relations by President Carter was defeated by a rightwing backlash, and since then any move towards lifting the Cuban trade embargo has been opposed by Cuban exile groups, who wield disproportionate political power from Florida.

Peter Kornbluh, a researcher at Washington's National Security Archives who has reviewed the new evidence, said: "It shows that the whole history of US-Cuban relations might have been quite different if Kennedy had not been assassinated."

Castro and Kennedy's tentative flirtation came at a time of extraordinary acrimony in the wake of US-backed Bay of Pigs invasion by Cuban exiles and the missile crisis which led the world to the brink of nuclear war.

It began with a secret and highly unorthodox dialogue conducted through an intrepid journalist and former soap-opera actor and involved plans to fly a US diplomat from Mexico to Cuba for a clandestine face-to-face meeting with Castro alone in an aircraft hangar.

On a newly declassified Oval Office audiotape, recorded only 17 days before the assassination, Kennedy can be heard discussing the option with his national security adviser, McGeorge Bundy.

The president agrees in principle to send an American diplomat, Bill Attwood, who had once interviewed Castro during a former career as a journalist, but he fretted that news of the secret mission would leak out. At one point Kennedy asks: "Can't we get Mr Attwood off the payroll?" If the diplomat was no longer on staff the whole trip would be deniable if it came to light.

Kennedy had been thinking about reopening relations with Havana since spring that year.

The key intermediary was Lisa Howard, an actor who had become a leading television journalist when she managed to land an interview with the Soviet leader, Nikita Krushchev.

In April 1963, she scored another coup - an interview with Castro, and returned with a message for the Kennedy administration, that the Cuban leader was anxious to talk. The message launched a frantic period of diplomacy, recounted in a television documentary broadcast last night on the Discovery Times channel, entitled "A President, A Revolutionary, A Reporter".

The president was receptive. The CIA was pursuing various schemes aimed at assassinating or undermining Castro, but Kennedy's aides were increasingly convinced Havana could be weaned away from Moscow.

In one memorandum a senior White House aide, Gordon Chase, says: "We have not yet looked seriously at the other side of the coin - quietly enticing Castro over to us," instead of looking at ways to hurt him.

According to Mr Bundy, Kennedy "was more in favour of pushing towards an opening toward Cuba than was the state department, the idea being... getting them out of the Soviet fold and perhaps wiping out the Bay of Pigs and getting back to normal".

The administration gave a nod to Ms Howard, who set up a chance meeting between Mr Attwood and the Cuban ambassador to the UN, Carlos Lechuga, at a cocktail party in her Park Avenue apartment.

The apartment then became a communications centre between Mr Attwood and the Castro regime. Castro's aide, Dr Rene Vallejo, called at pre-arranged times to talk to Mr Attwood, and in the autumn of 1963 suggested that Mr Attwood fly to Mexico from where he would be picked up by a plane sent by Castro. The plane would take him to a private airport near Veradero, Cuba, where the Cuban leader would talk to him alone in a hangar. He would be flown back after the talks.

Kennedy and Bundy discuss the plan on the tape on November 5. The national security adviser does much of the talking but the president is clearly worried that the trip will be leaked. First he suggests taking Mr Attwood off the state department payroll, but later he decided even that was too risky. Instead, he suggested Dr Vallejo fly to the UN for a confidential meeting to discuss the agenda of direct talks with Castro.

The plan, however, was sunk by the assassination. Ms Howard continued to bring messages back to Washington from Castro, in which the Cuban leader expresses his support for President Johnson's 1964 election and even offers to turn the other cheek if the new US leader wanted to indulge in some electoral Cuba-bashing. But the Johnson White House was far more cautious. The new president did not have the cold war credentials of having faced down the Soviet Union over the Cuban missile crisis. The moment had passed.

Memorandum of conversation between Eugene McCarthy, George Ball, Under Secretary and Thomas C. Mann, Assistant Secretary for Inter-American Affairs (17th December, 1964)

Secretary Senator McCarthy outlined the main points of his December 16 conversation with Che Guevara, Cuban Minister of Industry. The meeting was arranged directly with the Senator by Lisa Howard and took place in her New York apartment.

The Senator said he believed the purpose of the meeting was to express Cuban interest in trade with the US and US recognition of the Cuban Regime. Mr. Ball agreed this was plausible, saying that because of the state of the Cuban economy, the Cuban Regime was interested in reviving its trade relations with the US to obtain convertible currency. Further, he felt that Guevara probably recognized that any dealings with the US would add respectability to the regime in the eyes of other Latin American States.

Guevara told Senator McCarthy the Alliance for Progress would fail because it merely underwrites vested interests and the status quo. He said that Venezuela and the Central American States in particular needed revolutions. Chile was one state that was undertaking reforms that might make a revolution unnecessary. He noted that Chile would recognize Cuba if it were not for United States pressure.

Guevara did not attempt to conceal the subversive activities which Cuba was undertaking. He explicitly admitted that they were training revolutionaries and would continue to do so. He felt that this was a necessary mission for the Cuban Government since revolution offered the only hope of progress for Latin America.

Guevara attacked United States' overflights but not in particularly belligerent terms. He said that Cuba had the means to shoot down the planes, but had not taken any action against the United States. He insisted that there was no juridical basis for the overflights and that such a juridical basis was not furnished by OAS approval. Guevara mentioned only one specific "violation of sovereignty", this being when a US helicopter landed "over the line" (presumably at Guantanamo). He said that in this case, after some talk of firing upon the helicopter, it was permitted to leave Cuban territory.

Guevara said he knew the CIA was in Cuba. He stated that most of Cuba's enemies worked for the oil and power companies. He said the regime could identify them and they in turn knew they would be shot if they resorted to sabotage.

Guevara took issue with a statement that Ambassador Stevenson had made that the US was not withholding shipments of drugs to Cuba. Mr. Mann commented that drug shipments may have been cut back and that this was one area in which the Cubans could score on us. Mr. Ball said there was no reason why we should not sell drugs or medicines to Cuba, and Mr. Mann said he would look into the matter.

Guevara told the Senator that while conditions in Cuba were not good, there was no question of the regime collapsing. On the question of refugees, he said Cubans who did not like life on the island were free to leave. Mr. Mann commented that this was not true. Guevara also said the regime did not want any refugees returned to Cuba.

On relations between the Government and the Catholic Church, Guevara said they were good but that Party members could not belong to the Church. He mentioned in passing that they had more problems with Protestants than with Catholics.

On free elections, Guevara said these had not taken place because the revolution had not fully evolved. As to what form of government might eventually develop in Cuba, Guevara said—with pointed reference to Senator McCarthy—there was no interest in a bicameral congress or in anything along the lines of the Supreme Soviet in the USSR. He commented that the latter had no real power.

Mr. Ball asked if any references were made to Cuba's relationship to Moscow. It was mentioned that Lisa Howard had made the point that better relations with the US would give Cuba a more desirable position vis-א-vis Moscow. Mr. Ball said he believed the USSR was becoming fed up with Cuba but felt compelled to continue supporting it because of its symbolic importance as the first country to go communist without pressure of the Red Army.

Mr. Ball emphasized the danger of meetings such as that which the Senator had had with Guevara. There was suspicion throughout Latin America that the US might make a deal with Cuba behind the backs of the other American States. This could provide a propaganda line useful to the Communists.

Mr. Ball pointed out that Guevara could not move about without a great many people knowing where he was and whom he was seeing. McCarthy agreed, mentioning the large number of police cars that had gathered when he met Guevara. Mr. Ball asked that McCarthy get in touch with him if any further contacts with Guevara were contemplated. Meanwhile it was essential that nothing be publicly said about the McCarthy–Guevara meeting although there was danger that Guevara himself might leak it.

"Lyndon Did It"

There is as much evidence implicating Nixon as there is LBJ and I don't think LBJ ever wanted to be President, which is why he refused to run in 68 to concentrate on a peace plan for Vietnam. Which was ruined by Kissinger explicitly, by the way.

I also believe that both he and Hale Boggs were taken out by the Secret Team - there were no living ex-presidents during the year of Watergate and the notion of Nixon vs The World in terms of the protection of executive privilege goes a further and carries a lot more weight without any dissenting voices or allies in adversity, and its a matter of record that Nixon had tried and failed elicit a strong statement of condemnation from Johnson regarding the release of the Pentagon Papers, but was seemingly rebuffed by Walt Rostow, LBJ's CFR personal gatekeeper at the LBJ ranch.

1973 would have been a VERY different year with no Watergate and Hale Boggs and Lyndon Johnson still alive, and ready to break their silence after 10 years gone, as both showed indications that they would do.

Gay Edgar Hoover

One medical expert told Summers that Hoover was of "strongly predominant homosexual orientation", while another medical expert categorized him as a "bisexual with failed heterosexuality".

Hoover was a devoted Freemason, being raised a Master Mason on November 9, 1920, in Federal Lodge No. 1, Washington, DC, just two months before his 26th birthday. During his 52 years with the Masons, he received many medals, awards and decorations.

Eventually in 1955, he was coroneted a Thirty-Third Degree Inspector General Honorary in the Southern Scottish Rite Jurisdiction. He was also awarded the Scottish Rite's highest recognition, the Grand Cross of Honor, in 1965.

Today a J. Edgar Hoover room exists within the House of the Temple. The room contains many of Hoover's personal papers and records.

The Shrine of North America has been a part of the Washington Downtown area since 1886.

Almas Temple is located at 1315 "K" Street, NW between the White House and the new Washington Convention Center. The building was originally erected in 1929, further up the block closer to 13th Street.

The old location was sold and the new building was completed in its present location in 1990.

The facade of the building was inspired by the famous Alhambra, a Moorish palace in Granada, Spain built between 1338-1390. Since the facade has been declared a historic landmark, it had to be taken down tile-by-tile, numbered, and reassembled in our present location. It is one of the last mosaic tile facades left in the city of Washington.

All though Almas Shriners is located in the Nation's Capital our membership extends around the world. Due to the nature of our city, with people coming from all over the world to work here and natives of Washington, DC moving to other countries, we literally have members throughout the world.

In 2006, Almas Shriners started a new Shrine Club in Uruguay. Since that time, the Club has grown and they have taken in new members from Brazil and Bolivia.

Shriners, or Shrine Masons, belong to the Ancient Arabic Order of the Nobles of the Mystic Shrine. The Shrine is an international fraternity of nearly 360,000 members who belong to 193 Shrine Centers throughout the Unites States, Canada, Mexico, the Republic of Panama, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines.

Founded in New York City in 1872, the organization is composed solely of Master Masons.

The Shriners are best known for their colorful parades, their distinctive red fezzes, and their official philanthropy, Shriners Hospitals for Children, which is often called, "The heart and soul of the Shrine".

There is a network of 22 Shriners Hospitals for Children located in the Unites States, Canada, and Mexico. They treat children from birth to 18 years of age with orthopedic problems, spinal cord injuries, sever burns, brittle bone disease, plus cleft lip and palate problems. These children are transported from their local areas to the Shriner Hospitals. The children in the Washington, DC area are transported to the Philadelphia Hospital for orthopedic problems and spinal cord injuries and to our Boston or Cincinnati Hospitals for burns. Shriners Hospitals for Children provide all care without financial obligation to patients or their families.

Shriners come from all walks of life and include many famous names. Presidents Warren G. Harding, Harry S Truman, Gerald R. Ford, and Franklin D. Roosevelt as well as many members of the House and Senate, and many Governors have been members. Just a few of the members from the entertainment world include actors John Wayne, Clark Gable, Ernest Borgnine, and Richard Tyson (best remembered for playing in Kindergarten Cop and Black Hawk Down), comedians Michael Richards (who is best known for playing Kramer on Seinfeld) and Red Skelton, country signer Brad Paisley, golfer Arnold Palmer, and Indy racecar driver Sam Hornish, Jr. just to name a few.

Almas Shriners has the honor to have included in it's membership John Philip Sousa (the "March King"), Dr. Edward G. Latch (Chaplain Emeritus of the U.S. House of Representatives), Carter Barron (Carter Barron Amphitheater), J. Edgar Hoover (first Director of the FBI), Theodore Roosevelt, Jr. (former Assistant Secretary of the Navy and son of President Theodore Roosevelt), Gen. John A. Lejeune, Rear Admiral Robert Coontz, John Rusk (the Official "Uncle Sam" by act of the U.S. Congress), L.P. Steward (Washington businessman), and Noble Barnes and Elmer "Skinny" Morris (both forward leaders of the Washington Redskin's Marching Band).

In addition, President Harry S Truman attended so often that he was made an honorary member.

Ted's Plane Crash

Saturday, 27 July 2013

Trouble Brewing.

Lambeth

BANNED BOOK JAN 2013!!! - UK GOVT - WHISTLEBLOWER - BOOK BANNED!!! from Spike1138 on Vimeo.

http://lambethchildabuseandcoverup.com/

Due to two Court Orders made by Mr Justice Tugendhat at the Royal Courts of Justice in London on 1 February 2013 (at which the Publisher nor either author was present), this website has been suspended until further notice.

Please note that the book FROM HILLSBOROUGH TO LAMBETH is also the subject of the Court Orders and therefore is not presently for sale or distribution.

The Court Orders are to be the subject of an Appeal.

Any comments can be sent to LambethChildAbuseandCoverUp@hushmail.com

Tasked with flushing out paedophiles preying on vulnerable youngsters at children’s homes, Detective Chief Inspector Clive Driscoll relished the challenge.

But the officer suddenly found himself booted off the case and put on a disciplinary after revealing politicians were named among the suspects.

At least one of the figures is understood to have been an MP.

And former Labour councillor Anna Tapsell claims she was visited by a police chief to “warn her off” after she raised concerns that detectives would not properly investigate allegations of paedophile activity in care homes.

Mr Driscoll launched his probe into child sex abuse claims in the South London borough of Lambeth in 1998.

But he claims Scotland Yard began meddling as soon as the politicians were named.

The officer, now spearheading the fresh investigation into teenager Stephen Lawrence’s murder, said: “I was unhappy with the interference of some senior officers who did not appear to have a logical connection to my investigation into child sex abuse in Lambeth.

“There were allegations made by several people that named politicians had been involved but I never had a chance to investigate them because I was moved before I could do so.”

Asked if there was a cover-up of child sexual abuse in Lambeth by Scotland Yard, he said: “You would need an investigation to establish that.”

And asked if it was true that a file of evidence naming politicians as suspects and others was lost, he replied: “I handed the file to an officer and I have no knowledge where it went after that.”

Mr Driscoll was yesterday supported by Ms Tapsell, a chairwoman of Lambeth’s social services committee who has highlighted sexual abuse of children in the borough’s care for more than two decades.

She said: “When I learned that Clive was being removed, not only from the case but also from Lambeth, I realised that the Met were caving in to political pressure that was far more powerful than Lambeth Council.

“I was aware of allegations about an MP and the Met’s failure to act on those allegations and its apparent desire to silence those who called for them to be investigated fully was deeply shocking to me.

"Council employees who tried to expose staff they suspected of sexual abuse were sidelined and ignored.

“At the same time alleged perpetrators were moved or allowed to leave for financial misconduct or other misdemeanours, instead of for the abuse.

"This meant many children never received the justice they deserved.”

After Mr Driscoll’s removal, Ms Tapsell told how she raised fears about the depth of the investigation into sex abuse claims at Brixton’s Angell Road children’s home and South Vale youth assessment centre in West Norwood during a meeting of the Community Police Consultative Group.

She alleges a high-ranking officer later arrived at her home.

Ms Tapsell added: “I doubt whether I was the only person to be visited by a senior police officer in an attempt to warn me off.

"I had cast doubt on the Met’s inclination to get to the bottom of the paedophile activity within Lambeth’s care system.

“It had outraged a high ranking officer who had spoken at that meeting. That resulted in an unpleasant visit to my home by another senior officer.

“I have found the minutes of that meeting in the archives of Lambeth’s CPCG but no mention is made of the high-ranking officer’s contribution and the tape recording is also missing.”

Labour MP John Mann, a former Lambeth councillor, said last night: “It is essential that an outside force conducts a full investigation into these claims.”

Mr Driscoll, who has had a distinguished career in the Met for three decades, told how disciplinary proceedings – known as a regulation 15 notice or a 163 form – were started against him after he named the politicians in a confidential meeting with council officials in the late 90s.

He said the action followed a complaint by an executive on the council. The officer was also moved from Lambeth.

The detective was investigated and questioned under caution by other officers.

Mr Driscoll added: “I was handed a 163 form. It was revoked after they moved me and all disciplinary action was dropped.”

The Met set up a five year investigation into sexual abuse linked to Lambeth social care called Operation Middleton.

It was a joint probe with the council and was based in the town hall, leading to criticism that the Met were working too closely with the organisation that had employed abusers.

Officers traced 200 victims between 1998 to 2003 and the probe secured three convictions.

A total of 19 suspects were never identified, fuelling fears a paedophile ring had operated involving men from outside the care system.

Michael John Carroll, the former boss of the Angell Road home, was arrested in 1998 by Merseyside police for abuse spanning decades.

By that time Ms Tapsell had spent more than 10 years highlighting his case after she discovered Lambeth bosses let him run children’s homes until 1991 despite executives learning in 1986 he was a convicted paedophile.

In 1994, she wrote to Elizabeth Appleby QC, who had been commissioned to head a probe into sex abuse and misconduct in the borough.