Sunday, 11 June 2017

ASSASSINATION PREVENTION : The "Nobody Can Help Me Now" Moment



Corbyn is about as far away from this moment right now as it is possible to get....

For now.


'I live like a man who is dead already'

- Malcolm X

What does that  mean..?

As one of the most pure of heart, righteous and radical of Warriors, the point is made, the best amongst that elect group don't  die when you kill them.

They become more alive.

As a matter of fact, in that aspect, we find perhaps the best definition of "A Saint" that I have yet come across.

That's always been the classic Christian descriptive qualifier for Sainthood : 

"A Complete and Exemplary Life of Service and Devotion - such that The Good That These Men Do lives after them; The Evil is oft  Interred with Their Bones"

Malcolm did not fade away or die when his body was assassinate - with every passing year, he began growing stronger and stronger with every year.

And then they had to assassinate him all over again  to actually  make him die.

"Now, it doesn't matter, now. It really doesn't matter what happens now. I left Atlanta this morning, and as we got started on the plane, there were six of us. The pilot said over the public address system, "We are sorry for the delay, but we have Dr. Martin Luther King on the plane. And to be sure that all of the bags were checked, and to be sure that nothing would be wrong with on the plane, we had to check out everything carefully. And we've had the plane protected and guarded all night."

And then I got into Memphis. And some began to say the threats, or talk about the threats that were out. What would happen to me from some of our sick white brothers?

Well, I don't know what will happen now. 
We've got some difficult days ahead. 
But it really doesn't matter with me now. 

Because I've been to The Mountaintop.

And I don't mind.

Like anybody, I would like to live a long life. Longevity has its place. 

But I'm not concerned about that now. 

I just want to do God's will. 


And He's allowed me to go up to The Mountain. 
And I've looked over. 

And I've seeeeen the Promised Land. 

I may not get there with you. 

But I want you to know tonight, that 

We, as a people, will get to The Promised Land!


Thank you very kindly, my friends. 

As I listened to Ralph Abernathy and his eloquent and generous introduction and then thought about myself, I wondered who he was talking about. 

It's always good to have your closest friend and associate to say something good about you. 

And Ralph Abernathy is the best friend that I have in the world. 

I'm delighted to see each of you here tonight in spite of a storm warning. You reveal that you are determined to go on anyhow.


Harry and Wills hadn't seen Diana for a MONTH before her death: She died a day before they were due to be reunited after trips and divorce kept them apart, reveal princes as they share new photos

By Vanessa Allen for the Daily Mail 23:01 23 Jul 2017, updated 03:33 24 Jul 2017

William and Harry had not seen their mother for almost a month before her death
The brothers have made the revelations in a TV documentary about Diana’s life
Pair lavished praise on their mother and her ability to ‘smother’ them with love
Princes William and Harry had not seen their mother for almost a month before her death, they have revealed in a documentary about Diana’s life.

Her divorce from Prince Charles meant the boys were ‘bounced’ between their parents, losing out on time with both of them, Harry said.

She died the day before they were due to be reunited. In the film, which airs tonight, the princes lavished praise on their mother and her ability to ‘smother’ them with love.

But Harry laid bare how the divorce, Diana’s high-profile charity work and her romance with Dodi Fayed meant he and William had not seen her for weeks before she died in Paris in August 1997.


Prince Harry and Prince William looking at a family photo album in Kensington Palace in the documentary,  Diana, Our Mother
The late princess holding Prince William while she was pregnant with Prince Harry 
Poignant: The princes pictured with their mother in France just six weeks before she died
In the documentary, an adult Harry told an anti-landmine campaigner: ‘You saw my mother more recently than I did.’

William, then 15, and Harry, 12, were at Balmoral with their father when Diana died. In candid interviews to mark the 20th anniversary of her death, the brothers revealed their regret that they cut short their final phone call with her, just hours before her death, because they wanted to go and play.

Related Articles

'The things I'd have said to her... if I knew it was the last time we'd speak': William and Harry's agony over final phone call with Diana as they share unseen photos - including one of princess pregnant 
Prince Harry on how 'total kid' Diana had the motto 'be as naughty as you want... just don't get caught' as Wills jokes he 'fell down the stairs' when his mother booked Cindy Crawford and Naomi Campbell for his 12th birthday 
Brothers with a bond forged in tragedy - and humour: RICHARD KAY on the very special relationship that William and Harry share 
They said their grief was ‘still raw’ but also recalled treasured memories of their mother.

They released photographs from her personal album, including a picture of Diana holding a baby Harry, taken on the royal yacht Britannia by Prince William.

Prince William and Prince Harry watch as Diana's coffin is driven away from Westminster Abbey
This picture, taken by Prince William, shows the princess sitting and playing with Prince Harry on the Royal Yacht Britannia
Princess Diana sunbathing aboard the Jonikal Yacht moored in Portofino, Italy, in 1997
The Princess of Wales and Dodi Fayed, on a pontoon in the French Riviera resort of St. Tropez in August 1997
PRINCE HARRY: THE FILM NEARLY MADE ME CRY 

Prince Harry admitted his grief was ‘still raw’, but praised tonight’s film as ‘brilliant’
Prince Harry was almost reduced to tears by the new film about his mother.

He called producers after seeing it and said: ‘I nearly cried several times watching it back.’

The prince admitted his grief was ‘still raw’, but praised tonight’s film as ‘brilliant’.

Prince William said the decision to speak so openly about their mother was a one-off, adding: ‘We felt it was the right time to do it. We won’t be doing this again.’

Producers approached Kensington Palace more than a year ago, seeking permission for a programme to mark the 20th anniversary of Diana’s death. They were invited to meet the princes and discussed Diana’s legacy, but also their personal memories.

Producer Ashley Gething said: ‘William and Harry realised there is a new, younger generation who didn’t know about their mum … She did so much in raising awareness on taboo subjects such as HIV, mental health and homelessness. The princes want people to know all of that.’

William said he had found speaking about his mother ‘quite daunting’ at first but ‘cathartic’ and ‘quite a healing process’.

Lady Diana Spencer pictured looking at her future husband Prince Charles during a visit to the Cheshire Regiment at Tidworth in 1981
Prince William and Princess Diana Skiing Holiday in Lech, Austria, in 1991
Speaking of the divorce, Harry said: ‘The two of us were bouncing between the two of them and we never saw our mother enough or we never saw our father enough.

‘There was a lot of travelling and a lot of fights on the backseat with my brother, which I would win. I don’t pretend we’re the only people to have to deal with that. But it was an interesting way of growing up.’

The supermodel surprise for William 

Fun-loving Princess Diana arranged for three supermodels to pay a surprise visit to Prince William, he revealed.

The future king came home from school to find Cindy Crawford, Naomi Campbell and Christy Turlington waiting for him at Kensington Palace.

It was typical of his mother’s ‘cheeky sense of humour’ and love of mischief, William said.

‘She organised, when I came home from school, to have Cindy Crawford, Christy Turlington and Naomi Campbell waiting at the top of the stairs. I was probably a 12 or 13-year-old boy who had posters of them on his wall and I went bright red and didn’t quite know what to say and sort of fumbled, and I think pretty much fell down the stairs. I was completely and utterly awestruck.’

The prince added that it was ‘a very funny memory that’s lived with me forever about her – loving, embarrassing and being the joker’.

Diana also had a serious side, first taking William to a homeless shelter when he was 12.

William and Harry spent ten days with their mother and Fayed, the son of then-Harrods owner Mohamed Al-Fayed, at his villa in the South of France. But while they returned to London and then Balmoral, she joined Mr Fayed on his yacht around the Mediterranean, and went to the Greek islands with a friend. She also travelled to Bosnia to campaign against landmines.

Diana remained in frequent phone contact with her sons, but they told how their final conversation lasted just five minutes.

Harry said: ‘I never enjoyed speaking to my parents on the phone. We spent far too much time on the phone rather than speaking to each other. I can’t really remember what I said but I regret how short the phone call was. I’ll have to deal with that for the rest of my life. Not knowing that was the last time I was going to speak to my mum, how differently that conversation would have panned out if I’d had even the slightest inkling.’

William said the call interrupted a game with their cousins Zara and Peter Phillips, and said he and Harry were in a ‘desperate rush to say goodbye’ so they could go back to playing.

He said: ‘If I’d known what was going to happen I wouldn’t have been so blasé about it. But that phone call sticks in my mind, quite heavily.’

William said her death was ‘utterly devastating’ and he and Harry struggled to understand their feelings or speak to each other about their grief. They praised Diana as ‘the best mother ever’ who left them with a personal legacy of her love, as well as her global charitable impact.

Diana, Our Mother is on ITV tonight at 9pm.
PRINCES BARE THEIR SOULS: IN THEIR OWN WORDS 

The Princess pictured with her sons in 1985. They praised Diana as ‘the best mother ever’ who left them with a personal legacy of her love
Harry on Diana’s hugs  

'She’d engulf you and squeeze you as tight as possible. I miss that feeling.' 

William on her loving nature  

'She was extremely good at showing what we meant to her, how important it was to feel.' 

William on his wedding day 

'Not many days go by that I don’t think of her. I did really feel she was there … I very much felt she was there for me.'  

Harry on her sense of fun 

'She was a total kid through and through. I can hear her crazy laugh in my head.'

... and her sense of mischief 

'One of her mottos was ‘be as naughty as you want, just don’t get caught’. She was one of the naughtiest parents. She would smuggle sweets in our socks.'




Safe. Secure. Stability. Certainty.

There are 3 things that require the unanimous vote of the nation to effect,—

  • Deposition of the Sovereign
  • Introduction of Novelties in Religion
  • Suspension of Law.



"The remain Islamist Extremists will be HUNTED DOWN, and defeated.

The attempt on my ministry has left me SCARRED, and DEFORMED.... But, I assure you - my resolve has NEVER BEEN STRONGER!

In order to ensure it's Safety and the continuing Stability, Her Majesty's Government will be REORGANISED into the SECOND BRITISH EMPIRE - for a Safe, and Secure Society. 



[ Approved and Passed by Popular Acclamation on the floor of The Chamber ]




[ cf. " He Has... , He Has... , He Has... , ]


"I have just been to see Her Majesty the Queen and I will now form a government. 

A Government that can provide certainty and lead Britain forward at this critical time for our country.


[ I Claim The Prize - There Can Be Only ONE ] 

This Government will guide the country through the crucial Brexit talks that begin in just 10 days and deliver on the will of the British people by taking the United Kingdom out of the European Union. 


[ We're not going anywhere for the next 24 months and 10 days ]


It will work to keep our nation safe and secure by delivering the change that I set out following the appalling attacks in Manchester and London.

[ We'll just negate all Police officers and criminal courts as being not sufficiently reliable enforcement (which has long been known, hence there was never any real effort made to train them in the use of sidearms. Instead, we'll rely on small squads of Tactical black-ops special forces infantry, sourcec from, and trained to  [almost certainly] SAS, Paratroop Regiment- level combat skills ]


Cracking down on the ideology of Islamist extremism and all those who support it and giving the police and the authorities the powers they need to keep our country safe.


Inference
Right now, they are not able to, meaning 
' We are not safe, Clarence, We are not safe.'


 And I don't know how you crack down on an idea, execpt by cracking open the heads of all the people that believe in it.

The Government I lead will put fairness and opportunity at the heart of everything we do so that we will fulfil the promise of Brexit together and over the next five years build a country in which no-one and no community is left behind, a country in which prosperity and opportunity are shared across this United Kingdom.

What the country needs more than ever is certainty and having secured the largest number of votes and the greatest number of seats in the General Election it is clear that only the Conservative and Unionist party* has the legitimacy and ability to provide that certainty by commanding a majority in the House of Commons.


[ * Saying, we are of one party. ]

As we do, we will continue to work with our friends and allies in the Democratic Unionist party in particular."



[ cf. President Andrew Johnson "...that portion, who are Loyal.", meaning, Loyal to the Ruling House of Hanover ]


Our two parties have enjoyed a strong relationship over many years and this gives me the confidence to believe that we will be able to work together in the interests of the whole United Kingdom.

This will allow us to come together as a country and channel our energies towards a successful BreXit deal that works for everyone in this country, securing a new partnership with the EU which guarantees our long-term prosperity.


That's what people voted for last June, that's what we will deliver. Now let's get to work."


"Who are these people..?"





" A Sith LORD ?!?! "


( Notice, as usual, he doesn't bother with 'Please' or 'Thank You', the pompous condescending aristocrat cleric that he is... )

Okay, so, this is now when all of that Shadow Work you can do to try to better understand and study the Nature of Evil, and come to terms with all of the Evil and Potential for Evil within yourself really begins to pay off - you recognise it instantly, because you know it so well and can spot it immediately.

Mace Windu get cast down into Hell from the heights because he refused to know it, couldn't see it, couldn't recognise it, didn't want to know.

So you can have a whole army of monks scouring the entire galaxy for almost 20 years, desperately hunting around on a quest to find, detect and defeat this Phantom Menace and none of them have a  clue what it even looks like.

How could he even know it was there..? Well, of course, he doesn't. Doesn't even suspect.

And when he gets told that it is there and he never saw it, he is completely incredulous. And ANGRY.

And for that, he was struck down in his prideful arrogance and cast down from the mountainside into Hell.




( "If What You Say is True, You Will Have Gained My Trust."   GainedEarned It. 

Excuse me, he doesn't have to - BECAUSE HE'S YOUR EQUAL. 

He is one of your PEERS, of exactly the same standing in the hierarchy, bound by exactly the same vows, requirements and future

Friday, 9 June 2017

Who Governs ? Who, Whom.



Do NOT Fuck with Kali-Ma - She Will DEVOUR You

Supreme Executive Power Derrives from a Mandate fom The MASSES, not from some farcical ermine-wrapped, hand-kissing ceremonial subjection to arbitrary Anglo-Dutch German Degenerate Pretended Royal House!

Down With the Ruling House of Hanover!!

Long Live the True King, Long Live the Free Peoples of Pryddain, and God Save Our Leader!


Herbert Morrison

Portrait of an Appalling Man - by Paul Foot

(February 1974)


From International Socialism (1st series), No.66, February 1974, pp.27-28.
Transcribed & marked up by Einde O’Callaghan for the Marxists’ Internet Archive.

Herbert Morrison: Portrait of a Politician
Bernard Donoughue and G.W. Jones
Weidenfeld & Nicholson, £6.00.

HERBERT MORRISON was appalling. In his youth he flirted with Marxist ideas and organisations until one day he went to listen to Ramsay Macdonald. From that day, Morrison modelled himself on ‘the old man’, and took up Macdonald’s stance on the extreme right wing of the Labour Party. As leader of the first Labour-controlled London County Council from 1934; as Home Secretary during the war and as overlord of the Labour government’s post-war home policy he never abandoned his passionate hatred of communism or of independent working class activity.

When in the early 1920s, the Labour-controlled Poplar borough council paid its unemployed more than the pitiful rates allowed by law and paid its workers more than the rate negotiated by collective bargaining machinery, Morrison, then secretary of the London Labour Party, denounced the Poplar Councillors: ‘No electorate,’ he argued, ‘could trust local authorities which spent ratepayers’ money so recklessly.’

Any direct action by workers or their representatives horrified Herbert Morrison. ‘He rather scorned strikes’, write his biographers. After the collapse of the General Strike in 1926, he gleefully rubbed home the lessons to his supporters.

‘A general strike,’ he argued, ‘must become a physical force, revolutionary struggle aimed at the forcible overthrow of the constitutional government and the seizing of power by the General Council of the Trades Union Congress... nobody with half a brain believes that in Britain such a policy could be successful.’

The alternative to all this direct action nonsense. Morrison argued, was to build up the Labour Party and get hold of parliamentary office.

Parliamentary office gave him what he needed to carry out his concept of ‘socialism’ - a well-ordered, well-regulated state capitalist society in which Morrison would be chief orderer and chief regulator. He was the bureaucrat par excellence. Or, as Beatrice Webb put it in her diaries, ‘Herbert Morrison is the quintessence of Fabianism.’ Give him the machinery of government, the blue books, the statistics, the loyal civil servants, the insignia of office and Morrison was in his element. Socialist society, he believed, would be built by a handful of able and enlightened bureaucrats in Whitehall.

‘Public ownership’ to Morrison meant control by bureaucrats selected ‘on their ability’ by the minister. When he was minister of transport in 1930, he refused to appoint workers’ representatives to the board of his new London Transport undertaking. He wanted the undertaking to be run exclusively by ‘men of a business turn of mind’ which, he explained graciously, ‘might include such people as trade union bodies as well as men of business experience in the ordinary sense of the word’. These included Lord Ashfield, the tycoon who owned the main private London transport companies before Morrison’s 1930 Bill.

‘Morrison,’ writes Mr Jones, ‘came to admire Ashfield and had him in mind to be the chairman of the new board. To nationalise Lord Ashfield was his objective.’ Lord Ashfield was thoroughly sympathetic. ‘He became a devotee of the public corporation,’ and did a lot to persuade Liberals and Tories in the House of Commons that ‘Morrisonisation’, as it came to be known, was really a more efficient form of running capitalism.

This relationship with big business was taken up even more enthusiastically when Morrison took charge of Labour’s economic policies after the war. ‘Morrison liked dealing with tycoons,’ writes Mr Bernard Donoughue, his other biographer, ‘and in general they liked him, as Chandos said, “because you got down to brass tacks with him”.’

When the Morrisonisation of Steel was proposed by the majority in the Labour Cabinet in 1947, Morrison discovered to his horror that the steelmasters were against it. The coalowners and the railway bosses had, after a few statutory grumbles, conceded the Morrisonisation of coal and rail transport. But Sir Andrew Duncan, the steel industry leader and a favourite tycoon of Morrison’s, did not want steel Morrisonised. 

Morrison promptly sabotaged the Cabinet’s plans by working out new proposals, in secret, with Sir Andrew. The majority of the Cabinet, prompted by Aneurin Bevan, finally forced through steel nationalisation against Morrison’s wishes, but Morrison’s sabotage ensured that steel was not nationalised until the end of the Labour government’s term of office. This left Sir Andrew and his friends much more time to mobilise.

Morrison was one of the fiercest anti-communist witch-hunters in British history. He carried out a ruthless and permanent campaign against communists of every description. But his hatred of communists in Britain did not extend to Russia. As Mr Jones writes:
‘He found little similarity between the attitudes of Russian communists and the Communist Party of Great Britain. The former appeared cautious, believing in gradual development; they did not accept workers’ control.’

When Morrison was Home Secretary in January 1941 he proposed that the Daily Worker, the organ of the British Communist Party, which was then advocating a ‘revolutionary defeatist’ line on the war, should be banned by government decree. The Tory-dominated Cabinet agreed. Writing about the incident in his autobiography, Morrison commented: ‘Not unexpectedly there was no protest from Russia about the closing down of the Daily Worker. The Soviet Union admires bold and firm action.’ One state capitalist censor could quickly detect another.

Morrison was a social imperialist of the old Jimmy Thomas school. Visiting New York in 1946, he proclaimed: ‘We are friends of the jolly old Empire. We are going to stick to it ...’ He added, for good measure, ‘The monarchy is a real factor among cementing influences between Britain and the Commonwealth. The monarchy is a great institution.’

Morrison was also, by the same token, a passionate Zionist. ‘In Israel,’ he wrote in The Times in 1950, ‘the spirit of human service exists more sincerely and more in practice than in any other part of the civilised world and we are glad it has a Labour government.’

This devotion to a civilised democratic society extended to Ireland, where Morrison was a passionate supporter of the Orange cause. In July 1943, as Home Secretary, he addressed a meeting of the 30 Club where the crusted Orange monster, Sir Basil Brooke (later Lord Brookeborough) was the guest of honour.

Morrison praised the loyalty of Ulster as ‘almost aggressive in its nature’. ‘After the war,’ writes Mr Donoughue, ‘he continued to keep a protective eye on Ulster’s interests in the Labour Cabinet.’ An elected Parliament was at stake, after all, so why should a man like Morrison care about a million evicted Palestinians, or half a million oppressed Catholics?

In his private life, Morrison emerges from the book almost as hideous as he was in public. He was greedily ambitious, arrogant, sentimental, male chauvinist, mean. And a hypocrite to the end. ‘Several times,’ he told the Daily Mail on 22 June, 1959, ‘I could have accepted a viscountcy, but all my life I’ve been of the working class and that’s how I’d like to stay.’ Three months later, on 19 September, the Tory Prime Minister, Harold Macmillan, announced the appointment of Lord Morrison of Lambeth.

All this makes unpromising material for hero-worship, but Mr Jones and Mr Donoughue, lecturers at the London School of Economics, do their best to idolise Morrison. Endless senior civil servants are wheeled out to prove that Morrison was the ‘ablest’ minister they ever dealt with (is it only an impression, or is it the case that all senior civil servants take the view that any minister about whom they happen to be interviewed was the ‘ablest they ever dealt with’?). We are left to marvel at Morrison’s ‘mastery of detail’, his ‘ability to command an argument’, his ‘organisational genius’.

For the authors, politics takes place within the square mile which includes the Houses of Parliament, Whitehall, all the ministries, and the London School of Economics. Not for them the tumultuous developments outside. Hardly a mention in the book of the great social upheavals which shook the period about which they write, no explanation of the downfall of the Macdonald government; wartime socialist revival; of post-war slumplessness. 

Politics for them is how ministers behave and respond, and Morrison suits them admirably. 

The only time Mr Donoughue seems to get upset with Morrison is when the latter offends the Foreign Office mandarins with his brusque manner. ‘He handled ambassadors in a casual and offhand way’ scolds Mr Donoughue. ‘He often received them – and kept them waiting – in his room at the House of Commons leaving the unfortunate but not misleading impression that his prime loyalty and interest lay there rather than with the Office.’ Egad, Sir, What next?


If this was just an enormous book by two precise dons about a right-wing Labour leader, that would be the end of the story. But it is not. The account of Morrison’s life is so comprehensible that, almost by accident, it tells us a thing or two about British Social Democracy.

Herbert Morrison represents, perhaps more than anyone else, British Social Democracy in its heyday. 

His political life was dominated by the belief that a better life for the dispossessed could be created by the election of Labour governments and councils.

Substantial changes were made to the workers’ advantage under Herbert Morrison-especially in London. Patients in LCC hospitals were much better off under Labour; the blind and mentally ill got a much better deal; schools were improved; classes were smaller, teachers better paid; ‘a great change came over the LCC parks’ - more baths were built; more swimming pools, gymnasia, refreshment places, paddling pools, athletic grounds, bowling greens. The briefest comparison between facilities of this kind for workers in London compared with, say, New York, measures the advances of Social Democracy under Morrison in London.

Similarly, the post-war Labour government did force through a Health Service in opposition to the Tories and the doctors; it did nationalise the mines and the railways (leading to better working conditions for the workers in both industries), it did wipe out the old Poor Laws, and establish a new system of industrial injuries compensation. It solved none of the contradictions of capitalism; it left capitalism stronger in 1951 than it had been in 1945. But a wide variety of reforms in a wide variety of areas were carried out by Herbert Morrison and his colleagues.

Above all, these reforms, and the hope of much more where they came from connected the Labour Party to the working class. 

Morrison understood better than any Labour leader does today that his brand of Social Democracy can only survive as long as it sustained the active interest of large numbers of workers. Morrison never stopped writing Labour Party propaganda. The number of leaflets, pamphlets, brochures which he organised, wrote and distributed from London Labour Party headquarters all the year round was prodigious. He put a premium on individual membership of ordinary workers in the Labour Parties. He organised choirs, dramatic societies, almost anything to sustain and excite the London Labour Party membership.

Above all, he realised the danger to his political aspirations of corruption. All his life he fought relentlessly against corruption in the Labour Party, especially in local government. LCC councillors during Morrison’s rule were subjected to the strictest discipline as to their relations with officials or contractors. Morrison himself never accepted any job with private enterprise, though he was offered literally hundreds. *

Throughout Morrison’s life, the results were obvious. 

In the 1930s, and, especially, in the 1940s, the British working class did respond, not just with votes, but with interest and involvement Herbert Morrison could not speak anywhere without attracting hundreds, often thousands of people. Any post-war meeting he addressed in South London was attended by an inevitable 1500. The crowds who came to hear him were almost incredible. During the 1950 General Election, he travelled to Yarmouth to speak to a mass rally of the National Union of Agricultural Workers, whose cause he had always espoused. A hundred thousand farm workers poured into Yarmouth from all over East Anglia to hear Herbert Morrison. A hundred thousand! Imagine a visit by today’s Labour deputy, Ted Short, to Yarmouth at election time to speak on the subject of farm workers. Short would be lucky to attract 10 farm workers to his meeting.

There is a vast gulf between the strength of Social Democracy in Herbert Morrison’s time and social democracy today. The gulf is not in aspirations. 

Judging by resolutions at Labour Party conferences, the Party’s aspirations last year at Blackpool (or the year before at Brighton) were just as grandiose as anything Herbert Morrison ever thought up. Indeed Morrison would have been shocked at the ‘shopping list’ of nationalisation proposals drawn up at those conferences.

Rather, the gap is in the connection between the aspirations of Labour politicians and the involvement of their rank and file. No amount of nationalisation resolutions at conference can mask the breathtaking apathy of Labour’s dwindling rank and file.

The constituency parties have been abandoned to hacks and careerists, and the MPs and councillors have no one to answer to. 

As a result, the entire Party has become infected with corruption. There is hardly a Labour MP who does not hold some ‘watching brief or ‘interest’ in industry or public relations to supplement his already vast annual salary; hardly a Labour council in the country free from the attention of rogues and speculators in private enterprise. The corruption is tolerated on a wide scale. One of the few MPs who has tried to clean his Labour Party up - Eddie Milne of Blyth (former seat of Lord Robens) - is being hounded out of his candidature. The process works both ways. 

Corruption grows because the rank and file either does not exist or does not ask questions. And the rank and file is increasingly sickened by the stench of corruption.

It is no good yearning, as Mr Jones tends to do, for the ‘good old days’ when Labour politicians like Herbert Morrison meant something to people, when Labour corruption was the exception, not the rule. The deterioration of Social Democracy has its roots in the politics of Herbert Morrison, and those like him. If what matters above all is the vote – if the vote paves the path to workers’ power, it follows that the most important contribution of workers to Labour is their vote. All other forms of labour mobilisation - strikes, demonstrations, agitation, education, organisation - inevitably become an embarrassment

Any Gallup Poll will show that all these things are ‘unpopular’. If the votes are to come to Labour, Labour must oppose strikes. It must not make socialist propaganda. It must not organise at the place of work.

When all these forms of mobilisation are systematically abandoned, as they have been by the Labour Party, there is nothing else to which workers can respond. There are no pamphlets, very few leaflets, no socialist propaganda, no factory organisation, no local organisation outside vote-collecting, no youth movement worthy of the name – nothing to do to help create a new society save vote for the next hack who comes along. The demobilisation of rank and file members is death to the Labour Party, but that demobilisation is an essential part of a political strategy whose central aim is to shift capitalist society through parliamentary endeavour.

Social democracy, in short, is its own grave-digger, and the pit is now deep and black. It is worth dwelling at length on the careers of illusionists like Herbert Morrison if only to harden our resolve to build socialism on the rocks of workplace organisation and direct action which Morrison so detested.



* This statement of fact speaks volumes - one major obstacle to his personal crusade to impose from above and relentlessly enforce rules and standards for behaviour and rigidly exacting codes of proper ethical conduct in Local Government authority bureaucracies - almost a contradiction  in terms, as a concept - often awash knee-deep with other people's money (PUBLIC Money) constantly being lost due to wastage, negligence, inefficiency  and incompetence, with little, if any, risk of public disclosure, or any real accountability or risk of suffering any negative consequence to funds having to be written-off as lost and unrecoverable due to stupidity, laizness or carelessness will always tend to have the further effect of encouraging all three of those habits of unprofessionalism, along with countless other such Corrupt and Corrupting Habits of Mind and other tendencies that the first three just opened up the door for.

Squandering money that belongs to someone else who is never going to come and look for it, or wonder whether you might have just stolen some or all of it, in a workplace environment that fails to negatively disincentivise thievery, by presenting them with little, if any fear of being caught, fear of being accused, whether correctly or whether unjustly), fear of engaging in theft, and so on, with rapid onset deterioration of morality in very short order.

And since such careers employ undersalaried, under-appreciated and largely unrecognised and unseen members of several of the most in demand of the skilled professions drawn from the deep, stagnant mass of the wider overall labourforce in which always accumulates a vast, bitter, obsequious corpus of mediocre, envious boring men, disillusioned with their boring, mediocre careers and their awkward, difficult marriages to their suddenly underwhelming and rapidly debe

Tony Benn: Against the Tide (1974-1979)

HE WHO WOULD BE FREE MUST STRIKE THE BLOW




For the people that are in this Corps of Negativity,

We have accepted responsibility to put pressure on Them. 


...that maybe They perceive themselves to be Goliath, but We are always reminding Them that David is within their reach -

We don't ever want Them to think that what They regard as so absolute, so evil, so grand, so royal, that can never be defeated contradicts The Law of what goes on.


And in every form, if We were to accept the principle of

You Reap What You Sow "

and if "Reap What You Sow" is True;
And one compiles years of ugly sowing...

Then, somewhere, The Seed gonna come due -

Now, 
Through Whom? " and " When? " will it manifest..?

And if you believe that it will never happen, then What You Believe has a crack in it.

Do you have faith, that when people fail in their opportunity to rule fairly and equitably that They will be robbed of that opportunity, when others who seek to be  - 

(It's a dangerous word) 

Responsible arise to accept this responsibility, to replace Those Who Lost Their Right to Rule..?

The Muslims say 
An Eye for an Eye "

And the principle is sound.

Even an atheist say,
What Go Around, Come Around "

Every Spoke on The Wheel has it's Day at The Top




There's a Law invoked with alla' this, that actually is higher than Man Law.


Now, Men will try to take The Weak - and make them think that's all that matters.


We consider Ourselves ABOVE Law - because :



Under White [Corporate Marine/Anglo-Saxon/Gothic/Napoleonic] Law, 


you can rob a Man LEGALLY.


So We don't use "law" as a measure of someone's value, where "law" will give some people an advantage over others.


So, c'mon now


We Do Not Say That MAN's Law is THE Law -

but Men will try to make you think it so...




You were warned that Something Would Rise -


but nobody wanted to explain

IN WHAT FORM.


And then, if it be The Response, nobody would ever make you think that it was The Little People's job, and not those that we call :

HAVE-A-LITTLE-WANT-SOME-MORE

Because 


The Have-a-Little-Want-Some-More 

have NO TERMS.


They'll use a term they used to call in Politics : "Cut Us In, or Cut It Out"


Part of what enhances Our ability to be EFFECTIVE with The Victims is that We are


UNDERESTIMATED



And We Accept That.

WE ACCEPT THAT.


as,

Why It Is That We Will Win.

The Trve Lawe of free Monarchies: Or, The Reciprock and Mvtvall DvtieBetwixt a free King, and his naturall Subiectes




The Reciprocal and Mutual Duty Betwixt a Free King and His Natural Subjects (original Scots title: The Trve Lawe of free Monarchies: Or, The Reciprock and Mvtvall Dvtie Betwixt a free King, and his naturall Subiectes) is a treatise or essay of political theory by James VI of Scotland (later to be crowned James I of England too).1 

It is believed James VI wrote the tract to set forth his idea of kingship, in contrast to the contractarian views espoused by, among others, George Buchanan (in De Jure Regni apud Scotos, 1579). 

James VI had the work published in 1598. It is considered remarkable for setting out the doctrine of the Divine Right of Kings in Scotland, and latterly England, for the first time. 

James saw the Divine Right of Kings as an extension of the apostolic succession.


The state of monarchy is the supremest thing upon earth, for kings are not only God's lieutenants upon earth and sit upon God's throne, but even by God himself they are called gods. There be three principal [comparisons] that illustrate the state of monarchy: one taken out of the word of God, and the two other out of the grounds of policy and philosophy. In the Scriptures kings are called gods, and so their power after a certain relation compared to the Divine power. Kings are also compared to fathers of families; for a king is truly parens patriae [parent of the country], the politic father of his people. And lastly, kings are compared to the head of this microcosm of the body of man.

Thursday, 8 June 2017

Paddy the Bastard




I was their #1 son - and they treated me like Number 2.

- Oswald Cobblepot
Candidate for Mayor of Gotham City


Troyer: 
How many scripts did you write? Your name was on 2.

McGoohan: 
Well, my name was on and then I wrote under a couple of other names: 

Archibald Schwartz 

[ Genuine/Precious, Bold Black or Dark-Complected Person (Black Irish?) ] 

was one and 

Paddy Fitz 

[ Paddy the Bastard ] 

was another.

Troyer: 
So how many all together?

McGoohan: 
I t'ink 5.

Troyer: 
Which ones? The last one...

McGoohan
The first one I re-wrote. It came out...not the way I wanted, and then the last one, I wrote. 

The penultimate one, I wrote. 

Free For All - another one, and then there was another one, I can't remember the name of it offhand. 

It's a long time ago.






6:
 There are those who come here and deny that we can supply every conceivable civilized amenity within our boundaries. You can enjoy yourselves... and you will. You can partake of the most hazardous sports and you will. The price is cheap. All you have to do in exchange is give us... information. 

You are then eligible for promotion to other and perhaps more attractive spheres. 
Where do you desire to go? 
What has been your dream? I can supply it. 

Winter, spring, summer or fall, they can all be yours at any time. 
Apply to me, and it will be easier and better.

Elsewhere, Number 2 is also in rhetorical mood. He stands, megaphone in hand, on a stone balcony overlooking the gardens; the butler holds the black and white umbrella over him. The crowd here are much more sombre.

2: 
There are those who come here with a fresh face, with an enthusiasm that cannot be denied. Beware, be careful. Their promises ring richly in your ears. Our friend Number 6 has a splendid record, has adapted himself admirably to our procedure, but he has no experience whatsoever of the manipulation of such a community as ours. Beware! Has he got the administrative ability to implement his policies? Can you trust him?

The Prisoner is now haranguing the Village from a moving taxi.

6: 
Place your trust in the old régime: the policies are defined, the future certain. 

The old régime forever... and the old Number 2 forever? 
Confession by coercion, is that what you want? 
Vote for him and you have it! 
Or, stand firm upon this election platform and speak a word without fear! 

The word....
is "Freedom". 
They say 
"6 of 1 and half a dozen of The Other"... 

Not Here. 

It's "6 for 2, and 2 for nothing" and 5 for Free... For All... 4 Free 4 all! 

Vote! Vote!

His boisterous parade winds its way into the garden below Number 2, chanting "Six! Six!" and waving placards. Suddenly everything stops, including the brass band. Number 2 shouts down through his megaphone, and the Prisoner's amplified voice floats back.

2: 
You seem to be doing pretty well.

6: 
Far be it for me to carp, but what will you do in your spare time?

2: 
I cannot afford spare time.

Prisoner: 
Do you hear that? He's working to his limit!

Can't afford spare time! 
We're all entitled to spare time! 
Leisure is our right!

His crowd wave their placards and chant 
"Six for Two! Six for Two! Six for Two! Six for Two!"

Number 2: 
In your spare time, if you get it, what will you do?

6 : 
Less work... and more play!

Crowd: 
6! 6! 6! 



Later, at the Cat and Mouse nightclub, a waitress brings a tray of drinks over from the bar to the table where the Prisoner is sitting with Number 58. Like everyone else in the bar, she wears a Number 6 rosette.

Waitress: Sir, non-alcoholic gin, whisky, vodka. Looks the same and tastes the same.

Prisoner: Bet you can't get me tiddly.

Waitress: No alcohol here, sir!

Prisoner: You going to vote for me?

Waitress: You and only you.

Prisoner: Go away.

Waitress: Gin, whisky, vodka. Looks the same and tastes the same.

Prisoner: GET OUT!

Scared, she runs away. Behind them a woman dances oddly to the jolly music of the mechanical band. The Prisoner points a finger at Number 58.

Prisoner: You're spying on me, aren't you?

Number 58: Ik...?

Prisoner: Get me a drink.

He holds up a glass. Number 58 whipers agitatedly.

Number 58: Kokazi trak ozamuk ni, tak ta.

Prisoner: Alcoholic drink.

Number 58: Kokazi trak ozamuk ni, nas ta.

Prisoner: A DRINK!

He hurls the glass violently to the floor. Number 58 quickly leads him out, collecting her coat in the foyer. He mumbles at passing customers as though drunk.

Prisoner: Vote for 6... vote for 6... vote for me and a drink... vohhhhte for 6...

Number 58: Ibazka!

Prisoner: Vote for me... six... vote...

Number 58: Ibazka!

Outside the club, she leads him to their taxi.

Prisoner: I'm for you... let me be... ever let me go... ever let me go...

They drive to the outskirts of the Village, where they get out and walk through the grove of statues.

Prisoner: Vote for me...

Number 58 points to the concealed mouth of a cave and mimes drinking.

Number 58: Eng brifti nakh, abartuk. Sluch! Sluchje...

She starts to run back the way they've come, but the Prisoner grabs her, smiling stupidly.

Prisoner: Spying on me, aren't you?

Number 58: Ag... sluchje! Sluchje!

She escapes his clutches and flees in terror. The Prisoner stares after her for a moment, then wanders into the cave.

Prisoner: Vote for me... I'm for you... let me be... let me be...

Inside the cave, a middle-aged man in an apron throws a bit of wood onto a roaring fire, then walks over to tend to a still in the corner. There is little else in this seedy drinking establishment apart from a hooded figure boozing on his own at one of the few tables. The aproned barman steps towards this figure, failing to notice the Prisoner in the entranceway.

Barman: Large or small, sir?

Figure: Massive.

The Prisoner suddenly steps forward.

Prisoner: I'll have a double!

Barman: With or without water, sir?

The figure leaps up and pulls the hood from his head. It is Number 2. He focuses groggily on the Prisoner. The Prisoner simply smiles back in acknowledgment.

Prisoner: ... Without.

Barman: Please take a seat, I'll be right with you.

The Prisoner wanders over to Number 2's table, but neither of them sit down yet.

Number 2: Little drop now and again keeps the nerves steady.

Prisoner: ... You're scared, aren't you?

Number 2: Frankly, yes.

Prisoner: Of what?

Number 2: It may seem improbable to you, but I'm wondering what's going to happen to you.

He pokes him drunkenly. The barman brings them each a beaker. The Prisoner glances behind him suspiciously.

Number 2: Don't worry. There's no surveillance here. This is the Therapy Zone.

They sit down together.

Prisoner: Clever, aren't they? CLEVER, AREN'T YOU?!

Number 2: They are, damn clever. Think of it: if you want to be an alcoholic, you can be one here in perfect privacy, so long as you rejoin the flock in good time.

Prisoner: You don't approve?

Number 2: Of the Village?

Prisoner: Yes.

Number 2: ... To hell with the Village. Cheers.

The Prisoner blinks.

Prisoner: ... Cheers.

They drink. Number 2 puts his hand on the Prisoner's shoulder, then indicates the barman, now busy again at his still.

Number 2: See him?

Prisoner: 
Yes.

Number 2: 
Cheers.

Prisoner:
 ... Cheers.

Again they drink.

Number 2: 
He's a brilliant scientist. Just does that for a hobby. Come with me. I'll show you something.

Number 2 leads the way into a small dingy chamber at the back of the cavern, containing chemical equipment and a blackboard covered in diagrams.

Number 2: We leave him here in peace, he brews his brew, plays with his chalk; we come down once a week, photograph the stuff, clean it up for him so that he can start on another lot.

He laughs and the Prisoner joins in. They both drink.

Prisoner: Clever as hell!

Number 2: Cheers!

2 starts singing; the Prisoner again joins in. 2 absently wipes some of the writing off the blackboard.

Number 2: 
Vote for me...

Prisoner: 
Vote for me...

Number 2: 
And I'll be...

Prisoner: 
And I'll be...

Number 2: 
Ever so comforty!

They drain their beakers. Number 2 giggles. The Prisoner teeters and topples onto the floor, out cold. Number 2, completely sober, removes the tatty shawl he is wearing and regains his normal composure.

Barman: 
Quicker than usual.

Number 2: I warned you not to make it too strong. We mustn't damage the tissue.

Barman: You needn't worry. There will be no remembrances. The portions were exact to take him right through the election.