THE PLAGUE THAT NEVER WAS By Neville Hodgkinson, Tanzania The SundayTimes (London) 3 October 1993

"The world has been brainwashed about AIDS. 

It has become a disease in itself, without the necessity of having sick people any more. 

You don't need AIDS patients to have an AIDS epidemic nowadays, because what is wrong doesn't need to be proved. 

Nobody checks; AIDS exists by itself. 

We came here to help orphans of AIDS. 

Now we are facing a situation where there are no orphans and no AIDS."

THE PLAGUE THAT NEVER WAS

By Neville Hodgkinson, Tanzania

The Sunday Times (London) 3 October 1993

Philippe and Evelyne Krynen had come to Africa with a quest: their mission was to help children in the direst need. After being told they could have no children of their own, the French charity workers had determined they would dedicate the rest of their lives to Third World orphans.
In January 1989 they found the ideal opportunity. A three-day journey through Tanzania by bus, train and boat took the couple to the remote Kagera province, a pocket of land west of Lake Victoria and bordering Uganda, Rwanda and Burundi, where Africa's first cases of AIDS had been diagnosed as far back as 1983.

Now the region was an epicentre of the disease, according to a local Lutheran bishop who took them on a tour of the worst-hit places. Whole villages were being destroyed, people were dying continuously in and around the main township of Bukoba, and HIV testing suggested that up to half the sexually active population was infected.

Philippe, 50, a former pilot, and Evelyne, 42, a teacher, prepared an illustrated report on their findings, Voyage des Krynen en Tanzanie, which they sent back to France. It was to prove a catalyst for world interest in the social impact of the pandemic of AIDS in the continent.
Their journal presented a dramatic picture: children alone in houses emptied of adults, or abandoned into the care of grandparents; a football team destroyed by the disease; old people sitting alone with their dead; black crosses painted at the entrances of AIDS-stricken homes.
"Here, AIDS does not choose its victims among marginal groups," they wrote. "It touches the entire sexually active population, men and women alike. Extreme sexual liberty, a weak sense of hygiene and a lack of medical and social support have made the populations of these parts a particularly homogeneous risk group."

It was a message that Western medical and charitable agencies, urgently wanting to alert people to the perceived dangers of HIV and AIDS, were more than ready to hear. French and Belgian newspapers, magazines and television stations took up the story and aspects of it are still being quoted around the world by AIDS organisations.

In common with many other Westerners who had seen the AIDS epidemic as a call to arms against the perils of ignorance and promiscuity, the couple had felt it was almost impossible to overstate the dangers it posed.

They helped one young villager write a letter to schoolchildren. It said so many of his team-mates had died that "we can't play football any more so behave, and you won't get the disease like we did here". The letter featured in pamphlets prepared by a European Community AIDS prevention project and was distributed widely to schools in west Africa.

"When we came here we had the textbook knowledge of AIDS in our minds," Philippe says. "That it is a sexually transmitted disease; that it would be very easily transmitted in Africa because other STDs are rampant; that many Africans are HIV-positive and would get full-blown AIDS after one or two years, faster than in Europe; and that the virus was passed from mother to child, affecting 50% of children.

"This was what we had learned from our medical studies. And the people who showed me what was happening here reinforced this belief. What I wrote in my journal was with 100% bonne conscience."

Four years later the couple recognise their understanding of the situation was utterly wrong.

In the late 1980s, medical workers almost without exception believed the disease first seen destroying the immune systems and lives of homosexual men in San Francisco and New York was a new or mutant virus, HIV, which posed a threat to the sexually-active population of the entire world.

A diagnostic test had been developed which purported to be able to identify antibodies to HIV in the blood of infected people. Most AIDS patients seemed to have these antibodies in their blood, and on the basis of that link various forms of the test were rushed on to the market.

They rapidly became big business. Doctors believed the test could identify infected people and thus help predict people at risk of developing AIDS.

It was also widely believed that because of its similarity with certain viruses found in African monkeys, HIV had come from Africa. The viruses were harmless to monkeys except in abnormal laboratory circumstances; but if HIV had recently crossed the species barrier into humans, that might be why it could be so devastating in its new hosts.

When Western scientists began to look for AIDS in Africa, their tests showed that millions already seemed to be infected with HIV, confirming the theory that this was where the virus had originated.

Furthermore, strange deaths had been reported which carried the hallmarks of AIDS. In particular, an unexpected collapse of immune system defences in young adults had allowed fungal and other infections to run wild. A few such deaths had been seen in two of Kagera's villages, Kashenye and Bukwali, in the early 1980s.

The number of cases was tiny relative to the apparent spread of HIV, but because the virus was thought to take anything from two to 10 years to cause the immune system to fail, AIDS doctors came to believe the continent was already in the grip of a terrible disaster.

That was the climate of medical and scientific opinion in which the Krynens arrived in Kagera four and a half years ago. Backed by Partage, a charity which arranges sponsorship among French families and institutions to help Third World children, they soon found themselves heading the first and largest AIDS organisation for children in Tanzania.

In preparation for their new life helping people in developing countries, the couple had abandoned their previous careers to train as nurses specialising in tropical medicine.

Today, Partage Tanzanie has 230 full-time employees who are helping 7,000 children in 15 of Kagera's villages. The charity has an income of more than £ 50,000 a year, a fortune in a country desperate for foreign currency. The staff includes 20 nurses, a doctor, a pharmacist, a laboratory technician, office staff and teachers. There are also scores of field workers who get to know the children, caring for them at day centres, monitoring their health and ensuring they are well fed.

The couple's first intimation that there might be something wrong with the standard medical model of HIV and AIDS came when they started to try to organise help for children in the border villages. "Our aim was to help the people help their children," says Evelyne. "But in some of the villages we found nobody was interested in the future, or in the kids, any more. "One reason, we thought, was that they had been told 40-50% were infected and were going to die, and this in a context where people were indeed dying a lot, because of poverty and an upsurge in malaria. The young people were convinced they were going to die anyway, so why should they think of the children or the future.

"We said that even if 50% are infected, 50% are not, so let us find out which are which. Then those who are free of the virus can think about the future again."

A pilot study offering HIV tests to their own staff provided the next shock: only 5% were positive, although almost all were young and sexually active. Perhaps they were unrepresentative, the Krynens thought, because their level of education was above average.

So last year, they proposed a mass testing programme to the villagers of Bukwali. Encouraged by the promise that a clinic would be established to give free treatment to anyone testing positive, about 850 people agreed to take part almost the entire population aged between 18 and 60. This time, 13.7% were found to be HIV-positive still much lower than the villagers had been led to believe.

The Krynens have found that one positive test cannot be relied upon for a HIV diagnosis, even though in many African countries a single test is all that can be afforded. A wide variety of parasitical and other infections can trigger a false positive result and repeated testing frequently shows the same patient to be negative.

The villagers may have shown a higher rate of HIV-positives simply because they were older, with an average age of about 42, compared with 24 in the staff study. They had been exposed for longer to "whatever it is in Africa that can so readily cause the blood to test positive", says Evelyne.

"We have noticed that with the women, the more children they have, the more likely they are to be positive. We have five HIV-positive women on our staff, and all have children but a stable life.
"It could be because being more in contact with doctors and hospitals, and taking more drugs, or even just giving birth, causes you to accumulate reactivity to the test. It may not have anything to do with a virus."

Even more dramatically, the Krynens' studies have shown no connection between HIV-positivity and risk of illness. Fifty-four villagers were ill with complaints such as pneumonia and fungal infections that might have contributed to an AIDS diagnosis, but just as many of these were HIV-negative (29) as positive (25). When they were given appropriate treatment, most recovered.

"All of a sudden you put all you have been told about the disease in the garbage can, and try to reconsider," Evelyne says. "Once you know HIV means nothing any more, once you know it is not true there is an epidemic, you doubt everything you believed before.

"The 15 villages we have looked at are in the most affected area of a region that is supposed to be at the epicentre of AIDS in Africa.

"When you listen to the people, you find they had been shocked by some deaths where the effects on the body were very visual, with fungus infections and skin rashes. But these can be secondary effects of antibiotics, and the people who died with these conditions had all been treated before for conditions such as bronchitis. Nothing is sure; everything is just wind."

Most of the first deaths reported as AIDS were in young men trading in black-market goods in the aftermath of the Ugandan war. "It started at the border, where people were dealing in drugs as well as other goods," says Philippe.

"It's true this group had money and was affected with immune suppression and a wasting syndrome. But it was not because they had sex like rabbits that they died. This is what was put in people's minds by missionaries and other people, but whatever killed them was not sexually transmitted, because they have not killed their partners. They have not killed the prostitutes they were using; these girls are still prostitutes in the same place.

"Was it a special booze? Was it an amphetamine or aphrodisiac? It is difficult to give more than hints, but when you listen to the people's descriptions of those first affected, you find they were saying they had been poisoned. If the local people said that, for two or three years before the word AIDS came to the region, why don't we believe them a bit, and look at what could have poisoned them?"

Evelyne adds: "There is not a trace of evidence for it being sexually transmitted. I will spend a night with an HIV-positive person, if he's handsome enough I'll do it to prove it."

Studies elsewhere in Africa have shown a close correlation between HIV-positivity and risk of illness, but the Krynens think this may be a consequence of health workers and patients giving up hope in the face of an HIV "death sentence".

"If you look at the sick people only, and test them, you may find many who are positive," Philippe said. "If you do the contrary, and test the whole population of a village, you seize an instant picture of a real state.

"We have fewer casualties, proportionately, in those who test positive than in those who are negative. That may be because they are able to report to our clinic where they are treated free. They have a little flu, a backache, a boil, and they get a nurse, a smile, and do much better than the poor fellow who tested negative."

The couple tried from the start to play down the significance of a positive test result. Today they are continuing to use the HIV test, "just to prove that we have to stop doing this, that it has nothing to do with AIDS". They are training their field workers not to mention HIV or AIDS, but instead to deal with any known disease they encounter with the best treatment available, regardless of the patient's HIV status. "It is not known whether HIV causes AIDS," they say in a pamphlet produced for the team. "It is time to come back to science and abandon magic thinking."

Philippe now declares: "There is no AIDS. It is something that has been invented. There are no epidemiological grounds for it; it doesn't exist for us."

If Kagera is not, after all, in the grip of an epidemic of "HIV disease", and if there is no AIDS, where have the thousands of orphans come from?

The answer, say the Krynens, is that most of the children are not orphans at all. Their final disillusionment was to discover that although many children are raised by their grandparents, that is a long-standing cultural feature of the region.

"The parents expatriate themselves a lot. They move away from the region, sending a little money, returning little or never, but still have many children in the village," Philippe explains. "They are outwardly orphans, but raised by the grandmother or grandfather. It has always been like this here; they may need help, but it has nothing to do with AIDS. "Polygamy is also rampant here and they don't raise all the children. They select very few and the others are just made and abandoned." Other children were born to prostitutes.

"You come as a European and ask: 'Who has no mother or father?' They produce all these children, even though they have a mother or father in another place.

"We have been shown false orphans since the beginning children who have parents who never died, but who will not show up any more. And when the parent has died, nobody has been asking why. It has nothing to do with an epidemic.

"Families just bring them as orphans, and if you ask how the parents died they will say AIDS. It is fashionable nowadays to say that, because it brings money and support.

"If you say your father has died in a car accident it is bad luck, but if he has died from AIDS there is an agency to help you. The local people have seen so many agencies coming, called AIDS support programmes, that they want to join this group of victims. Everybody claims to be a victim of AIDS nowadays. And local people working for AIDS agencies have become rich. They have built homes in Dar es Salaam, they have their motorbikes; they have benefited a lot."

The children usually thrive once they are properly fed and cared for, although some are so poorly from birth, regardless of "HIV", that they remain vulnerable to infections.

Philippe says: "In all the children we have lost there was a very well designated reason, an illness we could not cope with because we hadn't the means to do it: heart failure, TB treated too late, cerebral malaria, acute hepatitis probably caused by a drug taken for the wrong reasons. You have no right to call any of these deaths AIDS. I can't tell you of a single child I have followed who has died of a so-called AIDS-related illness."

The Krynens have an adopted Tanzanian son, Joseph, 5, whose one-time diarrhoea, coughing and wasting were said at a local hospital to be untreatable because of HIV. Today he is cheerful, in near-normal health and vigorously active.

"Joseph is what people call an AIDS baby, but he is living well," says Philippe. "He is a sample of the manufactured AIDS you can have in this region.

"We put him on anti-fungal drugs for his diarrhoea, and sent him to France in January this year for bronchial washing and now look at the kid.

"Whenever I have been able to follow people reported to have AIDS for any length of time, I have seen them to be cured. When you really look into it, they are not AIDS cases. So where are these cases? Always in the hands of other people hospitals, reporters, photographers.

"A 65-year-old who tested HIV-positive had been getting sick, suffering stomach troubles and losing weight. I explained to him that HIV and AIDS were very different things, that we could not really make a link between them. The other day I heard that the fellow is not sick any more. He doesn't believe he is going to get AIDS. He has regained four kilos and is doing very well. This type of resuscitation is very common in our programme.

"A woman of about 40, with two daughters, was dying of chronic diarrhoea and chest infections, said to be HIV-related. Her husband was said to have died of AIDS, although nobody has been able to tell me precisely what killed him.

"We admitted one of the daughters to our day-care centre, supported the other at school with books and meals, and treated the mother with rifampicin, a drug normally reserved for TB which we have found to be very effective in such cases. After a month she did not have diarrhoea any more, she was able to go to the fields again and has started to gain weight. I can swear to you that this woman will not be sick for a long time, as long as she knows we are supporting her. We have stolen another AIDS case from the statistics.

"It is good to know that this epidemic which was going to wipe out Africa is just a big bubble of soap."

Posters warning of the dangers of ukimwi (AIDS) adorn the cabins of the Victoria, a steamer that ferries passengers on the nine-hour journey from Mwanza, on the southern shore of Lake Victoria, to Bukoba.

When the Krynens first made the journey they found a small town with only a handful of foreigners and few cars. Despite the concern of doctors over an apparently high rate of HIV-positivity, AIDS had not become a topic of widespread attention.

Today, as the ferry arrives the tiny port seizes up with vehicles, including several white Land-Rovers and Toyotas characteristic of the numerous AIDS agencies that have flourished in much of central Africa.

"We have everybody coming here now the World Bank, the churches, the Red Cross, the UN Development Programme, the African Medical Research Foundation about 17 organisations reportedly doing something for AIDS in Kagera," says Philippe. "It brings jobs, cars the day there is no more AIDS, a lot of development is going to go away."

The Krynens work hard. They keep files on all their donor families and careful records of how the money is spent. Their home, a modest bungalow on a hillside overlooking Lake Victoria, is the hub of the project, with its own HIV-testing laboratory. All day a stream of workers comes by to give feedback and take directions. A few children who have nowhere else to go live in an adjoining building.

When direct, practical help is given to suffering people, perhaps it doesn't matter too much whether the children are AIDS orphans or not. But the Krynens are angry because false information continues to be fed to Africa and the world.

"Africa is a market for many things, an experimental ground for many organisations and a 'good conscience' ground for many charities," Philippe says.

"It is very easy to 'do good' in Africa. It is so disorganised that the one who is doing the good is also the one reporting the good he is doing. So it is a perfect field for charity the fake charity which is 99% of the charity in Africa, charity which benefits the benefactors."

They speak especially strongly about this because of their own involvement in triggering an invasion of AIDS agencies to Kagera. They now know that the stories they told, of houses and villages abandoned because of AIDS, were untrue.

"Not one such village can be witnessed by a team of journalists led by me," Philippe says. "The houses that were empty were closed because they were the second or third homes of someone in Dar es Salaam. I learned this later.

"I have never seen a village with no adults, where children are like wolves in the forest. You know who is responsible for these stories? Partly, Partage. We said that if we did not do something very quickly, these villages would be emptied of adults and children would be like wild animals. 

The stories have been printed and reprinted, without the 'if'. "My medical studies led me to believe that AIDS was devastating and the people who showed me the situation here reinforced this belief. I jumped into this, and made others believe it. And now I know it was not true. But I know many more things that were not true. Nothing was true.

"It is terrible to consider you have done so many things you thought worthwhile, when in fact you were misled. It is difficult to adjust afterwards. Nobody knows who is responsible for the first misinterpretation, but as time passes it gets bigger and bigger.

"These ideas were not based on any studies; they were just fashion. But when you are here, and you have to witness the reality of what happens in the field, you cannot agree with any of the statements they are making in Europe about AIDS in Africa. We discovered we were in a full-blown lie about AIDS. Everybody participates in this lie, willingly or not. No individual is responsible, but it is a big scandal.

"The world has been brainwashed about AIDS. It has become a disease in itself, without the necessity of having sick people any more. You don't need AIDS patients to have an AIDS epidemic nowadays, because what is wrong doesn't need to be proved. Nobody checks; AIDS exists by itself. "We came here to help orphans of AIDS. Now we are facing a situation where there are no orphans and no AIDS.

"We are in the heart of AIDS country. You are talking to people who 'discovered' AIDS here, and who now say it is a lie. We expect to have to pay for what we say. It will be the price of truth." *

Postscript: "First, the Krynen's annual grant of 350.000 pound from the European Union was withdrawn. Then they were given 14 days to leave Tanzania. Only an 11th-hour reprieve by the foward-looking Tanzanian Prime Minister J.S. Malecela saved the day for Philippe and his wife. Malecela saw through the pressure from abroad and decided he would not throw out the French couple whose only sin was to be truthful about the sate of AIDS in Africa.... Evelyne could not stand the heat of the international opprobrium heaped on them and left for France." (Source: New African, Sept. 1996)

AFRICAN AIDS: TRUE OR FALSE?

By Neville Hodgkinson, Zambia

The Sunday Times (London) 5 Sept. 1993

Zambian doctors, faced with an enormous gap between reports of people testing HIV positive and the number of people falling ill with AIDS, are calling for a reappraisal of the idea that a positive test means a person is liable to develop the disease.
They say that different HIV test procedures in Africa produce such widely differing results that their use should be re-examined. Yet at present some people are being "frightened to death" by a positive diagnosis. By the end of last year, the National AIDS Prevention and Control Programme had received a cumulative total of 7,124 reports of full-blown AIDS since the first cases were recorded in 1985. That represents fewer than a thousand a year, relatively few in a nation of 8m people.
But, according to screening surveys conducted late last year, as many as four out of 10 sexually active people are now testing HIV positive, and a million Zambians could be infected with the virus. Those findings have horrified most politicians and AIDS workers, and spurred the government into launching a new anti-AIDS campaign.
Guy Scott, an MP and former cabinet minister, says the disease threatens to orphan 2m children, and to take the lives of large numbers of staff in companies, public utilities and government. "It is ripping through the system. It is an absolute disaster," he said.
But Dr Francis Kasolo, head of virology at the University Teaching Hospital in Lusaka, said work in his department suggests the HIV figures cannot be taken at face value.
"We have found a big problem with false positives. When we repeat the tests, there are a lot of disparities in the results. A test kit from one manufacturer behaves differently from another's." The conclusion, he said, was that "most of our results are more or less compromised".
Most of the country's 80 testing centres were unable to afford a more expensive, confirmatory procedure after an initial positive test. Even that second test, known as Western Blot, produced widely differing results.
A third, rapid test, still in use at some clinics, had been shown to produce up to 40% false positive results in patients infected with malaria. Blood "stickyness" of patients, unrelated to HIV, also produced false positives.
Dr Wilfred Boayue, the World Health Organisation's representative in Zambia, says the recent surveys show such a big increase in positive results compared with six to seven years ago, when the proportion was only about 5 to 8%, that he shares concern that the country is in the grip of an HIV epidemic.
Kasolo, however, believes changes in the type of test kit used may contribute to the changing picture. He says international aid for the developing countries is often tied to use of materials provided by the donor nation.
"Most of the kits are supplied by the donors. If one decides not to provide funds any more, we move to another who will, and the kits come from that country instead. So the kits vary a lot: reporting can be high or low, depending on the kit.
"We have had individuals tested in one laboratory, and told they are positive, who move onto another, where they are negative."
Kasolo said the picture had been further confused by a phenomenon called "transient antibody to HIV" reported at a recent international meeting. A Uganda-based professor of virology had seen that some HIV positive patients subsequently tested negative.
Kasolo agreed with a recent call by scientists in Australia for use of HIV test kits to be reappraised, in the light of evidence that many conditions apart from HIV infection such as TB, malaria, malnutrition and multiple infections can cause a person to test positive.
"It is important that we address the whole issue of HIV in Africa scientifically," Kasolo said. "There is something going on that we do not understand."
Dr Sitali Maswenyeho, a paediatrician at the University Teaching Hospital and former fellow in AIDS research at the University of Miami, said he had long argued against the HIV test. "It's non specific," he said. "The test itself is killing a lot of people here. The stigma is doing the damage.
"We have malnutrition, bad water, poor sanitation; and when on top of that you are told you have an incurable disease, that really cuts off people's lives."
Despite concerns on the tests' validity, the presence of a severe form of immune system failure, affecting mainly sexually active people, is generally acknowledged.
There is argument, however, over its causes. Kasolo questions the "new virus" theory maintaining that a variety of sexually transmitted infections might be responsible. This view is shared by many older Zambians.
David Chipanta, 22, an HIV positive man helping with the work of an AIDS education and counselling organisation, says: "People in the villages tell us it is not new, but that it has become worse because of promiscuity."
Chipanta disagrees, arguing that even in the past, people were promiscuous. But he supports the challenge to HIV testing. * 

CRY, BELOVED COUNTRY

How Africa Became the Victim of a Non-Existent Epidemic of HIV/AIDS

By Neville Hodgkinson

AIDS; Virus or Drug Induced?

Global Retreat Centre, Brahma Kumaris World Spiritual University, Oxford, UK

It has become increasingly clear during the 1990's that in prosperous, developed countries, AIDS is remaining almost exclusively confined to people with clearly defined risks to their immune system regardless of HIV. These risks include heavy drug use, promiscuous receptive anal intercourse, or, as with the injections given to patients with haemophilia before the arrival of high purity Factor 8, repeated exposure to other people's blood. In Britain, out of a cumulative total of 6929 cases of AIDS in the first ten years of the epidemic, only 63 were in heterosexuals who were not obvious members of one of the known risk groups. In the United States, a 1992 National Research Council report found that many geographical areas and population groups were virtually untouched by AIDS, and would probably remain so.

These facts do not fit the theory that the world is in the grip of a deadly new infectious disease, putting at risk almost all sexually active people. However, that theory appeared to gain support from reports that millions of Africans are HIV-infected, and that hundreds of thousands are dying from the disease, with men and women equally at risk. What is happening to Africa today, it was argued, should serve as a warning of what may happen to the rest of the world tomorrow, even if it takes longer than had been expected.

In March, 1993, a television documentary was shown in Britain which challenged the by now conventional view of Africa as a land devastated by AIDS. It was based on a two-month investigation in Uganda and the Ivory Coast, and was made by Meditel, an independent company that had previously aired the views of scientists who argue HIV is not the cause of AIDS. It concluded that Africa was not in the grip of an AIDS epidemic, but that panic over the disease was leading to a tragic diversion of resources from genuine medical needs.

The film crew were accompanied during their inquiries by Dr. Harvey Bialy, a scientist with long experience of Africa, whom I interviewed at the time for an article in The Sunday Times. He had concluded there was 'absolutely no believable, persuasive evidence that Africa is in the midst of a new epidemic of infectious immuno-deficiency'. But because international funds were available for AIDS and HIV work, politicians and health workers had an incentive to classify traditional African diseases as AIDS. The problem was compounded by the fact that HIV testing was frequently misleading in Africa, as the tests reacted to antibodies to other diseases, producing high rates of false positives.

Bialy, a microbiologist working as research editor of Bio/Technology magazine, has been visiting Africa since 1975, and has spent a total of eight years working there. On the face of it, this gave him considerably more authority than the large numbers of western scientists and other workers whose first exposure to the continent was brought about by AIDS.

He was angry that so many damaging claims had been made about AIDS in Africa on the basis of so little science. 'The only utterly new phenomenon I have seen is in the drug-abusing prostitutes in Abidjan in the Ivory Coast', he told me. 'These girls come from Ghana, from families of prostitutes who are brought in by the busload. They have been doing this for generations, and never became sick until now. What is new is that these girls are addicted to viciously adulterated, smokeable heroin and cocaine. It completely destroys them. They look exactly like the inner-city crack-addicted prostitutes of the United States.'

'Otherwise, I have seen malaria, tuberculosis, diarrhoeal diseases, which arguably have got more severe; but by all the laws of scientific reasoning this is caused by the general economic decline in these countries, the decline of health care and the development of drug-resistant strains. All these things can explain exactly what is going on much more efficiently and persuasively, and to much greater good for the public health, than saying the diseases are being made worse by HIV'.

Our four-column story about these and other doubts, headlined 'Epidemic of AIDS in Africa 'a tragic myth', brought a crop of contrary assertions, but no evidence in rebuttal. My confidence in the story was further boosted by an astonishing statement Bialy had made about the HIV test.

Bio/Technology had a paper in press, he told me, which did more than highlight a problem with false positives: it challenged the very basis of the test as indicating the presence of a specific virus, arguing that it had never been validated against the accepted 'gold standard' for a diagnostic test, isolation of the virus itself.

I found this hard to take in, and did not pursue the story further immediately. But over subsequent weeks, I studied the paper concerned and corresponded with the main author, Eleni Papadopulos-Eleopulos, a biophysicist at the Royal Perth Hospital. To my continuing astonishment I found that there was indeed a mass of evidence, pulled together in Eleopulos's enormous review article, that what had come to be called 'the AIDS test' was scientifically invalid. The proteins detected by the test kits were not specific to a unique retrovirus. Positive results were produced in people whose immune systems had been activated by a wide variety of conditions, including tuberculosis, multiple sclerosis, malaria, malnutrition, and even a course of flu jabs. Patients with AIDS, and promiscuous gay men leading lives likely to expose their immune systems to multiple challenges, were certainly much more likely to test positive than healthy Americans, but for reasons that need not have anything to do with a deadly new virus.

The possible implications of the Bio/Technology article for an understanding of AIDS in Africa were clearly enormous. African countries were those where the tests might be at their most meaningless, because of the widespread ill-health caused by malnutrition and associated chronic diseases. Had an entire continent been panicked by western scientists into believing it was in the grip of a deadly epidemic, on the basis of a test that had never been shown to be valid for the retrovirus whose presence it was claimed to detect?

I faxed the article to four virus experts in case some glaring error invalidating its reasoning had been missed by Bio/Technology. One did not reply, and another preferred not to comment. A third, Dr. Philip Mortimer, of the Virus Reference Division at Britain's Central Public Health Laboratory, wrote a courteous reply acknowledging that the article 'does make some fair points about the weakness of the western blot test when it is used incautiously and without followup'. He added, however, that 'the situation it describes is not typical of this country where initial positive serological (antibody) screening tests are confirmed by (i) further investigations, usually a combination of different ELISA assays but sometimes including Western Blot and (ii) a test of a followup specimen. Only if the positive reactions on both specimens are confirmed, usually in a reference laboratory, is a positive report issued'. Perhaps this more stringent procedure helped to explain why Britain had only some 23 000 seropositive people, compared with an estimated 1 million in the United States and multimillions in Africa. But Eleopulos et al. had not just criticised the Western Blot test. They had cited evidence indicating that the ELISA test might be equally meaningless. In Russia in 1990, for example, out of 20 000 positive screening tests, only 112 were confirmed using western blot. A similar study in 1991 confirmed only 66 out of approximately 30 000 positive test results. Clearly, by using multiple tests giving very different results, false positives would be greatly reduced. But this still did not answer Eleopulos's charge that there was nothing in the literature to indicate why any of the tests should be considered reliable as indicating the presence of a specific retrovirus. Besides, even if the damage done by false positives was being reduced in the UK by repeated testing, that was no comfort with regard to the situation in Africa, where because of cost considerations, most HIV diagnoses were being made on the basis of a single test.

Dr. Mortimer also commented that diagnostic capability had recently been advanced by the introduction of a commercial polymerase chain reaction assay for detecting minute quantities of HIV genetic material.

'Comparison of results using this procedure with those obtained by antibody tests show a very close correlation confirming the reliability of HIV antibody tests', he wrote. However, as the Bio/Technology paper pointed out, this correlation might be the result of some quite different cause common to both the PCR test and the antibody test. PCR signalled the presence of only a small stretch of genetic material; perhaps it was picking up the presence of a sequence made detectable by the same stimulus as that which caused a person to test antibodypositive, a stimulus which need not have anything to do with 'HIV'. The Bio/Technology paper cited evidence in support of this idea. For example, a positive PCR reverted to negative when exposure to risk factors was discontinued; and monocytes from HIVpositive patients in which no HIV DNA could be detected, even by PCR, became positive for HIV RNA after immune activation by cocultivation with activated Tcells.

The fourth virus expert was Professor Robin Weiss, head of the Chester Beatty Laboratories at the Institute of Cancer Research, London, who with Dr. Richard Tedder, a virologist at the Middlesex Hospital in London, developed and patented Britain's first HIV test in conjunction with the Wellcome drug company. Dr. Weiss took the trouble to write a twopage letter concerning the Bio/Technology paper. His tone was set in the first paragraph: 'It is the sort of paper I would have stopped reading by paragraph 5 if you hadn't requested an opinion'. Later, he commented: 'Sorry, if the authors were my students, I'd mark this essay Bminus. Of the 1000 or so papers on HIV/AIDS that must have been published in the last six months, I'd put this in the bottom 10% for being worth reporting'. He acknowledged that the paper might have had some merit if it had been published around 1986/7, as 'there were serious difficulties and much variation in assessing Western Blot data, and some of the ELISA tests were still giving false positives'. But since then, he argued, the tests had been greatly improved because they used HIV antigens produced in bacteria by recombinant DNA technology, rather than grown from sera taken from AIDS patients.

It seemed to me that he had not answered the central complaint, that no one had ever established that the proteins held to indicate the active presence of HIV really are related to the virus in people who test positive, as opposed to other possibilities raised by the Bio/Technology authors. I wrote back along those lines. Robin Weiss responded with a short, unreferenced assertion: 'As I wrote, that might have been a valid argument six years ago, but not today as the proteins have been specific for some years'.

On August 1, 1993, the Editor ran our most challenging story to date across the top of the front page. The headline read: 'New Doubts Over AIDS Infections As HIV Test Declared Invalid'. The story began:

The 'AIDS test' is scientifically invalid and incapable of determining whether people are really infected with HIV, according to a new report by a team of Australian scientists who have conducted the first extensive review of research surrounding the test.

Doctors should think again about its use, say the authors. 'A positive HIV status has such profound implications that nobody should be required to bear this burden without solid guarantees of the verity of the test and its interpretation', they conclude. The findings, likely to cause intense debate in the medical fraternity and anguish for many HIVpositive people, are contained in an article published by the respected science journal, Bio/Technology. Many people who appear to be infected by HIV, say the researchers, can be suffering from other conditions such as malaria or malnutrition that produce a positive result in the test. Even flu jabs can produce the same effect. As a result, predictions by the World Health Organisation that millions are set to die because of being HIVpositive may be wildly inaccurate. The paper also lends powerful support to the theory, held by growing numbers of scientists, that HIV is not the true cause of AIDS. One of its authors, Eleni Eleopulous, a biophysicist at the Royal Perth Hospital, said this weekend: 'There is no proof that people labelled as 'HIVpositive' are infected with such a retrovirus. We should really question the role of HIV in the causation of AIDS.'

The claims were so at odds with conventional thinking on this enormously important subject that I had been nervous of writing the article, having already had to cope with huge waves of fierce criticism and comment in relation to previous articles questioning the HIV theory of AIDS. But this time, there was hardly a word of protest, let alone any arguments of rebuttal. No scientific papers to validate the tests. And no comment elsewhere in the media. We were being privately 'rubbished' by the AIDS experts to whom specialist writers turn in such cases. But it seemed their case was too weak for them to wish to state it publicly.

This gave me the push I needed to undertake a venture that the Editor had long since approved, namely, to mount our own investigation of AIDS in Africa. Was the situation as described by Harvey Bialy in Uganda and Ivory Coast also true of other central African countries? On August 18, armed with the Bio/Technology paper, I flew to Nairobi, Kenya and began to make inquiries.

It soon became clear to me that because of the idea that HIV was lethal and rampant, there was a consensus belief that one could hardly be too alarmist in public pronouncements about Aids. The Kenya Times, for example, earlier that year had reported estimates by the Kenya Medical Research Institute (KEMRI) that the country had about 100 000 AIDS cases, and about one million people 'who have the AIDScausing virus'. It added that 'once a person is infected with the killer disease, his next step is definitely death'. But the figures were impressionistic. They were put out by researchers who had been alarmed to find that about half of the people going to various hospitals for general medical reasons were testing positive. Perhaps the whole edifice of fear and concern sprang from a scientifically unvalidated test, and a misinterpretation of the meaning of a positive test result.

According to KEMRI's Dr George Gachihi, 'when you see a young man or woman die after a short illness, chances are that he succumbed to the AIDS disease'. It was that perspective which led the Kenya Times to report that 'thousands of Kenyans die each year from AIDS, though the certificates always indicate that they died from other causes'. When one looked at the figures through the perspective of the Bio/Technology critique, however, there was no longer any need to see the deaths as other than from the stated causes. Similarly, despite stories about hospitals being filled to overflowing with AIDS victims, when I visited the huge Kenyatta National Hospital in Nairobi I found that although there was immense overcrowding, only a handful of patients had been admitted with an AIDS diagnosis.

I also found that political factors were playing a part. Kenya had lost an estimated $300 m in desperately needed foreign currency in November 1991, when the industrialized world tried to force political and economic reform on the country by cutting aid. A recent crisis announcement on AIDS by the country's health minister was seen within the international aid community as an attempt to win back donor sympathy and funds, according to the journal Africa Confidential. 'A farfromveiled theory in circulation says figures which show AIDS spiralling out of control have been massaged to extract sympathy', the journal said.

'In stark contrast to the recent past, when AIDS was a banned subject to protect the tourist industry, the press has started reporting ever more startling increases in AIDS cases and newspapers are competing for horror stories of AIDS deaths'.

It did seem to be true that doctors were reporting growing numbers of AIDS cases, especially among prostitutes. But in this latter group, the actual cause of death was often unknown. When a prostitute who had tested HIVpositive subsequently disappeared, it was assumed that she had gone back to her home town to die of AIDS. I also found that researchers knew nothing of the doubts over the HIV test, and had not established the extent to which the increase in cases of immune system dysfunction was genuinely the result of a new virus, as opposed to a consequence of an intensification in longestablished threats to health. According to some observers, poverty had driven millions of women into prostitution, and young African males had also been drawn into the trade.

There was nothing to support the apocalyptic vision of Africa's future espoused by the World Health Organisation on the basis of its HIV statistics. I found in Kenya as elsewhere that the statistics were often based on small clinical surveys, with the results then writ large by computer to form an estimate for the country as a whole and all this using a test which the Bio/Technology paper had shown to be unvalidated and probably invalid. One WHO official told me: 'AIDS is there. No doubt about it. And it is widespread and increasing. My colleagues in the other countries can tell you the same'. But she added frankly: 'If you come with this postulate that there are a lot of false HIVpositives, it is very difficult to tell'.

The first story I filed back to The Sunday Times focused on the experience of a remarkable doctor whom I met in Nairobi, Father Angelo D'Agostino. Then aged 67, he was a former surgeon who trained as a Jesuit priest and became a professor of psychiatry in Washington before going to Africa ten years previously. In 1992 he had founded Nyumbani, a hospice for abandoned and orphaned HIVpositive children, after finding that because of the panic over AIDS, nowhere else would take them in. Regardless of HIV, there were good reasons why the foundlings, whose plight he learned of through work with a local Barnardo's home, should often perish. Abandoned by their shocked and stigmatised HIVpositive mothers, the children died of multiple infections, malnutrition, and misery.

'People think a positive test means no hope, so the children are relegated to the back wards of hospitals which have no resources, and they die', D'Agostino said. 'They are very sick when they come to us. Usually they are depressed, withdrawn, and silent. Some have been in very poor conditions. But as a result of their care here, they put on weight, recover from their infections, and thrive. Hygiene is excellent, that they wouldn't have in the slums they have usually been living in. Nutrition is very good: they get vitamin supplements, cod liver oil, greens every day, plenty of protein. They are really flourishing. Even one that came in with TB is doing better now'.

A year on from opening the hospice, D'Agostino was puzzled. Elsewhere in Kenya and across subSaharan Africa, according to WHO, tens of thousands of children were dying because of HIV, usually in their first year. But most of the Nyumbani babies were thriving, as I knew from spending a couple of hours there with several of them crawling all over me. Only one of the first 45 children had been lost a sixweekold who was so sick when she came that she had to go to hospital almost immediately, and died two weeks later.

In an extensive interview, D'Agostino told me: 'I'm a physician, and I bought the theory that HIV is the cause of AIDS. But there are not a lot of things I would die for, and certainly not a scientific hypothesis. In fact, I would welcome with open arms any proof that these children will be free of disease'.

'It is surprising. We expected more deaths, and a lot more serious illness. According to most predictions, the children should have died within two to three months of coming to us. Instead, we have now had to set up a nursery school, which I didn't think would be needed, and I'm planning to negotiate their entry into primary school'. He had also been preparing to establish group therapy for the mothers and other caregivers, to deal with their grief at the loss of the children. Instead, the only losses were happy ones: some of the children became HIVnegative, and were taken back by relatives or ordinary children's homes. Even those who persistently tested positive were staying well. 'I don't have any explanation for it. Will they be alive this time next year? I have no reason to doubt it: they are healthy'.

As my travels progressed, through Zambia, Zimbabwe and Tanzania, it became more and more obvious that there were great uncertainties over the extent of African AIDS. The belief that there was an epidemic had taken root in many people's minds, and some unexpected or unexplained deaths tended to be seen in the light of this belief. But was there really a new, clearly identifiable clinical condition?

In Lusaka, Zambia, I was told by Guy Scott, an MP and former cabinet minister, that the disease threatens to orphan 2 million children, and to take the lives of large numbers of staff in companies, public utilities, and government. 'It is ripping through the system. It is an absolute disaster', he said. Screening surveys conducted in late 1992 had found that as many as four out of ten sexually active people were testing HIVpositive, spurring the government into launching a new antiAIDS campaign.

But several doctors at the University Teaching Hospital in Lusaka had a different view. They responded warmly to the Bio/Technology paper, finding that it reflected and helped to explain their own experience. They had been particularly puzzled by an enormous gap between reports of people testing HIVpositive, and the number of people reported as falling ill with AIDS fewer than 1000 a year, in a nation of 8 million people.

Dr. Franci Kasolo, head of virology, said work in his department suggested the HIV figures could not be taken at face value. 'We have found a big problem with false positives', he said. 'When we repeat the tests, there are a lot of disparities in the results. A test kit from one manufacturer behaves differently from another's'. The conclusion was that 'most of our results are more or less compromised'.

Most of the country's 80 testing centres were unable to afford confirmatory Western Blot testing after an initial positive ELISA. And in any case, the Western Blot produced widely differing results. A third, rapid test had been shown to produce up to 40% false positive results.

Dr. Wilfrid Boayue, the WHO representative in Zambia, said the recent surveys had shown such a big increase in positive results compared with six to seven years previously, when the proportion was only about 5 to 8%, that he shared concern that the country was in the grip of an HIV epidemic. Kasolo, however, thought changes in the type of test kit used might contribute to the changing picture. He had a lot of experience with this, because international aid for developing countries is often tied to use of materials provided by the donor nations, and the donors keep changing.

'Most of the kits are supplied by the donors. If one decides not to provide funds any more, we move to another who will, and the kits come from that country instead. So the kits vary a lot: reporting can be high or low, depending on the kit. We have had individuals tested in one laboratory, and told they are positive, who move on to another, where they are negative. It is important that we address the whole issue of HIV in Africa scientifically. There is something going on that we do not understand'. Dr. Sitali Maswenyeho, a paediatrician at the University Teaching Hospital and former fellow in AIDS research at the University of Miami, said he had long argued against the HIV test. 'It's nonspecific', he said. 'The test itself is killing a lot of people here. The stigma is doing the damage. We have malnutrition, bad water, poor sanitation, and when on top of that you are told you have an incurable disease, that really cuts off people's lives'.

Despite concerns over the validity of the HIV test, the presence of a severe form of immune system failure, affecting mainly sexually active people, was widely acknowledged. But there was argument over its causes. Kasolo maintained that a variety of sexually transmitted infections might be responsible, a view shared by many older Zambians. Others felt it might be associated with overuse of aphrodisiac drugs, made from plant sources.

David Chipanta, 22, an HIVpositive man helping with the work of an AIDS education and counselling organization, said: 'People in the villages tell us it is not new, but that it has become worse because of promiscuity'. Despite disagreeing with that view he argued that promiscuity was itself nothing new he supported the challenge to HIV testing.

In Zimbabwe, health authorities were convinced that AIDS was a real threat, but Dr. Timothy Stamps, the minister of health and child welfare, was also concerned that WHO and the 'AIDS industry' had fostered a damaging epidemic of what he called 'HIVitis' in Africa. 'My basic worry is that it's distracting money and attention and personnel from the known problems such as malaria, tuberculosis, sexually transmitted diseases and safe motherhood', he said. He was particularly disturbed by WHO advice discouraging women who had tested HIVpositive from breastfeeding their babies.

Despite clear evidence confirming the thesis that the HIV story was gravely flawed, it was hard for me to be sure, when faced with widely differing views among those I met, whether or not some new, epidemic condition was afflicting Africa. But in Tanzania, I met two medically trained charity workers whose dramatic testimony provided the clearest evidence yet that the continent was not engulfed by an epidemic of AIDS and a profound insight into how the story of an epidemic had come about.

In midlife, after finding they could have no children of their own, Philippe and Evelyne Krynen trained in France as nurses, with a specialist qualification in tropical medicine, in order to be able to dedicate the rest of their lives helping Third World orphans. In 1988, they travelled through central Africa looking for a suitable place to set up a branch of the French charity Partage, which had agreed to support them. They heard that the remote Kagera province in northern Tanzania, where Africa's first cases of AIDS were diagnosed as far back as 1983, was now an epicentre of the disease, which had orphaned thousands of children.

After a threeday journey to the province in January 1989, a tour of the worsthit places conducted by a local Lutheran bishop seemed to confirm everything they had been told. Whole villages were being destroyed, people were dying continuously in and around the main township of Bukoba, and HIV testing suggested up to half the sexually active population was infected.

Philippe, now 51, a former pilot, and Evelyne, 43, a teacher, prepared an illustrated report on their findings, Voyage des Krynen en Tanzanie, which was to prove a catalyst for world interest in the social impact of AIDS in Africa. It presented a dramatic picture: children alone in houses emptied of adults, or abandoned into the care of grandparents; a football team destroyed by the disease; old people sitting alone with their dead; black crosses painted at the entrances of AIDSstricken homes.

'Here, AIDS does not choose its victims among marginal groups', they wrote. 'It touches the entire sexually active population, men and women alike. Extreme sexual liberty, a weak sense of hygiene and a lack of medical and social support have made the populations of these parts a particularly homogeneous risk group'.

As I reported in The Sunday Times, it was a message that Western medical and charitable agencies, urgently wanting to alert people to the perceived dangers of HIV and AIDS, were more than ready to hear. US, French and Belgian newspapers, magazines and television stations took up the story. Aspects of it are still being quoted around the world by AIDS organizations.

The couple explained to me that in common with many other Westerners who had seen the AIDS epidemic as a call to arms against the perils of ignorance and promiscuity, they had felt it was almost impossible to overstate the dangers. They helped one young villager write a letter to schoolchildren. It said so many of his teammates had died that 'we can't play football any more so behave, and you won't get the disease like we did here'. The letter featured in pamphlets prepared by a European Community AIDS prevention project and was distributed widely to schools in west Africa.

'When we came here we had the textbook knowledge of AIDS in our minds', Philippe said. 'That it is a sexually transmitted disease; that it would be very easily transmitted in Africa because other STDs are rampant; that many Africans are HIVpositive and would get fullblown AIDS after one or two years, faster than in Europe; and that the virus was passed from mother to child, affecting 50% of children. This was what we had learned from our medical studies. And the people who showed me what was happening here reinforced this belief. What I wrote in my journal was with 100% bonne conscience'.

Four years on, Partage Tanzanie was now employing some 230 fulltime staff, who were helping 7000 children in 15 of Kagera's villages. There were 20 nurses, a doctor, a pharmacist, a laboratory technician, office workers and teachers; and scores of field workers who had got to know the children, caring for them at day centres, monitoring their health and ensuring they were well fed. As a result of the increasingly intimate understanding the Krynens acquired of the region and its people, allied to the questions the couple started asking arising from their own scientific training, a very different picture of what was going on started to emerge compared with their first impressions.

The first clue that there might be something wrong with the standard medical model of HIV and AIDS came when they started to try to organise help for children in the border villages. 'Our aim was to help the people help their children', Evelyne said. 'But in some of the villages we found nobody was interested in the future, or in the kids, any more. One reason, we thought, was that they had been told 4050% were infected and were going to die, and this in a context where people were indeed dying a lot, because of poverty and an upsurge in malaria'. (Antimalarial drugs had helped more children through to early adulthood, but left them still vulnerable to the disease. Previously, those who survived the illness in childhood were more likely to have lifelong immunity).

'The young people were convinced they were going to die anyway, so why should they think of the children or the future. We said that even if 50% are infected, 50% are not, so let us find out which are which. Then those who are free of the virus can think about the future again'.

A pilot study offering HIV tests to their own staff produced a shock: only 5% were positive, although almost all were young and sexually active. Perhaps they were unrepresentative, the Krynens though because their level of education was above average. So in 1992 they proposed a mass testing programme in Bukwali, a village on the border with Uganda where some of Africa's first AIDS cases had been reported nearly ten years previously.

Encouraged by the promise that a clinic would be established to give free treatment to anyone testing positive, about 850 people agreed to take part almost the entire population aged between 18 and 60. This time, 13.7% were found to be HIVpositive, still much lower than the villagers had been led to believe. The Krynens found that a single positive test could not be relied on repeat testing would frequently show the same patient to be negative. The villagers may have shown a higher rate of HIVpositives simply because they were older, with an average age of about 42 compared with 24 in the staff study. They had beer exposed for longer to 'whatever it is in Africa that can so readily cause the blood to test positive', as Evelyn put it.

'We have noticed that with the women, the more children they have, the more likely they are to be positive. We have five HIVpositive women on our staff, and all have children, but a stable life. It could be because being more in contact with doctors and hospitals, and taking more drugs, or even just giving birth, causes you to accumulate reactivity to the test. It may not have anything to do with a virus'.

The Krynens also found that when appropriate treatment was given to villagers who became ill with complaints such as pneumonia and fungal infections that might have contributed to an AIDS diagnosis, they usually recovered.

'All of a sudden you put all you have been told about the disease in the garbage can, and try to reconsider', Evelyne said. 'The 15 villages we have looked at are in the most affected area of a region that is supposed to be at the epicentre of AIDS in Africa. When you listen to the people, you find they had been shocked by some deaths where the effects on the body were very visual, with fungus infections and skin rashes. But these can be secondary effects of antibiotics, and the people who died with these conditions had all been treated before for conditions such as bronchitis. Nothing is sure; everything is just wind'.

Most of the first deaths reported as AIDS were in young men trading in blackmarket goods in the aftermath of the Ugandan war. It started at the border, where people were dealing in drugs as well as other goods, said Philippe. 'It's true this group had money and was affected with immune suppression and a wasting syndrome. But it was not because they had sex like rabbits that they died. This is what was put in people's minds by missionaries and other people, but whatever killed them was not sexually transmitted, because they have not killed their partners. They have not killed the prostitutes they were using; these girls are still prostitutes in the same place'.

'Was it a special booze? Was it an amphetamine or aphrodisiac? It is difficult to give more than hints, but when you listen to the people's descriptions of those first affected, you find they were saying they had been poisoned. If the local people said that, for two or three years before the word AIDS came to the region, why don't we believe them a bit, and look at what could have poisoned them'?

Today the couple are continuing to use the HIV test, 'just to prove that we have to stop doing this, that it has nothing to do with AIDS'. They are training their field workers not to mention HIV or AIDS, but instead to deal with any known disease they encounter with the best treatment available, regardless of the patient's HIV status. 'It is not known whether HIV causes AIDS', they say in a pamphlet produced for the team. 'It is time to come back to science and abandon magic thinking'. Philippe declares: 'There is no AIDS. It is something that has been invented. There are no epidemiological grounds for it; it doesn't exist for us'.

If Kagera is not, after all, in the grip of an epidemic of 'HIV disease', and if there is no AIDS, where have the thousands of orphans come from? The answer, say the Krynens, is that most of the children are not orphans at all. Their final disillusionment was to discover that although many children are raised by their grandparents, that is a longstanding cultural feature of the region.

'The parents expatriate themselves a lot', Philippe explains. 'They move away from the region, sending a little money, returning little or never, but still have many children in the village. They are outwardly orphans, but raised by the grandmother or grandfather. It has always been like this here; they may need help, but it has nothing to do with AIDS. Polygamy is also rampant here and they don't raise all the children. They select very few and the others are just made and abandoned'. Other children are born to prostitutes, who may spend much of the year away from the region, working in the cities.

'You come as a European and ask: 'Who has no mother or father?' They produce all these children, even though they have a mother or father in another place. We have been shown false orphans since the beginning children who have parents who never died, but who will not show up any more. And when the parent has died, nobody has been asking why. It has nothing to do with an epidemic. Families just bring them as orphans, and if you ask how the parents died they will say AIDS. It is fashionable nowadays to say that, because it brings money and support'.

'If you say your father has died in a car accident it is bad luck, but if he has died from AIDS there is an agency to help you. The local people have seen so many agencies coming, called AIDS support programmes, that they want to join this group of victims. Everybody claims to be a victim of AIDS nowadays . . . It is good to know that this epidemic which was going to wipe out Africa is just a big bubble of soap'.

Posters warning of the dangers of ukimwi (AIDS) adorn the cabins of the Victoria, a steamer that ferries passengers on the ninehour journey from Mwanza, on the southern shore of Lake Victoria, to Bukoba. When the Krynens first made the journey, they found a small town with only a handful of foreigners and few cars. Today, as the ferry arrives, the tiny port seizes up with vehicles, including the white Land Rovers and Toyotas characteristic of the numerous AIDS agencies that have flourished in much of central Africa.

'We have everybody coming here now the World Bank, the churches, the Red Cross, the UN Development Programme, the African Medical Research Foundation about 17 organizations reportedly doing something for AIDS in Kagera', Philippe said. 'It brings jobs, cars the day there is no more AIDS, a lot of development is going to go away'.

The Krynens work hard. They keep files on all their donor families and careful records of how the money is spent. Their home, a modest bungalow on a hillside overlooking Lake Victoria, is the hub of the project, with its own HIVtesting laboratory. All day a stream of workers comes by to give feedback and take directions. A few children who have nowhere else to go live in an adjoining building. With such direct, practical help being given to suffering people, perhaps it does not matter too much whether the children are AIDS orphans or not. But the Krynens are angry because false information continues to be spread to Africa and the world.

'Africa is a market for many things, an experimental ground for many organizations and a 'good conscience' ground for many charities', Philippe said. 'It is very easy to 'do good' in Africa. It is so disorganised that the one who is doing the good is also the one reporting the good he is doing. So it is a perfect field for charity the fake charity which is 99% of the charity in Africa, charity which benefits the benefactors. The Krynens felt strongly about this because of their own involvement in triggering an invasion of AIDS agencies to Kagera. They now know that the stories they told, of houses and villages abandoned because of AIDS, were untrue.

'The houses that were empty were closed because they were the second or third homes of someone in Dar es Salaam', said Philippe. And the black crosses painted outside homes were leftovers from a populalion census, not a warning of AIDS. 'I learned this later. I have never seen a village with no adults, where children are like wolves in the forest. You know who is responsible for these stories? Partly, Partage. We said that if we did not do something very quickly, these villages would be emptied of adults, and children would be like wild animals. The stories have been printed and reprinted, without the 'if' '.

'My medical studies led me to believe that AIDS was devastating and the people who showed me the situation here reinforced this belief. I jumped into this, and made others believe it. And now I know it was not true. But I know many more things that were not true. Nothing was true'.

'It is terrible to consider you have done so many things you thought worthwhile, when in fact you were misled. It is difficult to adjust afterwards. Nobody knows who is responsible for the first misinterpretation, but as time passes it gets bigger and bigger. These ideas were not based on any studies; they were just fashion. But when you are here, and you have to witness the reality of what happens in the field, you cannot agree with any of the statements they are making in Europe about AIDS in Africa. We discovered we were in a fullblown lie about AIDS. Everybody participates in this lie, willingly or not. No individual is responsible, but it is a big scandal'.

'The world has been brainwashed about AIDS. It has become a disease in itself, without the necessity of having sick people any more. You don't need AIDS patients to have an AIDS epidemic nowadays, because what is wrong doesn't need to be proved. Nobody checks; AIDS exists by itself'.

'We came here to help orphans of AIDS. Now we are facing a situation where there are no orphans and no AIDS. We are in the heart of AIDS country. You are talking to people who 'discovered' AIDS here, and who now say it is a lie. We expect to have to pay for what we say. It will be the price of truth'.

Articles I filed from Africa were often followed up or reprinted in regional and national newspapers there, after they had appeared in The Sunday Times. With so much money and prestige at stake, this caused some of the people I had interviewed to come under great pressure to recant. They responded differently to these pressures.

Father D'Agostino was upset to see the puzzlement and hope he had expressed in relation to the survival of his 'AIDS babies' put in the context of the wider critique of the HIV theory of AIDS that The Sunday Times had been airing. To the medical profession, this is a heresy, not just a different interpretation of the facts, and a press release he issued on September 17 on behalf of the Children of God Relief Institute, which runs Nyumbani, read more like a religious creed than a comment from a scientist. It stated:

Recently, the London Sunday Times ran a long frontpage story and the Nairobi Nation an editorial page 'special report'. Both papers misconstrued the facts of the unfortunate life circumstances of the children at 'Nyumbani' in order to prove an erroneous thesis. While this does no harm to the children themselves, it does a grave disservice to the larger community because it panders to the all too prevalent mental process of denial. This denial only increases the universal and deadly threat of HIV/AIDS. In order to correct these errors, we must assert:

(1) We do believe in the 'germ' theory of disease as proposed by Louis Pasteur. This universally proven theory is accepted by compassionate and credible scientists worldwide.

(2) We believe that there is a virus designated 'HIV' which has been isolated and is responsible for the fatal disease called AIDS.

(3) Since there is no cure for the ravages of the HIV virus, we believe that the only strategy to contain and prevent spreading of the disease AIDS is for all sectors of society to join hands in creating awareness and, urge action in an appropriate manner.

(4) Compassion, understanding, care and respect for human dignity must fashion any program to help those suffering from HIV/AIDS.

(5) We invite any party so inclined to help our efforts to assist in alleviating the tragic plight of those voiceless HIV/AIDS sufferers the abandoned child.

(6) We totally disagree with any scientifically unsubstantiable theory that denies the reality of the causation of the disease HIV/AIDS.

The uncertainties Father D'Agostino had clearly expressed in a recorded interview, as he pondered the surprising good health of his foundlings, were now gone, replaced by a reaffirmation of belief in the HIV doctrine of AIDS. I knew nothing of this press release at the time I was still travelling through Africa, and had not even seen the Sunday Times and although Father D'Agostino says he faxed a response to the article to the newspaper's office, it was never received there.

In fact, the first I knew of his dissatisfaction was when I received the following letter, dated October 22, after I had written to him on my return to London enclosing cuttings of my Africa articles.

Dear Neville,

I want to thank you for the courtesy of sending the article appearing in the 3rd October edition and also for the pleasant experience that we all had when you visited Nyumbani. That being said, I must confess to some reservations.

You and I look at the world with quite different perspectives. You, from that of a journalist and myself, as a committed medical man. Our goals are quite different. I, after having spent at least 14 full years in the pursuit of medical knowledge, am committed to using that eclectic knowledge for the good of mankind. I am not espousing any particular philosophy or theory when I attempt to enhance the body's (and mind's) natural healing powers. That being said then, I quite disagree with your point of view. I am trying to be charitable in assuming that you have taken this task for humanitarian reasons, but I must say there is a question about that at times.

I certainly question the Sunday Times approach to the problem because it is quite evident that they are more interested in selling copies rather than the pursuit of truth. They have no care for the terrible consequences to people when they are permanently and fatally injured by believing the misinformation that is being peddled. A primary principle in the practice of conventional medicine is that if one cannot do any good, at least do not do any harm. This principle is observed only in the breach by the Sunday Times because they are doing great harm without even considering the possibility . . . and for mere gold.

Another point: I was able to fax a response to the article but never got any sort of admission of reception or acknowledgement. Would it be possible for you to inquire as to whether or not they did receive my fax and what they plan to do about it, if anything?

Finally, I want to state that this is not a personal issue and I would look forward to your visiting us once again, but this time, being quite open about our stand with regard to the terrible consequences of the infection by the HIV virus.

With all best wishes, A. D'Agostino, SJ, MD

On October 29, I replied as follows:

Dear Father D'Agostino,

I was greatly distressed to receive your letter of October 22 today. Firstly, because neither I nor the Letters Editor had known anything of your sending a response to my article of October 3; and secondly, because of your evident distress over what you call the Sunday Times approach to the issue of HIV and AIDS. I had felt that my article was a straightforward description of what you had told me and what I had observed for myself. I also know how much both the Editor and myself have wanted to contribute to understanding about HIV and AIDS, and how wrong you are to allege that we are doing harm 'for mere gold'. Have you seen the other articles I filed? Some of the people involved in those have subsequently come under bitter attack from parties who feel both the truth and their own interests have been threatened, but perhaps the difference is that they were aware of what a contentious issue this is.

It is not possible to back away from these issues: the point of view to which the newspaper has been giving an airing is that immeasurable harm, including much loss of life resulting from panic and false diagnosis, is being done by the blind pursuit of the HIV hypothesis against much evidence of its inadequacies. Indeed, we quoted accurately Dr Timothy Stamps, Minister for Health and Child Welfare in Zimbabwe, as saying 'the HIV industry . . . is now in my view one of the biggest threats to health'.

Your own uncertainty was very clear when we met. What has happened to make you write as you did? I do apologise if you have been embroiled in a controversy against your wishes, but the strength of feeling on this issue should help to indicate to you that something may be terribly wrong in the view that your profession has currently espoused so dogmatically about the cause of AIDS.

I thank you for your kindness in emphasising that you do not see this as a personal issue. Please do send a copy of your original fax to the Letters Editor, with a copy in the post in case of further problems. Mark the letter clearly for the Letters Editor. I should also be grateful to receive a copy: the news desk fax, which is nearest to me, is ....

Neither I nor the newspaper ever received that fax from Father D'Agostino. He told me by phone, when the issue flared up again, that he had decided against sending it, after receiving my letter, feeling that it was by then too late. But that did not stop him making a statement the following January to the Independent on Sunday, a newspaper which has been most vociferous in Britain in promoting the official view on HIV and AIDS and in attacking my own reporting. In it, he condemned the 'gross distortions and quite incorrect implication' made as a result of my interviewing him, and declaring that he had received no acknowledgement of his original fax.

I like and admire Father D'Agostino and am sad that I caused him distress, but I feel quite sure we were right to run the article. The quotes directly attributed to him were taken verbatim from my recording and expressed his observations as a human being and a doctor, as opposed to a politician and defender of the HIV faith. I can understand his discomfort at the sweeping frontpage headline used on the story, 'Babies give lie to African AIDS'. There was also an unfortunate piece of editing, that attributed more uncertainty to him than he had expressed. The article I filed from Nairobi included a paragraph in which I wrote: 'The suspicion is growing that many 'AIDS' cases are really old diseases given a new name, though sometimes made worse by civil war and economic and social decline, and that people who test HIVpositive are not, as most have been led to believe, the victims of a new, inevitably lethal disease'. The edited version correctly stated that in common with growing numbers of scientists and doctors around the world, D'Agostino was beginning to question whether HIV really was the killer it had been made out to be. That was the purport of the entire interview, during which I had told him about the Bio/Technology paper and the reappraisal of the HIV theory of AIDS being sought by those doctors and scientists. But the article then went on to state that 'He, like them, suspects that many 'AIDS' cases are really old diseases given a new name . . .' etc., a suspicion I had not attributed to him.

His statement to the Independent on Sunday, however, made it plain that he was now putting all his doubts behind him. He said four children in his care had since died of AIDS out of a total of 55 with HIV, and that two or three others had AIDS. He had no doubt, the paper reported, that children infected with HIV would eventually succumb to AIDS.

Since my work in this field has so often shown me how that very expectation among doctors tends to become a selffulfilling prophecy, I rang D'Agostino in disbelief to ask him if that was really what he now thought. Yes, he said, 'I never questioned the medical model; the only thing I questioned was why they didn't die at three, why they were still alive at seven. I never questioned that they would die. I know they will succumb'. There was 'no question' in his mind that the four had died of AIDS. In one, it had been carditis, that refused to clear up with the most uptodate antibiotics. When I questioned whether that was an AIDSdefining illness, and asked him about the other deaths, Father D'Agostino grew angry and told me they died of HIV, and he was a doctor, and I had no right to question his clinical judgement.

D'Agostino told me he had come under a lot of pressure locally, in particular through medical channels, and I do not know what other pressures he had to bear. But they could hardly have been more intense than those that befell the Krynens after my article about their changed vision of AIDS in Africa. The European Community's AIDS Task Force, which had previously made a star of Philippe Krynen, now disowned him and cancelled a promise of funding for Partage. There were even attempts to have the couple thrown out of the country. They were also invited to ecant, and condemn the Sunday Times, as in a letter received from Dr. Angus Nicoll, consultant epidemiologist with Britain's Public Health Laboratory Service, who inquired through Partage's headquarters in France:

Further to my communication of December 20th I have been sent the attached letter and press release by Father D'Agostino in Kenya. As you will read they are complaining of some misrepresentation by the Sunday Times and are asking that the newspaper convey Dr. D'Agostino's views. I also attach a copy of the original article . . . After reading these letters I wondered whether Mr. and Mrs. Krynen had been fully happy with their coverage and had had any experience like Dr D'Agostino in trying to make a correction?

Philippe Krynen told me that he received the same letter again in January. The answer suggested by such an amazing approach, he said though he did not actually send it was 'questions put by the police are only answered in the presence of our lawyer'. In fact, he stood by and continues to stand by every word in our article.

In February 1994, the Journal of Infectious Diseases published the results of a study conducted in Kinshasa, Zaire, to try to establish whether HIV infection was associated with leprosy. About 70% of 57 leprosy patients, and 30% of a group of 39 contacts, tested positive according to two leading versions of ELISA. But after laboratory investigations, it was found that proteins from the leprosy agent were causing crossreactions with the 'HIV' test. When this was taken into account, the researchers concluded that in fact only two of the leprosy patients, and none of the contacts, were HIVinfected. Testing with Western Blot was even more misleading. It gave a positive reaction in 85% of the patients who were negative with the other tests. The authors, who included Harvard's Dr. Max Essex, one of the originators of the theory that HIV originated in Africa, pointed out that the microbe responsible for tuberculosis is in the same family of mycobacterial agents. They concluded that ELISA and Western Blot tests 'may not be sufficient for HIV diagnosis in AIDSendemic areas of central Africa where prevalence of mycobacterial diseases is quite high'.

These findings are exactly in line with the Krynens' observations, with what Father D'Agostino originally allowed himself to see, and with the Eleopulos paper in Bio/Technology. They go to the root of the bad science that has misled so many into believing Africa is in the grip of an epidemic of 'HIV disease'. The disease is in the minds of the scientists responsible for creating this monumental blunder, and for perpetuating it with campaigns to discredit those who have sought to offer an alternative perspective

'AIDS' in Africa is a collection of illnesses, some well known, others perhaps yet to be identified, brought together under an artificial umbrella by their shared ability to cause millions to give a positive result in what has come to be known as the HIV test.

As Professor P.A.K. Addy, head of clinical microbiology at the University of Science and Technology in Kumasi, Ghana, told New African magazine: 'I've known for a long time that AIDS is not a crisis in Africa as the world is being made to understand. But in Africa it is very difficult to stick your neck out and say certain things. The West came out with those frightening statistics on AIDS in Africa because it was unaware of certain social and clinical conditions. In most of Africa, infectious diseases, particularly parasitic infections, are common. And there are other conditions that can easily compromise or affect one's immune system.

'The diagnosis itself, merely being told you have AIDS, is enough to kill, and is killing people'.

I salute the Krynens, and others like them in Africa and elsewhere, who have been prepared to risk everything for the sake of telling the truth as they see it. *

Tom Cotton 2016 - The Post-Truth Coup

"Rejecting criticism of its latest TV ad, Republican Senate hopeful Tom Cotton plans to keep running the “Farm Bill” message beyond its current ad buy.

“We’ve gotten such great feedback from farmers, taxpayers, and supporters that we’re actually going to increase the size of the ad buy,” said David Ray, a spokesman for the Cotton campaign.

In a local interview this week, Cotton said he’s “proud” of his demonstrably dishonest commercial, adding that the fact-checkers didn’t spend time “growing up on a farm,” so he knows “a little bill more about farming than they do.”

As defenses go, Cotton’s argument is gibberish. One need not grow up on a farm to recognize the basic tenets of reality. The congressman told a lie, he knew it was a lie, he got caught telling a lie, and instead of doing the honorable thing, Cotton has decided he likes this lie.

Jesse Killed Martin

"In 1968 Ernestine Campbell and her husband owned the Trumpet Hotel which abutted the Lorraine. No one had ever talked to her or asked her about what she saw on that fateful afternoon. Ernestine said she left the hotel and started for home just before 6:00 p.m., driving her gold-bronze Cadillac up Butler and turning right on Mulberry. 

As she passed the Lorraine driveway on Butler, she saw Dr. King standing on the balcony. She didn't hear anything because she had the car windows up and the radio on. 

As she turned the corner onto Mulberry she looked up and saw Dr. King lying on the balcony. She thought he'd had a heart attack. She stopped for a minute or two at the driveway, wondering why people weren't racing to the balcony. Possibly she had arrived at the driveway when everyone was still in a state of shock.

Her attention was in particular drawn to Jesse Jackson whom she said had one foot on the first step of the stairway looking up to the balcony while bent over "... putting something into a suit bag." Her pause was brief, and she drove on without seeing any policemen or really noticing anyone at all."

"The Klan had a special arrangement with the 20th SFG. The 20th SFG actually trained klansmen in the use of firearms and other military skills at a secret camp near Cullman, Alabama, in return for intelligence on local black leaders. The earliest of such training exercises began on November 12, 1966. Some members of the 20th SFG also used these sessions for illegal weapons sales. The U.S. Strike Command (CINCSTRIKE) was the overall coordinating command (which could call upon all military forces on U.S. soil) for the purpose of responding to urban riots in 1967-1968. At that time it included liaison officers from the CIA, FBI, and other nonmilitary state and federal agencies. It was headquartered at MacDill air force base in Tampa, Florida, and the ACSI and USAINTC commanders were primary leaders in developing CINCSTRIKE strategy for the mobilization of forces as required for defensive action inside CONUS."

Pasolini

I know the names of those responsible for the slaughter...

   I know the names of the powerful group...

   I know the names of those who, between one mass and the next, made provision and guaranteed political protection...

   I know the names of the important and serious figures who are behind the ridiculous figures... 

   I know the names of the important and serious figures behind the tragic kids...

   I know all these names and all the acts (the slaughters, the attacks on institutions) they have been guilty of...

   I know.  But I don't have the proof.  I don't even have clues.

- Pier Paolo Pasolini

"Want to go for a spin?" the poet and maestro of Italian cinema asked the rent boy, according to the latter's confession to the police. "Come ride with me, and I'll give you a present."

So began the events leading to the murder of Pier Paolo Pasolini, brilliant intellectual, director and homosexual whose political vision – based on a singular entwinement of Eros, Catholicism and Marxism – foresaw Italian history after his death, and the burgeoning of global consumerism. It was a murder that, four decades later, remains shrouded in the kind of mystery and opacity Italy specialises in – un giallo, a black thriller.

The encounter occurred in the miasma of hustling around Roma Termini railway station at 10.30pm on 1 November 1975. And it marks the point of departure for a film tipped to win the Golden Lion at the Venice biennale festival this week – Pasolini, starring Willem Dafoe and directed by Abel Ferrara, Bronx-born of Italian descent. The film deals with the last day of an extraordinary life. Ferrara says: "I know who killed Pasolini," but will not give a name. But in an interview with Il Fatto Quotidiano, he adds: "Pasolini is my font of inspiration."

At 1.30am, three hours after the station rendezvous, a Carabinieri squad car stopped a speeding Alfa Romeo near the scrappy coastal promenade of Idroscalo at Ostia, near Rome. The driver, Giuseppe (Pino) Pelosi, 17, sought to run, and was arrested for theft of the car, identified as belonging to Pasolini. Two hours later, the director's body was discovered – beaten, bloodied and run over by the car, beside a football pitch. Splinters of bloodied wood lay around.

Pelosi confessed: he and Pasolini had set off, and he had eaten a meal at a restaurant the director knew, the Biondo Tevere near St Paul's basilica, where he was known. Pino ate spaghetti with oil and garlic, Pasolini drank a beer. At 11.30pm they drove towards Ostia, where Pasolini "asked something I did not want" – to sodomise the boy with a wooden stick. Pelosi refused, Pasolini struck; Pelosi ran, picked up two pieces of a table, seized the stick and battered Pasolini to death. As he escaped in the car, he ran over what he thought was a bump in the road. "I killed Pasolini," he told his cellmate, and the police.

Pelosi was convicted in 1976, with "unknown others". Forensic examination by Dr Faustino Durante concluded that "Pasolini was the victim of an attack carried out by more than one person".

On appeal, however, the "others" were written out of the verdict. Pelosi had acted alone and the master was dead in a squalid tryst gone wrong and best forgotten, perhaps even deserved. But fascination with Pasolini and his films (in Italy, his writing too) increased – as did that with mysteries that still hang over his last hours.

The renown of his work is manifestly on merit: New York's Moma mounted a retrospective in 2012, the BFI in 2013. In April this year the Vatican, which had once pursued Pasolini and helped secure a criminal conviction for blasphemy, declared his masterpiece, The Gospel According to St Matthew, "the best film ever made about Jesus Christ". This expression of Pasolini's radical faith portrays Jesus as a revolutionary "red Messiah", according to the Franciscan doctrine of holy poverty, which in part influences the current pontiff, Francis.

But the compulsion of his death is less explicable: in 2010 the former mayor of Rome and leader of the centre-left Democratic party, Walter Veltroni, demanded that the case be reopened on the basis of a convergence of strange, and politically charged, circumstances.

Pasolini was killed the day after his return from Stockholm, where he had met Ingmar Bergman and others in the Swedish cinematic avant-garde, and given an explosive interview to L'Espresso magazine. In it, he addressed his favourite theme: "I consider consumerism to be a worse form of fascism than the classic variety."

Pasolini's view of a new totalitarianism whereby hyper-materialism was destroying the culture of Italy can be seen now as brilliant foresight into what has happened to the world generally in an internet age. But his critique had been, for months before the murder, more specific. He had singled out television as an especially pernicious influence, predicting the rise and power of a type such as media-mogul-turned-prime minister Silvio Berlusconi long before time. More specific still, he had written a series of columns for Corriere della Sera denouncing the leadership of the ruling Christian Democratic party as riddled with Mafia influence, predicting the so-called Tangentopoli – "kickback city" – scandals 15 years later, whereby an entire political class was put under arrest during the early 1990s. In his columns, Pasolini declared that the Christian Democratic leadership should stand trial, not only for corruption but association with neo-fascist terrorism, such as the bombing of trains and a demonstration in Milan.

Again, a spine-chilling vindication: these were the so-called "years of lead" in Italy, culminating in the bombing of Bologna station five years after Pasolini's death by neo-fascists working with the secret services, killing 82 people.

I was a student in turbulent Florence in 1973, returning every year thereafter and affiliated to a radical organisation called Lotta Continua (Struggle Continues); and I well remember Lotta Continua's newspaper taking contributions from Pasolini, though his relationship to the radical movements spawned by 1968 was ambiguous. He had identified with police officers against student rioters because, he said, they were "sons of the poor" attacked by bourgeois "daddy's boys".

So it was that, in the wake of the murder in 1975, those close to Pasolini saw the hand of power behind his killing. It would not have been a first: prominent leftists were often attacked or killed; feminist Franca Rame, who would marry the anarchist playwright Dario Fo, was gang-raped by neo-fascists, urged by the Carabinieri.

Members of Pasolini's family and circle of friends, and the writers Oriana Fallaci and Enzo Siciliano raised possible political motives for the killing and produced evidence that contradicted Pelosi's confession, such as a green sweater found in the car that belonged neither to Pasolini nor Pelosi, and Pasolini's bloody handprint on its roof (there were barely any bloodstains on Pelosi). Motorcycle riders and another car had been seen following the Alfa Romeo.

In January 2001 an article appeared in La Stampa that turned conspiracy theory into a hard lead. It concerned the death in 1962, in a plane crash, of Enrico Mattei, head of the ENI energy giant, made into a famous film by Francesco Rosi, with whom Pasolini had worked.

The article's author, Filippo Ceccarelli – one of Italy's expert political journalists – cited inquiries by a judge, Vincenzo Calia, into political intrigue within ENI, which found the plane had been shot down. Judge Calia implicated the man who succeeded Mattei, Eugenio Cefis, in cahoots with political leaders. The report cited a journalist who had worked on The Mattei Affair film with Rosi, Mauro di Mauro, who was kidnapped and disappeared without trace.

Long before Calia's investigation, published in 2003, Pasolini had worked on the posthumously released book Petrolio, featuring barely disguised versions of Mattei and Cefis, and revealing knowledge of how the ENI scandal and murder went to the heart of power and the P2 Masonic lodge, of which Cefis was a founder member. "With 25 years' foresight," wrote Ceccarelli, "Pasolini the writer had been aware of the outcome of a long investigation."

Then, in 2005, the floodgates opened. Pelosi, interviewed on television, retracted his confession, saying that two brothers and another man had killed Pasolini, calling him a "queer" and "dirty communist" as they beat him to death. They frequented, he said, the Tiburtina branch of the MSI neo-fascist party. Three years later, Pelosi gave further names in an essay called "Deep Black", released by the radical publisher Chiarelettere, revealing connections to even more extreme fascist cells tied to the state secret services, saying he had not previously dared to speak, after threats to his family.

One of Pasolini's closest friends, assistant director Sergio Citti, then came to the fore to say that his own investigations had produced evidence entirely overlooked: bloodied pieces of the stick dumped close to the football pitch, and a witness ignored by the official investigation who had seen five men drag Pasolini from the car.

Citti introduced a new theme: the theft of spools from Pasolini's last film, Salò, the return of which he had tried to negotiate. The gang of thieves frequented, it emerged, the same billiard bar as Pelosi, and had called Pasolini on the last day of his life to organise a meeting. Another investigation by the writer Fulvio Abbate tied the killers to the famous Magliana criminal gang on the coastal outskirts of Rome.

Yet the case remains closed, and there are those within Pasolini's circle as well as in the political class who prefer it so. Author Edoardo Sanguineti calls the death "delegated suicide" by a sado-masochist bent on his own destruction. Pasolini's cousin Nico Naldini – also a homosexual poet – wrote in the ambiguously entitled Brief Life of Pasolini about the director's "fetishistic rituals" and "attraction for boys who made him lose his sense of danger".

Pasolini had died, so history insists, as though in a scene from one of his films. "It is only at the point of death," Pasolini had said in 1967, "that our life, to that point ambiguous, undecipherable, suspended – acquires a meaning."