"Are you threatening me, Master Jedi?"
"On August 5, 1974, the White House released the transcript of the celebrated “smoking gun” taped conversation of June 23, 1972 in which Nixon discussed ways to frustrate the investigation of the Watergate break-ins. Chairman George was one of the leading Nixon Administration figures consulting with Al Haig in the course of the morning. When Bush heard the news, he was very upset, undoubtedly concerned about all the very negative publicity that he himself was destined to receive in the blowback of Nixon’s now imminent downfall. Then after a while he calmed down somewhat. One account describes Bush as “somewhat relieved” by the news that the coup de grace tape was going to be made public, “an act probably fatal,” as Haig had said. “Finally there was some one thing the national chairman could see clearly. The ambiguities in the evidence had been tearing the party apart, Bush thought.” [fn 50] At this point Bush became the most outspoken and militant organizer of Nixon’s resignation, a Cassius of the Imperial Presidency.
A little later White House Congressional liaison William Timmons wanted to make sure that everyone had been fully briefed about the transcripts going out, and he turned to Nixon’s political counselor Dean Burch. “Dean, does Bush know about the transcript yet?”, Timmons asked. Burch replied, “Yes.” “Well, what did he do?”, Timmons asked.
“He broke out in assholes and shit himself to death,” was Burch’s answer. [fn 51]
But why, it may be asked, the dermal diahhrea? Why should Bush be so distraught over the release to the press of the transcript of the notorious White House meeting of June 23, 1972, whose exhcanges between Nixon and Haldeman were to prove the coup de grace to the agony of the Nixon regime? As we have seen, there is plenty of evidence that the final fall of Nixon was just the denouement that Bush wanted. The answer is that Bush was upset about the fabulous “smoking gun” tape because his friend Mosbacher, his business partner Bill Liedtke, and himself were referred to in the most sensitive passages. Yes, a generation of Americans has grown up recalling something about a “smoking gun” tape, but not many now recall that when Nixon referred to “the Texans,” he meant George Bush. (“Das Bekannte ueberhaupt ist darum, weil es bekannt ist, nicht erkannt,” as even old Hegel knew.)
The open secret of the much-cited but little analyzed “smoking gun” tape is that it refers to Nixon’s desire to mobilize the CIA to halt the FBI investigation of the Watergate burglars on the grounds that money can be traced from donors in Texas and elsewhere to the coffers of the CREEP and thence to the pockets of Bernard Barker and the other Cubans arrested. The money referred to, of course, is part of Bill Liedtke’s $700,000 discussed above. A first crucial passage of the “smoking gun” tape goes as follows, with the first speaker being Haldeman:
- H: Now, on the investigation, you know the Democratic break-in thing, we’re back in the problem area because the FBI is not under control, because [FBI chief] Gray doesn’t exactly know how to control it and they have –their investigation is leading into some productive areas because they’ve been able to trace the money–not through the money itself–but through the bank sources–the banker. And, and it goes in some directions we don’t want it to go.
- Ah, also there have been some things–like an informant came in off the street to the FBI in Miami who was a photographer or has a friend who was a photographer or has a friend who was a photographer who developed some films through this guy Barker and the films had pictures of Democratic national Committee letterhead documents and things. So it’s things like that that are filtering in.
- Mitchell came up with yesterday, and John Dean analyzed very carefully last night and concludes, concurs now with Mitchell’s recommendation that the only way to solve this, and we’re set up beautifully to do it, ah, in that and that– the only network that paid any attention to it last night was NBC–they did a massive story on the Cuban thing.
P: [Nixon] That’s right.
H: That the way to handle this now is for us to have [CIA Deputy Director Vernon] Walters call Pat Gray and just say “Stay the hell out of this–this is ah, business here we don’t want you to go any further on it. That’s not an unusal development, and ah, that would take care of it.
- P: What about Pat Gray–you mean Pat Gray doesn’t want to?
H: Pat does want to. He doesn’t know how to, and he doesn’t have, he doesn’t have any basis for doing it. Given this, he will then have the basis. He’ll call Mark Felt in, and the two of them–and Mark Felt wants to cooperate because he’s ambitious–
P: Yeah
H: He’ll call him in and say, “We’ve got the signal from across the river to put the hold on this.” And that will fit rather well because the FBI agents who are working the case, at this point, feel that’s what it is.
P: This is CIA? They’ve traced the money? Who’d they trace it to?
H: Well they’ve traced it to a name, but they haven’t gotten to the guy yet.
P: Would it be somebody here?
H: Ken Dahlberg.
P: Who the hell is Ken Dahlberg? He gave $25,000 in Minnesota and, ah, the check went directly to this guy Barker.
P: It isn’t from the committee though, from Stans? Yeah. It is. It’s directly traceable and there’s some more through some Texas people that went to the Mexican bank which can also be traced to the Mexican bank– they’ll get their names today. And (pause)
P: Well, I mean, there’s no way–I’m just thinking if they don’t cooperate, what do they say? That they were approached by the Cubans. That’s what Dahlberg has to say, the Texans too, that they–
H: Well, if they will. But then we’re relying on more and more people all the time. That’s the problem, and they’ll stop if we could take this other route.
P: All right.
H: And you seem to think the thing to do is get them to stop?
P: Right, fine.