A Lecture by Ian Crane on the world in which you live as it is.
Rather than how it should be.
The best and most succinct presentation available on the nature, practice and doctrine of The Brotherhoods, their hierarchy and interconnectedness, the psychopathology of Zionism and the New World Order ideology.
But What is The New World Order?
What does it mean..?
"After consulting with my advisers, with world leaders, and the congressional leadership, I have today told Secretary-General Boutros-Ghali that America will answer the call. I have given the order to Secretary Cheney to move a substantial American force into Somalia.
As I speak, a Marine amphibious ready group, which we maintain at sea, is offshore Mogadishu. These troops will be joined by elements of the 1st Marine Expeditionary Force, based out of Camp Pendleton, California, and by the Army's 10th Mountain Division out of Fort Drum, New York. These and other American forces will assist in Operation Restore Hope. They are America's finest. They will perform this mission with courage and compassion, and they will succeed. "
President George HW Bush, 1992
“The youth [local fighters] were surprised at the low morale of the American soldiers and realized more than before that the American soldier was a paper tiger and [would] after a few blows run in defeat. And America forgot all the hoopla and media propaganda… about being the world leader and the leader of the New World Order, and after a few blows they forgot about this title and left, dragging their corpses and their shameful defeat.”
What Mikhail Gorbochev Was Talking About:
"For a new type of progress throughout the world to become a reality, everyone must change. Tolerance is the alpha and omega of a New World Order."
During a tour of the United States, as quoted in The New York Times (5 June 1990)
It's very significant and notable that in all his referencing to any formulation of his concept, he never names his nation, or make any reference to the nature of their existing system of government...
"Americans have a severe disease — worse than AIDS. It's called the winner's complex."
ABC News (12 July 2006)
Mikhail Gorbachev on Obama/Putin and The Unspeakable Reality of the New World Order from Spike1138 on Vimeo.
"For a new type of progress throughout the world to become a reality, everyone must change. Tolerance is the alpha and omega of a New World Order."
During a tour of the United States, as quoted in The New York Times (5 June 1990)
"With Yeltsin, the Soviet Union broke apart, the country was totally mismanaged, the constitution was not respected by the regions of Russia. The army, education and health systems collapsed. People in the West quietly applauded, dancing with and around Yeltsin. I conclude therefore that we should not pay too much attention to what the West is saying."
As quoted in USA Today (5 April 2006)
"I express the very deepest condolences to the family of the deceased on whose shoulders rest major events for the good of the country and serious mistakes."
On the death of Boris Yeltsin, in "Russia's former president Yeltsin dies: Kremlin" in Reuters (23 April
"I began my book about perestroika and the new thinking with the following words: "We want to be understood".
After a while I felt that it was already happening. But now I would like once again to repeat those words here, from this world rostrum. Because to understand us really — to understand so as to believe us — proved to be not at all easy, owing to the immensity of the changes under way in our country. Their magnitude and character are such as to require in-depth analysis. Applying conventional wisdom to perestroika is unproductive.
It is also futile and dangerous to set conditions, to say: We'll understand and believe you, as soon as you, the Soviet Union, come completely to resemble "us", the West.
No one is in a position to describe in detail what perestroika will finally produce. But it would certainly be a self-delusion to expect that perestroika will produce "a copy" of anything.
The more I reflect on the current world developments, the more I become convinced that the world needs perestroika no less than the Soviet Union needs it.
To me, it is self-evident that if Soviet perestroika succeeds, there will be a real chance of building a New World Order. And if perestroika fails, the prospect of entering a new peaceful period in history will vanish, at least for the foreseeable future.
The new integrity of the world, in our view, can be built only on the principles of the freedom of choice and balance of interests. Every State, and now also a number of existing or emerging regional interstate groups, have their own interests. They are all equal and deserve respect."
Nobel Peace Prize Address, 1991
What George H.W.Bush Was Talking About:
Just 2 hours ago, allied air forces began an attack on military targets in Iraq and Kuwait. These attacks continue as I speak. Ground forces are not engaged.
This conflict started August 2d when the dictator of Iraq invaded a small and helpless neighbor. Kuwait -- a member of the Arab League and a member of the United Nations -- was crushed; its people, brutalized. Five months ago, Saddam Hussein started this cruel war against Kuwait. Tonight, the battle has been joined.
This military action, taken in accord with United Nations resolutions and with the consent of the United States Congress, follows months of constant and virtually endless diplomatic activity on the part of the United Nations, the United States, and many, many other countries. Arab leaders sought what became known as an Arab solution, only to conclude that Saddam Hussein was unwilling to leave Kuwait. Others traveled to Baghdad in a variety of efforts to restore peace and justice. Our Secretary of State, James Baker, held an historic meeting in Geneva, only to be totally rebuffed. This past weekend, in a last-ditch effort, the Secretary-General of the United Nations went to the Middle East with peace in his heart -- his second such mission. And he came back from Baghdad with no progress at all in getting Saddam Hussein to withdraw from Kuwait.
Now the 28 countries with forces in the Gulf area have exhausted all reasonable efforts to reach a peaceful resolution -- have no choice but to drive Saddam from Kuwait by force. We will not fail.
As I report to you, air attacks are underway against military targets in Iraq. We are determined to knock out Saddam Hussein's nuclear bomb potential. We will also destroy his chemical weapons facilities. Much of Saddam's artillery and tanks will be destroyed. Our operations are designed to best protect the lives of all the coalition forces by targeting Saddam's vast military arsenal. Initial reports from General Schwarzkopf are that our operations are proceeding according to plan.
Our objectives are clear: Saddam Hussein's forces will leave Kuwait. The legitimate government of Kuwait will be restored to its rightful place, and Kuwait will once again be free. Iraq will eventually comply with all relevant United Nations resolutions, and then, when peace is restored, it is our hope that Iraq will live as a peaceful and cooperative member of the family of nations, thus enhancing the security and stability of the Gulf.
Some may ask: Why act now? Why not wait? The answer is clear: The world could wait no longer. Sanctions, though having some effect, showed no signs of accomplishing their objective. Sanctions were tried for well over 5 months, and we and our allies concluded that sanctions alone would not force Saddam from Kuwait.
While the world waited, Saddam Hussein systematically raped, pillaged, and plundered a tiny nation, no threat to his own. He subjected the people of Kuwait to unspeakable atrocities -- and among those maimed and murdered, innocent children.
While the world waited, Saddam sought to add to the chemical weapons arsenal he now possesses, an infinitely more dangerous weapon of mass destruction -- a nuclear weapon. And while the world waited, while the world talked peace and withdrawal, Saddam Hussein dug in and moved massive forces into Kuwait.
While the world waited, while Saddam stalled, more damage was being done to the fragile economies of the Third World, emerging democracies of Eastern Europe, to the entire world, including to our own economy.
The United States, together with the United Nations, exhausted every means at our disposal to bring this crisis to a peaceful end. However, Saddam clearly felt that by stalling and threatening and defying the United Nations, he could weaken the forces arrayed against him.
While the world waited, Saddam Hussein met every overture of peace with open contempt. While the world prayed for peace, Saddam prepared for war.
I had hoped that when the United States Congress, in historic debate, took its resolute action, Saddam would realize he could not prevail and would move out of Kuwait in accord with the United Nation resolutions. He did not do that. Instead, he remained intransigent, certain that time was on his side.
Saddam was warned over and over again to comply with the will of the United Nations: Leave Kuwait, or be driven out. Saddam has arrogantly rejected all warnings. Instead, he tried to make this a dispute between Iraq and the United States of America.
Well, he failed. Tonight, 28 nations -- countries from 5 continents, Europe and Asia, Africa, and the Arab League -- have forces in the Gulf area standing shoulder to shoulder against Saddam Hussein. These countries had hoped the use of force could be avoided. Regrettably, we now believe that only force will make him leave.
Prior to ordering our forces into battle, I instructed our military commanders to take every necessary step to prevail as quickly as possible, and with the greatest degree of protection possible for American and allied service men and women. I've told the American people before that this will not be another Vietnam, and I repeat this here tonight. Our troops will have the best possible support in the entire world, and they will not be asked to fight with one hand tied behind their back. I'm hopeful that this fighting will not go on for long and that casualties will be held to an absolute minimum.
This is an historic moment. We have in this past year made great progress in ending the long era of conflict and cold war. We have before us the opportunity to forge for ourselves and for future generations a new world order -- a world where the rule of law, not the law of the jungle, governs the conduct of nations. When we are successful -- and we will be -- we have a real chance at this new world order, an order in which a credible United Nations can use its peacekeeping role to fulfill the promise and vision of the U.N.'s founders.
We have no argument with the people of Iraq. Indeed, for the innocents caught in this conflict, I pray for their safety. Our goal is not the conquest of Iraq. It is the liberation of Kuwait. It is my hope that somehow the Iraqi people can, even now, convince their dictator that he must lay down his arms, leave Kuwait, and let Iraq itself rejoin the family of peace-loving nations.
Thomas Paine wrote many years ago: "These are the times that try men's souls." Those well-known words are so very true today. But even as planes of the multinational forces attack Iraq, I prefer to think of peace, not war. I am convinced not only that we will prevail but that out of the horror of combat will come the recognition that no nation can stand against a world united, no nation will be permitted to brutally assault its neighbor.
No President can easily commit our sons and daughters to war. They are the Nation's finest. Ours is an all-volunteer force, magnificently trained, highly motivated. The troops know why they're there. And listen to what they say, for they've said it better than any President or Prime Minister ever could.
Listen to Hollywood Huddleston, Marine lance corporal. He says, "Let's free these people, so we can go home and be free again." And he's right. The terrible crimes and tortures committed by Saddam's henchmen against the innocent people of Kuwait are an affront to mankind and a challenge to the freedom of all.
Listen to one of our great officers out there, Marine Lieutenant General Walter Boomer. He said: "There are things worth fighting for. A world in which brutality and lawlessness are allowed to go unchecked isn't the kind of world we're going to want to live in."
Listen to Master Sergeant J.P. Kendall of the 82d Airborne: "We're here for more than just the price of a gallon of gas. What we're doing is going to chart the future of the world for the next 100 years. It's better to deal with this guy now than 5 years from now."
And finally, we should all sit up and listen to Jackie Jones, an Army lieutenant, when she says, "If we let him get away with this, who knows what's going to be next?"
I have called upon Hollywood and Walter and J.P. and Jackie and all their courageous comrades-in-arms to do what must be done. Tonight, America and the world are deeply grateful to them and to their families. And let me say to everyone listening or watching tonight: When the troops we've sent in finish their work, I am determined to bring them home as soon as possible.
Tonight, as our forces fight, they and their families are in our prayers. May God bless each and every one of them, and the coalition forces at our side in the Gulf, and may He continue to bless our nation, the United States of America.
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, members of the Congress, distinguished guests, fellow Americans, thank very much for that warm welcome. We gather tonight, witness to events in the Persian Gulf as significant as they are tragic. In the early morning hours of August 2, following negotiations and promises by Iraq's dictator Saddam Hussein not to use force, a powerful Iraqi Army invaded its trusting and much weaker neighbor, Kuwait. Within three days, 120,000 Iraqi troops with 850 tanks had poured into Kuwait and moved south to threaten Saudi Arabia. It was then that I decided to act to check that aggression.
At this moment, our brave servicemen and women stand watch in that distant desert and on distant seas, side by side with the forces of more than 20 other distant nations.
They are some of the finest men and women of the United States of America. And they're doing one terrific job.
These valiant Americans were ready at a moment's notice to leave their spouses and their children, to serve on the front line halfway around the world. They remind us who keeps America strong. They do.
In the trying circumstances of the gulf, the morale of our servicemen and women is excellent. In the face of danger, they are brave, they're well-trained and dedicated.
A soldier, Pfc. Wade Merritt of Knoxville, Tennessee, now stationed in Saudi Arabia, wrote his parents of his worries, his love of family, and his hope for peace. But Wade also wrote: "I am proud of my country and its firm stance against inhumane aggression. I am proud of my Army and its men. . . . I am proud to serve my country."
Let me just say, Wade, America is proud of you and is grateful to every soldier, sailor, Marine and airman serving the cause of peace in the Persian Gulf.
I also want to thank the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, General [Colin L.] Powell, the Chiefs, here tonight, our commander in the Persian Gulf, General H. Norman Schwarzkopf, and the men and women of the Department of Defense. What a magnificent job you all are doing and thank you very very much.
I wish I could say their work is done. But we all know it's not.
So if ever there was a time to put country before self and patriotism before party, the time is now. And let me thank all Americans, especially those in this chamber tonight, for your support for our armed forces and for their mission.
That support will be even more important in the days to come.
So tonight, I want to talk to you about what's at stake—what we must do together to defend civilized values around the world and maintain our economic strength at home.
Our objectives in the Persian Gulf are clear, our goals defined and familiar:
Iraq must withdraw from Kuwait completely, immediately and without condition.
Kuwait's legitimate government must be restored.
The security and stability of the Persian Gulf must be assured.
And American citizens abroad must be protected.
These goals are not ours alone. They've been endorsed by the U.N. Security Council five times in as many weeks. Most countries share our concern for principle, and many have a stake in the stability of the Persian Gulf. This is not, as Saddam Hussein would have it, the United States against Iraq. It is Iraq against the world.
As you know, I've just returned from a very productive meeting with Soviet President [Mikhail] Gorbachev, and I am pleased that we are working together to build a new relationship. In Helsinki, our joint statement affirmed to the world our shared resolve to counter Iraq's threat to peace. Let me quote:
"We are united in the belief that Iraq's aggression must not be tolerated. No peaceful international order is possible if larger states can devour their smaller neighbors."
Clearly, no longer can a dictator count on East-West confrontation to stymie concerted United Nations action against aggression.
A new partnership of nations has begun, and we stand today at a unique and extraordinary moment. The crisis in the Persian Gulf, as grave as it is, also offers a rare opportunity to move toward an historic period of cooperation.
Out of these troubled times, our fifth objective—a new world order—can emerge: A new era—freer from the threat of terror, stronger in the pursuit of justice and more secure in the quest for peace. An era in which the nations of the world, east and west, north and south, can prosper and live in harmony.
A hundred generations have searched for this elusive path to peace, while a thousand wars raged across the span of human endeavor, and today that new world is struggling to be born.
A world quite different from the one we've known. A world where the rule of law supplants the rule of the jungle. A world in which nations recognize the shared responsibility for freedom and justice. A world where the strong respect the rights of the weak.
This is the vision that I shared with President Gorbachev in Helsinki. He and the other leaders from Europe, the gulf and around the world understand that how we manage this crisis today could shape the future for generations to come.
The test we face is great and so are the stakes. This is the first assault on the new world that we seek, the first test of our mettle. Had we not responded to this first provocation with clarity of purpose; if we do not continue to demonstrate our determination, it would be a signal to actual and potential despots around the world.
America and the world must defend common vital interests. And we will.
America and the world must support the rule of law. And we will.
America and the world must stand up to aggression. And we will.
And one thing more: in the pursuit of these goals, America will not be intimidated.
Vital issues of principle are at stake. Saddam Hussein is literally trying to wipe a country off the face of the Earth.
We do not exaggerate. Nor do we exaggerate when we say: Saddam Hussein will fail.
Vital economic interests are at risk as well. Iraq itself controls some 10 percent of the world's proven oil reserves. Iraq plus Kuwait controls twice that. An Iraq permitted to swallow Kuwait would have the economic and military power, as well as the arrogance, to intimidate and coerce its neighbors—neighbors who control the lion's share of the world's remaining oil reserves. We cannot permit a resource so vital to be dominated by one so ruthless. And we won't.
Recent events have surely proven that there is no substitute for American leadership. In the face of tyranny, let no one doubt American credibility and reliability. Let no one doubt our staying power. We will stand by our friends. One way or another, the leader of Iraq must learn this fundamental truth.
From the outset, acting hand-in-hand with others, we've sought to fashion the broadest possible international response to Iraq's aggression. The level of world cooperation and condemnation of Iraq is unprecedented.
Armed forces from countries spanning four continents are there at the request of King Fahd of Saudi Arabia to deter and, if need be, to defend against attack. Muslims and non-Muslims, Arabs and non-Arabs, soldiers from many nations, stand shoulder-to-shoulder, resolute against Saddam Hussein's ambitions.
And we can now point to five United Nations Security Council resolutions that condemn Iraq's aggression. They call for Iraq's immediate and unconditional withdrawal, the restoration of Kuwait's legitimate government and categorically reject Iraq's cynical and self-serving attempt to annex Kuwait.
Finally, the United Nations has demanded the release of all foreign nationals held hostage against their will and in contravention of international law. It's a mockery of human decency to call these people "guests." They are hostages, and the whole world knows it.
Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, a dependable ally, said it all:
"We do not bargain over hostages.
We will not stoop to the level of using human beings as bargaining [chips].
Ever."
[Note: Unless there is Southern Baptist Lay preacher in the White House and its an election year - or unless they tortured our CIA Beruit Staion Chief to death on video to get his confession to mass drug trafficking and subversion of friendly governments at home and abroad, before sending us the tape - in which case, we'll sell you whatever you need to keep calling us the Great Satan]
Of course, of course, our hearts go out to the hostages, to their families. But our policy cannot change. And it will not change. America and the world will not be blackmailed by this ruthless policy.
[What is the policy? We do not negotiate with terrorists except when we do...?]
We're now in sight of a United Nations that performs as envisioned by its founders. We owe much to the outstanding leadership of Secretary General Javier Perez de Cuellar. The United Nations is backing up its words with action. The Security Council has imposed mandatory economic sanctions on Iraq, designed to force Iraq to relinquish the spoils of its illegal conquest. The Security Council has also taken the decisive step of authorizing the use of all means necessary to ensure compliance with these sanctions.
Together with our friends and allies, ships of the United States Navy are today patrolling Mideast waters, and they've already intercepted more than 700 ships to enforce the sanctions. Three regional leaders I spoke with just yesterday told me that these sanctions are working. Iraq is feeling the heat.
We continue to hope that Iraq's leaders will recalculate just what their aggression has cost them. They are cut off from world trade, unable to sell their oil, and only a tiny fraction of goods gets through.
The communique with President Gorbachev made mention of what happens when the embargo is so effective that children of Iraq literally need milk, or the sick truly need medicine. Then, under strict international supervision that guarantees the proper destination, then—food will be permitted.
At home, the material cost of our leadership can be steep. And that's why Secretary of State [James A.] Baker and Treasury Secretary [Nicholas F.] Brady have met with many world leaders to underscore that the burden of this collective effort must be shared. We're prepared to do our share and more to help carry that load; we insist that others do their share as well.
The response of most of our friends and allies has been good. To help defray costs, the leaders of Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and the U.A.E., the United Arab Emirates have pledged to provide our deployed troops with all the food and fuel they need. Generous assistance will also be provided to stalwart front-line nations, such as Turkey and Egypt.
And I'm also heartened to report that this international response extends to the neediest victims of this conflict—those refugees. For our part, we have contributed $ 28 million for relief efforts. This is but a portion of what is needed. I commend, in particular, Saudi Arabia, Japan and several European nations who have joined us in this purely humanitarian effort.
There's an energy-related cost to be borne as well. Oil-producing nations are already replacing lost Iraqi and Kuwaiti output. More than half of what was lost has been made up, and we're getting superb cooperation. If producers, including the United States, continue steps to expand oil and gas production, we can stabilize prices and guarantee against hardship. Additionally, we and several of our allies always have the option to extract oil from our strategic petroleum reserves, if conditions warrant.
As I've pointed out before, conservation efforts are essential to keep our energy needs as low as possible. We must then take advantage of our energy sources across the board: coal, natural gas, hydro and nuclear. Our failure, our failure to do these things has made us more dependent on foreign oil than ever before. And finally, let no one even contemplate profiteering from this crisis. We will not have it.
I cannot predict just how long it'll take to convince Iraq to withdraw from Kuwait. Sanctions will take time to have their full intended effect. We will continue to review all options with our allies, but let it be clear: We will not let this aggression stand.
Our interest, our involvement in the gulf, is not transitory. It pre-dated Saddam Hussein's aggression and will survive it. Long after all our troops come home, and we all hope it's soon, very soon, there will be a lasting role for the United States in assisting the nations of the Persian Gulf. Our role then is to deter future aggression. Our role is to help our friends in their own self-defense. And something else: to curb the proliferation of chemical, biological, ballistic missile and, above all, nuclear technologies.
And let me also make clear that the United States has no quarrel with the Iraqi people. Our quarrel is with Iraq's dictator and with his aggression. Iraq will not be permitted to annex Kuwait. And that's not a threat. It's not a boast. That's just the way it's going to be.
Our ability to function effectively as a great power abroad depends on how we conduct ourselves at home. Our economy, our armed forces, our energy dependence and our cohesion all determine whether we can help our friends and stand up to our foes.
For America to lead, America must remain strong and vital. Our world leadership and domestic strength are mutual and reinforcing; a woven piece, as strongly bound as Old Glory.
To revitalize our leadership—our leadership capacity, we must address our budget deficit—not after Election Day, or next year, but now.
Higher oil prices slow our growth, and higher defense costs would only make our fiscal deficit problem worse. That deficit was already greater than it should have been—a projected $ 232 billion for the coming year. It must—it will—be reduced.
To my friends in Congress, together we must act this very month—before the next fiscal year begins on October 1 — to get America's economic house in order. The Gulf situation helps us realize we are more economically vulnerable than we ever should be. Americans must never again enter any crisis—economic or military—with an excessive dependence on foreign oil and an excessive burden of federal debt.
Most Americans are sick and tired of endless battles in the Congress and between the branches over budget matters. And it's high time we pulled together — and get the job done right. It is up to us to straighten this out.
First: The Congress should, this month, within a budget agreement, enact growth-oriented tax measures—to help avoid recession in the short term; and to increase savings, investment, productivity and competitiveness for the longer term. These measures include extending incentives for research and experimentation; expanding the use of IRAs for new homeowners; establishing tax-deferred family savings accounts; creating incentives for the creation of enterprise zones and initiatives to encourage more domestic drilling; and, yes, reducing the tax rate on capital gains.
And second: The Congress should, this month, enact a prudent multi-year defense program—one that reflects not only the improvement in East-West relations, but our broader responsibilities to deal with the continuing risks of outlaw action and regional conflict. Even with our obligations in the gulf, a sound defense budget can have some reduction in real terms, and we are prepared to accept that. But to go beyond such levels, where cutting defense would threaten our vital margin of safety, is something I will never accept.
The world is still dangerous, and surely that is now clear. Stability is not secure. American interests are far-reaching. Interdependence has increased. The consequences of regional instability can be global. This is no time to risk America's capacity to protect her vital interests.
Third: The Congress should, this month, enact measures to increase domestic energy production and energy conservation—in order to reduce dependence on foreign oil. These measure should include my proposals to increase incentives for domestic oil and gas exploration, fuel-switching, and to accelerate the development of Alaskan energy resources, without damage to wildlife.
As you know, when the oil embargo was imposed in the early 1970s, the United States imported almost 6 million barrels of oil per day. This year, before the Iraqi invasion, U.S. imports had risen to nearly 8 million barrels per day. We had moved in the wrong direction. Now we must act to correct that trend.
Fourth: The Congress should, this month, enact a five-year program to reduce the projected debt and deficits by $ 500 billion — that is, by half a trillion dollars. If, with the Congress, we can develop a satisfactory program by the end of the month, we can avoid the axe of "sequester"—deep across-the-board cuts that would threaten our military capacity and risk substantial domestic disruption.
Address Before a Joint Session of the Congress on the Persian Gulf Crisis and the Federal Budget Deficit (1990)
by George H. W. Bush
related portals: Speeches.
A Speech by George H. W. Bush, President of the U.S.A. Given to a joint session of the United States Congress, Washington D.C. on 11 September 1990.
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, members of the Congress, distinguished guests, fellow Americans, thank very much for that warm welcome. We gather tonight, witness to events in the Persian Gulf as significant as they are tragic. In the early morning hours of August 2, following negotiations and promises by Iraq's dictator Saddam Hussein not to use force, a powerful Iraqi Army invaded its trusting and much weaker neighbor, Kuwait. Within three days, 120,000 Iraqi troops with 850 tanks had poured into Kuwait and moved south to threaten Saudi Arabia. It was then that I decided to act to check that aggression.
At this moment, our brave servicemen and women stand watch in that distant desert and on distant seas, side by side with the forces of more than 20 other distant nations.
They are some of the finest men and women of the United States of America. And they're doing one terrific job.
These valiant Americans were ready at a moment's notice to leave their spouses and their children, to serve on the front line halfway around the world. They remind us who keeps America strong. They do.
In the trying circumstances of the gulf, the morale of our servicemen and women is excellent. In the face of danger, they are brave, they're well-trained and dedicated.
A soldier, Pfc. Wade Merritt of Knoxville, Tennessee, now stationed in Saudi Arabia, wrote his parents of his worries, his love of family, and his hope for peace. But Wade also wrote: "I am proud of my country and its firm stance against inhumane aggression. I am proud of my Army and its men. . . . I am proud to serve my country."
Let me just say, Wade, America is proud of you and is grateful to every soldier, sailor, Marine and airman serving the cause of peace in the Persian Gulf.
I also want to thank the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, General [Colin L.] Powell, the Chiefs, here tonight, our commander in the Persian Gulf, General H. Norman Schwarzkopf, and the men and women of the Department of Defense. What a magnificent job you all are doing and thank you very very much.
I wish I could say their work is done. But we all know it's not.
So if ever there was a time to put country before self and patriotism before party, the time is now. And let me thank all Americans, especially those in this chamber tonight, for your support for our armed forces and for their mission.
That support will be even more important in the days to come.
So tonight, I want to talk to you about what's at stake—what we must do together to defend civilized values around the world and maintain our economic strength at home.
Contents
1 U.S. Objectives in Persian Gulf
2 'The Test We Face Is Great'
3 'Our Hearts Go Out to the Hostages'
4 'Let No One Even Contemplate Profiteering'
5 Addressing the Federal Deficit
6 Four-Part Budget Agenda
7 Requirements of Fiscal Agreement
U.S. Objectives in Persian Gulf
Our objectives in the Persian Gulf are clear, our goals defined and familiar:
Iraq must withdraw from Kuwait completely, immediately and without condition.
Kuwait's legitimate government must be restored.
The security and stability of the Persian Gulf must be assured.
And American citizens abroad must be protected.
These goals are not ours alone. They've been endorsed by the U.N. Security Council five times in as many weeks. Most countries share our concern for principle, and many have a stake in the stability of the Persian Gulf. This is not, as Saddam Hussein would have it, the United States against Iraq. It is Iraq against the world.
As you know, I've just returned from a very productive meeting with Soviet President [Mikhail] Gorbachev, and I am pleased that we are working together to build a new relationship. In Helsinki, our joint statement affirmed to the world our shared resolve to counter Iraq's threat to peace. Let me quote: "We are united in the belief that Iraq's aggression must not be tolerated. No peaceful international order is possible if larger states can devour their smaller neighbors."
Clearly, no longer can a dictator count on East-West confrontation to stymie concerted United Nations action against aggression.
A new partnership of nations has begun, and we stand today at a unique and extraordinary moment. The crisis in the Persian Gulf, as grave as it is, also offers a rare opportunity to move toward an historic period of cooperation. Out of these troubled times, our fifth objective—a new world order—can emerge: A new era—freer from the threat of terror, stronger in the pursuit of justice and more secure in the quest for peace. An era in which the nations of the world, east and west, north and south, can prosper and live in harmony.
A hundred generations have searched for this elusive path to peace, while a thousand wars raged across the span of human endeavor, and today that new world is struggling to be born. A world quite different from the one we've known. A world where the rule of law supplants the rule of the jungle. A world in which nations recognize the shared responsibility for freedom and justice. A world where the strong respect the rights of the weak.
This is the vision that I shared with President Gorbachev in Helsinki. He and the other leaders from Europe, the gulf and around the world understand that how we manage this crisis today could shape the future for generations to come.
The test we face is great and so are the stakes. This is the first assault on the new world that we seek, the first test of our mettle. Had we not responded to this first provocation with clarity of purpose; if we do not continue to demonstrate our determination, it would be a signal to actual and potential despots around the world.
America and the world must defend common vital interests. And we will.
America and the world must support the rule of law. And we will.
America and the world must stand up to aggression. And we will.
And one thing more: in the pursuit of these goals, America will not be intimidated.
Vital issues of principle are at stake. Saddam Hussein is literally trying to wipe a country off the face of the Earth.
We do not exaggerate. Nor do we exaggerate when we say: Saddam Hussein will fail.
Vital economic interests are at risk as well. Iraq itself controls some 10 percent of the world's proven oil reserves. Iraq plus Kuwait controls twice that. An Iraq permitted to swallow Kuwait would have the economic and military power, as well as the arrogance, to intimidate and coerce its neighbors—neighbors who control the lion's share of the world's remaining oil reserves. We cannot permit a resource so vital to be dominated by one so ruthless.
And we won't.
Recent events have surely proven that there is no substitute for American leadership. In the face of tyranny, let no one doubt American credibility and reliability. Let no one doubt our staying power. We will stand by our friends. One way or another, the leader of Iraq must learn this fundamental truth.
From the outset, acting hand-in-hand with others, we've sought to fashion the broadest possible international response to Iraq's aggression. The level of world cooperation and condemnation of Iraq is unprecedented.
Armed forces from countries spanning four continents are there at the request of King Fahd of Saudi Arabia to deter and, if need be, to defend against attack. Muslims and non-Muslims, Arabs and non-Arabs, soldiers from many nations, stand shoulder-to-shoulder, resolute against Saddam Hussein's ambitions.
And we can now point to five United Nations Security Council resolutions that condemn Iraq's aggression. They call for Iraq's immediate and unconditional withdrawal, the restoration of Kuwait's legitimate government and categorically reject Iraq's cynical and self-serving attempt to annex Kuwait.
Finally, the United Nations has demanded the release of all foreign nationals held hostage against their will and in contravention of international law. It's a mockery of human decency to call these people "guests." They are hostages, and the whole world knows it.
Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, a dependable ally, said it all: "We do not bargain over hostages. We will not stoop to the level of using human beings as bargaining [chips]. Ever."
Of course, of course, our hearts go out to the hostages, to their families. But our policy cannot change. And it will not change. America and the world will not be blackmailed by this ruthless policy.
We're now in sight of a United Nations that performs as envisioned by its founders. We owe much to the outstanding leadership of Secretary General Javier Perez de Cuellar. The United Nations is backing up its words with action. The Security Council has imposed mandatory economic sanctions on Iraq, designed to force Iraq to relinquish the spoils of its illegal conquest. The Security Council has also taken the decisive step of authorizing the use of all means necessary to ensure compliance with these sanctions.
Together with our friends and allies, ships of the United States Navy are today patrolling Mideast waters, and they've already intercepted more than 700 ships to enforce the sanctions. Three regional leaders I spoke with just yesterday told me that these sanctions are working. Iraq is feeling the heat.
We continue to hope that Iraq's leaders will recalculate just what their aggression has cost them. They are cut off from world trade, unable to sell their oil, and only a tiny fraction of goods gets through.
The communique with President Gorbachev made mention of what happens when the embargo is so effective that children of Iraq literally need milk, or the sick truly need medicine. Then, under strict international supervision that guarantees the proper destination, then—food will be permitted.
At home, the material cost of our leadership can be steep. And that's why Secretary of State [James A.] Baker and Treasury Secretary [Nicholas F.] Brady have met with many world leaders to underscore that the burden of this collective effort must be shared. We're prepared to do our share and more to help carry that load; we insist that others do their share as well.
The response of most of our friends and allies has been good. To help defray costs, the leaders of Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and the U.A.E., the United Arab Emirates have pledged to provide our deployed troops with all the food and fuel they need. Generous assistance will also be provided to stalwart front-line nations, such as Turkey and Egypt.
And I'm also heartened to report that this international response extends to the neediest victims of this conflict—those refugees. For our part, we have contributed $ 28 million for relief efforts. This is but a portion of what is needed. I commend, in particular, Saudi Arabia, Japan and several European nations who have joined us in this purely humanitarian effort.
There's an energy-related cost to be borne as well. Oil-producing nations are already replacing lost Iraqi and Kuwaiti output. More than half of what was lost has been made up, and we're getting superb cooperation. If producers, including the United States, continue steps to expand oil and gas production, we can stabilize prices and guarantee against hardship. Additionally, we and several of our allies always have the option to extract oil from our strategic petroleum reserves, if conditions warrant. As I've pointed out before, conservation efforts are essential to keep our energy needs as low as possible. We must then take advantage of our energy sources across the board: coal, natural gas, hydro and nuclear. Our failure, our failure to do these things has made us more dependent on foreign oil than ever before. And finally, let no one even contemplate profiteering from this crisis. We will not have it.
I cannot predict just how long it'll take to convince Iraq to withdraw from Kuwait. Sanctions will take time to have their full intended effect. We will continue to review all options with our allies, but let it be clear: We will not let this aggression stand.
Our interest, our involvement in the gulf, is not transitory. It pre-dated Saddam Hussein's aggression and will survive it. Long after all our troops come home, and we all hope it's soon, very soon, there will be a lasting role for the United States in assisting the nations of the Persian Gulf. Our role then is to deter future aggression. Our role is to help our friends in their own self-defense. And something else: to curb the proliferation of chemical, biological, ballistic missile and, above all, nuclear technologies.
And let me also make clear that the United States has no quarrel with the Iraqi people. Our quarrel is with Iraq's dictator and with his aggression. Iraq will not be permitted to annex Kuwait. And that's not a threat. It's not a boast. That's just the way it's going to be.
Our ability to function effectively as a great power abroad depends on how we conduct ourselves at home. Our economy, our armed forces, our energy dependence and our cohesion all determine whether we can help our friends and stand up to our foes.
For America to lead, America must remain strong and vital. Our world leadership and domestic strength are mutual and reinforcing; a woven piece, as strongly bound as Old Glory.
To revitalize our leadership—our leadership capacity, we must address our budget deficit—not after Election Day, or next year, but now.
Higher oil prices slow our growth, and higher defense costs would only make our fiscal deficit problem worse. That deficit was already greater than it should have been—a projected $ 232 billion for the coming year. It must—it will—be reduced.
To my friends in Congress, together we must act this very month—before the next fiscal year begins on October 1 — to get America's economic house in order. The Gulf situation helps us realize we are more economically vulnerable than we ever should be. Americans must never again enter any crisis—economic or military—with an excessive dependence on foreign oil and an excessive burden of federal debt.
Most Americans are sick and tired of endless battles in the Congress and between the branches over budget matters. And it's high time we pulled together — and get the job done right. It is up to us to straighten this out.
The job has four basic parts.
First: The Congress should, this month, within a budget agreement, enact growth-oriented tax measures—to help avoid recession in the short term; and to increase savings, investment, productivity and competitiveness for the longer term. These measures include extending incentives for research and experimentation; expanding the use of IRAs for new homeowners; establishing tax-deferred family savings accounts; creating incentives for the creation of enterprise zones and initiatives to encourage more domestic drilling; and, yes, reducing the tax rate on capital gains.
And second: The Congress should, this month, enact a prudent multi-year defense program—one that reflects not only the improvement in East-West relations, but our broader responsibilities to deal with the continuing risks of outlaw action and regional conflict. Even with our obligations in the gulf, a sound defense budget can have some reduction in real terms, and we are prepared to accept that. But to go beyond such levels, where cutting defense would threaten our vital margin of safety, is something I will never accept.
The world is still dangerous, and surely that is now clear. Stability is not secure. American interests are far-reaching. Interdependence has increased. The consequences of regional instability can be global. This is no time to risk America's capacity to protect her vital interests.
Third: The Congress should, this month, enact measures to increase domestic energy production and energy conservation—in order to reduce dependence on foreign oil. These measure should include my proposals to increase incentives for domestic oil and gas exploration, fuel-switching, and to accelerate the development of Alaskan energy resources, without damage to wildlife.
As you know, when the oil embargo was imposed in the early 1970s, the United States imported almost 6 million barrels of oil per day. This year, before the Iraqi invasion, U.S. imports had risen to nearly 8 million barrels per day. We had moved in the wrong direction. Now we must act to correct that trend.
Fourth: The Congress should, this month, enact a five-year program to reduce the projected debt and deficits by $ 500 billion — that is, by half a trillion dollars. If, with the Congress, we can develop a satisfactory program by the end of the month, we can avoid the axe of "sequester"—deep across-the-board cuts that would threaten our military capacity and risk
I want to be able to tell the American people we have truly solved the deficit problem. For me to do that, a budget agreement must meet these tests:
It must include the measures I've recommended to increase economic growth and reduce dependence on foreign oil.
It must be fair. All should contribute, but the burden should not be excessive for any one group of programs or people.
It must address the growth of government's hidden liabilities.
It must reform the budget process, and further, it must be real.
I urge Congress to provide a comprehensive five-year deficit reduction program to me as a complete legislative package—with measures to assure that it can be fully enforced. America is tired of phony deficit reduction, or promise-now, save-later plans. Enough is enough. It is time for a program that is credible and real.
Finally, to the extent that the deficit-reduction program includes new revenue measures, it must avoid any measure that would threaten economic growth or turn us back toward the days of punishing income tax rates. That is one path we should not head down again.
I have been pleased with recent progress, although it has not always seemed so smooth. But now it is time to produce.
I hope we can work out a responsible plan. But with or without agreement from the budget summit, I ask both houses of the Congress to allow a straight up-or-down vote on a complete $ 500 billion deficit-reduction package—not later than September 28.
If the Congress cannot get me a budget, then Americans will have to face a tough, mandated sequester.
I am hopeful—in fact,I am confident—the Congress will do what it should. And I can assure you that we in the executive branch will do our part.
In the final analysis, our ability to meet our responsibilities abroad depends upon political will and consensus at home. It's never easy in democracies, for we govern only with the consent of the governed. And although free people in a free society are bound to have their differences, Americans traditionally come together in times of adversity and challenge.
Once again, Americans have stepped forward to share a tearful goodbye with their families before leaving for a strange and distant shore. At this very moment, they serve together with Arabs, Europeans, Asians and Africans in defense of principle and the dream of a new world order. That is why they sweat and toil in the sand and the heat and the sun.
If they can come together under such adversity; if old adversaries like the Soviet Union and the United States can work in common cause, then surely we who are so fortunate to be in this great chamber—Democrats, Republicans, liberals, conservatives—can come together to fulfill our responsibilities here.
Thank you. Good night. And God bless the United States of America.
