Thursday, 14 March 2013

Allan Frankovich and the GLADIO Double - Cross


The Maltese Double Cross – Lockerbie discusses evidence and witnesses that would eventually figure at the Pan Am Flight 103 bombing trial in 2000:

• the Mebo MST — 13 timer fragment, which Thomas Thurman of the FBI's forensic laboratory said that he identified on June 15, 1990;

• Mebo's Swiss owner, Edwin Bollier, is interviewed at length;

• forensic scientist, Dr Michael Scott, describes DERA's 'forensic expert', Alan Feraday, as a technician without any formal qualifications as a scientist;

• solicitor, Alastair Logan, criticises DERA's Dr Thomas Hayes for the forensic evidence that was used to convict the Maguire Seven;

• former CIA operative, Oswald LeWinter says the appointment of 'Libyan dirty tricks expert', Vincent Cannistraro, to head the CIA's team investigating Lockerbie 'would be funny, if it were not an obscenity';

• Department of Defense Whistle Blower Lester Coleman linked the bomb to a terrorist cell trained by CIA operative, Edwin P. Wilson; and,

• best-selling author, David Yallop, reviews the available evidence and looks at who might have been responsible for the Lockerbie bombing.





• Abolhassan Bani-Sadr, former prime minister of Iran, discusses the idea that Iran took revenge for the shootdown by the USS Vincennes of Iran Air Flight 655 in July 1988.
In a 1991 book, Banisadr alleged covert dealing between the Ronald Reagan presidential campaign and leaders in Tehran to prolong the Iran hostage crisis before the 1980 U.S. presidential election



Mr. Bani-Sadr, who was Iran's President for much of the 444-day hostage crisis, is in Washington to promote a book originally published in France in 1988 that asserts that secret negotiations occurred. But in an interview today, Mr. Bani-Sadr said he had no firsthand knowledge of such talks.

In the book, "My Turn to Speak: Iran, the Revolution & Secret Deals with the U.S.," Mr. Bani-Sadr has written, "I have proof of contacts between Khomeini and the supporters of Ronald Reagan as early as the spring of 1980."

Pressed to provide such proof today, Mr. Bani-Sadr offered instead indirection. He referred to a series of political intrigues in Teheran detailed in the book that led him to conclude that such contacts must have been occurring.

"This book is the proof," he said in Persian through a translator. "It's like a lab report." He said that by the month before the American Presidential election in November 1980, many in Iran's ruling circles were openly discussing the fact that a deal had been made between the Reagan campaign team and some Iranian religious leaders in which the hostages' release would be delayed until after the election so as to prevent President Carter's re-election.

In exchange, Iran was to receive arms from the Reagan Administration. Mr. Bani-Sadr does not have firsthand knowledge of the arrangement, he said, because the mullahs who consummated the deal were his political rivals and were simultaneously plotting to remove him from office.

http://www.nytimes.com/1991/05/07/world/bani-sadr-in-us-renews-charges-of-1980-deal.html







The documentary disputes the conclusion reached by the official investigation into the bombing of Pan Am Flight 103, instead advancing the theory that the bomb was introduced onto the aircraft by an unwitting drug mule, Khaled Jafaar, in what the filmmaker claims is a CIA-protected suitcase.


Misc Archives #48 - The Gander, Newfoundland Crash of 1985: Are U.S. Officials Covering Up a Terrorist Bombing?


M-48 (ONE STEP BEYOND 12/16/90)

Explores the Arrow Air plane crash of December 1985 as an act of terrorism which may very well have been connected to Arrow's role as a major arms carrier in the Iran-Contra scandal.
Artist/Composer: Dave Emory


Anti-Fascist Archives #35: The December Surprise - The Politics of Terror and the Exoneration of the Secret Team(1989/01/08)

AFA 35 Apparent role of the bombing of Pan Am Flight 103 in the cover-up of the Iran-Contra scandal, necessitated the dismissal of conspiracy charges against Oliver North. Evidence suggests that elements associated with North perpetrated the outrage on behalf of the players in the Iran-Contra scandal.




Artist/Composer: Dave Emory

For The Record #51 - The Bombing of Pan Am Flight 103 (1995)

FTR #51 These segments examine allegations of the complicity of elements of Western intelligence in the bombing of Pan Am flight 103 in December of 1988. Although Libya has been fingered as the culprit for this terrorist act, there are numerous indications that some elements of American, British and West German intelligence may have aided and abetted the actual bombing and/or covered up aspects of the subsequent investigation.
Among the points covered in this program:

  • Allegations that the bombers "piggy-backed" the bomb onto a DEA sting operation;

  • German refusal to detain a member of the terrorist cell implicated in the bombing (who was being sought by British investigators for interrogation);

  • American intelligence agents' intense interest in documents carried by a group of U.S. military intelligence operatives who died in the bombing;

  • Apparent attempts to suppress a documentary film that discusses possible Western complicity in the bombing.



(Recorded in the fall of 1995.)

Artist/Composer: Dave Emory



For The Record #61 - Update on the Bombing of Pan Am Flight 103 (1997)


FTR #61 Previously recorded segments and archive programs analyze a growing and compelling body of information indicating complicity on the part of elements of Western intelligence agencies with the bombing of Pan Am flight 103 on 12/21/88. 


This program updates that information by discussing the shoddy (and probably illegal) treatment of former Defense Intelligence Agency operative Lester Coleman. Coleman provided information alleging that a DEA sting operation went awry, permitting the Pan Am 103 bombers to carry out the act. Imprisoned in New York City, whistle blower Coleman has been denied access to treatment for the cancer that afflicts him, thus endangering his life. 

In addition, the broadcast sets forth the alarming circumstances surrounding the death of documentary film-maker Alan Francovich, whose film The Maltese Double Cross accesses Coleman's allegations, as well as highlighting other evidence of the complicity American, British and German intelligence services with the bombing. 

The film had been the focus of active attempts at suppression. Francovich died of an apparent heart attack while going through U.S. customs in Houston, with documents in his possession that would exonerate Coleman and implicate the Reagan and Bush administrations and the CIA in a number of unsavory and illegal activities.



Artist/Composer: Dave Emory


Francovich's previous most famous documentary provided the first, comprehensive historic investigation of 


Operation GLADIO

Anwar al-Aulaqi and the Drone War: Let's Learn About Yemen




A Country the UK Foreign Office list as one of the most dangerous countries on Earth - But is it?

Yemen was the site of the August 2000 assault on the USS Cole and there has been a non-stop low-level Civil War raging for over 45 years between the Central Government and the armed local tribesmen - it's a Libertrarian Utopa, essentially.

Anyway - Yemenis have been killing each other non-stop since long before Independence from Britain in 1967; but you know Americans - they still think it's all about them

This documentary was shot in the first quarter of 2009 - Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) was formed in January 2009 by a merger between two regional offshoots of the international Islamist militant network in Yemen and Saudi Arabia. 

Al-Qaeda has it's origins as the (illegal) Saudi opposition - Saudi Arabia is the richest countries on the face of the Earth - adjacent Yemen is one of the poorest and in many ways barely out of the stone age - it is a pre-Islamic tribal culture.

The difference is oil, and who controls it on either side of the South Arabian mountain ranges.

Again; Islam is not the problem here, and never was. - It's the House of Saud that is the problem, as this documentary will illuminate.

An alleged al-Qa’ida training camp at al-Ma’jalah, Abyan, was hit by a cruise missile on 17 December 2009. A Yemeni parliamentary inquiry found that 41 local residents, including 14 women and 21 children, and 14 alleged al-Qa’ida members were killed in the attack. In the 4 January cable, General Petraeus is recorded as saying that the attack had caused the deaths of “only” three “civilians”.

President Obama was absolutely furious - and ordered a complete moratorium on US air strikes and joint operations with the Yemeni Government.

3 weeks after this Petraeus - led atrocity, Sudanese teenager Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab, with ties to Anwar al-Awlaki and AQAP was placed onto a Detroit-bound Flight 253 in Amsterdam by CIA, against the wishes and procedures of the US State Department and US Homeland Security.

Eyewitness Kurt Haskell says this was an inside job.

Unofficial Obama administration spokesman has called this incident "a conspiracy" on the part of the intelligence community...

Wednesday, 13 March 2013

Oversold: Did the Brothers Naudet Push Their Luck Too Far...?

This is a screen-grab from the "fly-on-the-wall" "documentary film "9/11" (2002) by the brothers Naudet, and it's very, very strange indeed - not to mention, troubling...

First of all, that looks like no photograph of the twin towers ever taken at night I have ever seen, for any point during their lifetime and I've just looked at a couple of hundred in quick succession - not only does this (falsely) suggest full occupancy, there are WAY too many lights on and WAY too bright - they appear (at the very least) to have been optically brightened, if not outright matted-in.

Second, look at the composition, the framing - this is the ONLY picture I have ever seen of both towers AND Building 7 clearly visible, and from ground level (Building 7 also appears fully occupied).

Third, where the hell were they standing?

Fourth - I'm CERTAIN this is not just me.... But doesn't that just absolutely reek to you of green-screen to you when you look at it...?

Why are the nails on the inside of the fence...? The Pictures That Fooled the World





Why are the nails on the inside of the fence...?


Reproduced from LM issue 97, February 1997


The picture that fooled the world

A Serbian concentration camp?
Photo: ITN archive

This image of an emaciated Muslim caged behind Serb barbed wire, filmed by a British news team, became a worldwide symbol of the war in Bosnia. But the picture is not quite what it seems. German journalist Thomas Deichmann reveals the full story

The picture reproduced on these pages is of Fikret Alic, a Bosnian Muslim, emaciated and stripped to the waist, apparently imprisoned behind a barbed wire fence in a Bosnian Serb camp at Trnopolje. It was taken from a videotape shot on 5 August 1992 by an award-winning British television team, led by Penny Marshall (ITN) with her cameraman Jeremy Irvin, accompanied by Ian Williams (Channel 4) and the reporter Ed Vulliamy from the Guardian newspaper.

For many, this picture has become a symbol of the horrors of the Bosnian war - 'Belsen '92' as one British newspaper headline captioned the photograph (Daily Mirror, 7 August 1992). But that image is misleading.

Daily Mirror - front pageThe fact is that Fikret Alic and his fellow Bosnian Muslims were not imprisoned behind a barbed wire fence. There was no barbed wire fence surrounding Trnopolje camp. It was not a prison, and certainly not a 'concentration camp', but a collection centre for refugees, many of whom went there seeking safety and could leave again if they wished.

The barbed wire in the picture is not around the Bosnian Muslims; it is around the cameraman and the journalists. It formed part of a broken-down barbed wire fence encircling a small compound that was next to Trnopolje camp. The British news team filmed from inside this compound, shooting pictures of the refugees and the camp through the compound fence. In the eyes of many who saw them, the resulting pictures left the false impression that the Bosnian Muslims were caged behind barbed wire.

Whatever the British news team's intentions may have been, their pictures were seen around the world as the first hard evidence of concentration camps in Bosnia. 'The Proof: behind the barbed wire, the brutal truth about the suffering in Bosnia', announced the Daily Mail alongside a front-page reproduction of the picture from Trnopolje: 'They are the sort of scenes that flicker in black and white images from 50-year-old films of Nazi concentration camps.' (7 August 1992) On the first anniversary of the pictures being taken, an article in the Independent could still use the barbed wire to make the Nazi link: 'The camera slowly pans up the bony torso of the prisoner. It is the picture of famine, but then we see the barbed wire against his chest and it is the picture of the Holocaust and concentration camps.' (5 August 1993)

Penny Marshall, Ian Williams and Ed Vulliamy have never called Trnopolje a concentration camp. They have criticised the way that others tried to use their reports and pictures as 'proof' of a Nazi-style Holocaust in Bosnia. Yet over the past four and a half years, none of them has told the full story about that barbed wire fence which made such an impact on world opinion.

It was through my role as an expert witness to the War Crimes Tribunal that I first realised that something was wrong with the famous pictures from Trnopolje. As a journalist with a track record of reporting on Bosnia, I was asked to present the tribunal with a report on German media coverage of Dusko Tadic, a Bosnian Serb accused of war crimes. Reviewing press articles and video tapes which had been shown on German TV, I became aware of the major importance of the Trnopolje pictures. The picture of Fikret Alic behind the barbed wire, taken by Penny Marshall's team, could be seen again and again.

One night, while I was going through the pictures again at home, my wife pointed out an odd little detail. If Fikret Alic and the other Bosnian Muslims were imprisoned inside a barbed wire fence, why was this wire fixed to poles on the side of the fence where they were standing? As any gardener knows, fences are, as a rule, fixed to the poles from outside, so that the area to be enclosed is fenced-in. It occurred to me then that perhaps it was not the people in the camp who were fenced-in behind the barbed wire, but the team of British journalists.

My suspicions were heightened by a conversation I had with Professor Mischa Wladimiroff, Dusko Tadic's Dutch defence advocate at the War Crimes Tribunal in The Hague. The main witness against Tadic, Dragan Opacic (later exposed as a trained liar), had told the court about the barbed wire fence surrounding the camp at Trnopolje and had even made a drawing of where it was. But when Professor Wladimiroff went to Bosnia to investigate for the defence, it became clear to him that Opacic had lied in the witness box; he could find no evidence of a barbed wire fence surrounding Trnopolje camp (see interview below).

I decided to go back to Bosnia, and to review the British news team's coverage of Trnopolje, in order to unravel the real story of how those pictures had come about.
The British news team's trip to Bosnia in the summer of 1992 took place against a background of mounting hysteria, as the first reports claiming that the Bosnian Serbs were running brutal internment camps were published in the West. On 19 July 1992, the American journalist Roy Gutman wrote in Newsday about the camp at Manjaca, and Andre Kaiser's pictures of prisoners with shaven heads at Manjaca were shown around the world. On 29 July in the Guardian, Maggie O'Kane quoted eye-witnesses who claimed that Muslims had been crammed into cattle cars and shipped off from Trnopolje station. On 2 August Roy Gutman published another article in which he called the Bosnian Serb camp at Omarska a 'death camp'. Gutman's and O'Kane's articles drew heavily on hearsay and unconfirmed claims. Nevertheless, they caused an international sensation.

When Marshall, Williams and Vulliamy arrived in Bosnia at the end of July 1992, they were under intense pressure to get the story of the camps. Roy Gutman's article about the 'death camp' Omarska, published while the British team were in Bosnia, had further raised expectations in the London editorial offices. After her return Penny Marshall told how she and Williams had received orders from the managing editors of ITN and Channel 4 to do nothing else before they had the camps story in the bag: 'They had set Ian Williams and myself loose with an open-ended brief to find and visit the detention camps, and with orders to file nothing until we had come up with the story.' (Sunday Times, 16 August 1992)

As the end of their trip approached, however, the British news team had been unable to find the camps story they were after. Their final stop was to be the refugee camp at Trnopolje, next to the village of Kozarac which had been overrun by Bosnian Serb units a few months earlier in May 1992. This was to be their last chance to get the story which their editors wanted.

The pictures they shot at Trnopolje camp on 5 August were edited in Budapest the next day, then sent to London and broadcast the same night. The broadcast centred on shots of the journalists talking to Fikret Alic and the group of Bosnian Muslims through the barbed wire. These were the pictures which were widely interpreted as evidence that the Muslims were penned behind a barbed wire fence, and which the international media seized upon to make a symbolic link to the Nazi camps. But how did the British team get them?

I have looked through the rest of the team's film from Trnopolje, at the pictures which were not broadcast. They reveal a lot more about the story.

The camp at Trnopolje consisted of buildings that had previously been a school, and a community centre which housed a medical centre and a public hall, alongside a large open area that had been a sports ground. The only fences around parts of the camp were little more than a metre high, of the kind you might find around any school or public building. The British news team were able to enter all areas of the refugee camp. They shot some pictures in the buildings. Their attention, however, focused on a group of Muslims who had just been brought from the camps in Keraterm close to Prijedor, who were waiting in the open air to be registered and given food and somewhere to sleep.

To film these refugees, Marshall and her cameraman Irvin entered a compound next to the camp area. Inside this small compound were a kind of garage shed, an electricity transformer station, and a brick barn. Before the war, horticultural products could be bought there and tractors and construction machinery had been housed in the barn. To protect all this from thieves, the compound area of approximately 500 square metres had been fenced-in with barbed wire a couple of years before. The erection of the barbed wire fence had nothing to do with the refugees, the camp or the war. The poles to which this barbed wire was attached are still standing today, and traces of the wire can be found on the west side of the compound.

When Marshall, Williams and Vulliamy entered the compound next to the camp, the barbed wire was already torn in several places. They did not use the open gate, but entered from the south through a gap in the fence. They approached the fence on the north side, where curious refugees quickly gathered inside the camp, but on the outside of the area fenced-in by barbed wire. It was through the barbed wire fence at this point that the famous shots of Fikret Alic were taken.

The unused footage shows how cameraman Irvin zoomed through the compound's barbed wire fence from various angles, apparently searching for the most dramatic shot. Most of the refugees in the camp were marked by their experience of the war, but few looked as emaciated as Fikret Alic. Yet he captured the camera's attention.

On her return, Penny Marshall wrote in the Sunday Times that 'Jeremy Irvin, our cameraman, knew he had come away with powerful images from Prijedor, but only when we screened them in our Budapest editing suite did we begin to sense their impact'. Ed Vulliamy summarised this impact in his book, Seasons in Hell: 'With his rib-cage behind the barbed wire of Trnopolje, Fikret Alic had become the symbolic figure of the war, on every magazine cover and television screen in the world.' (p202) Mike Jeremy, foreign editor of ITN, later called the picture 'one of the key images of the war in former Yugoslavia' (Independent, 5 August 1993).

Yet an important element of that 'key image' had been produced by camera angles and editing. The other pictures, which were not broadcast, show clearly that the large area on which the refugees were standing was not fenced-in with barbed wire. You can see that the people are free to move on the road and on the open area, and have already erected a few protective tents. Within the compound next door that is surrounded with barbed wire, you can see about 15 people, including women and children, sitting under the shade of a tree. Penny Marshall's team were able to walk in and out of this compound to get their film, and the refugees could do the same as they searched for some shelter from the August sun.



Trnopolje, Bosnia Herzegovinia 2 August 1992

Site plan of Trnopolje, based on US satellite photo, 2 August 1992, three days before British journalists arrived.




Another unpublished sequence on the tape shows Fikret Alic and the other refugees who had just arrived from a different angle. The cameraman is no longer inside the barbed wire area, but about 20 metres to the west of it. From here it is obvious that the refugees are not caged behind barbed wire. While they wait to be registered and told where to go, they are standing behind an ordinary wire mesh fence which is little more than a metre high, adjacent to the barbed wire. But these pictures did not make it on to the world's TV screens and front pages.
When I visited Trnopolje last December I asked local people about the camp and the barbed wire. Dragan Baltic, 17, went to school in Trnopolje until the spring of 1992. He is certain that, apart from the one around the small compound, 'there has been no other barbed wire fence'. His 19-year old sister Dragana now works in a refugee centre in the school. Dragana confirms her brother's account. She adds that there was a metal fence about one metre high in front of and around the school building, to prevent the children from running on to the road. That fence can be seen on the ITN tapes. Refugees lean on it, others jump over it to enter the camp area. Dragana also remembers a small wire mesh fence about 1.2m high, 'as is used for keeping hens', running from the road up to the community centre and adjacent to the barbed wire fence. This wire mesh fence, which stood before the war, can also be clearly seen on the ITN pictures.

I met Pero Curguz in his office in Prijedor. He manages the regional Red Cross, and was stationed in Trnopolje during the operation of the refugee centre. He was interviewed by the British journalists in August 1992. He says he told them that the people had come to the camp of their own free will for protection. He told me that, during the entire time of the operation of the camp, no fence had been erected. On the contrary: when the other camps in Keraterm and Omarska were closed, and Trnopolje became overcrowded with up to 7500 people, the refugees had pulled down fences and taken all other available materials to build shelters. Curguz stressed that this was no internment or prisoner camp; it was a collecting camp for exiled Muslims. Everybody I spoke to confirmed that the refugees could leave the camp area at almost any time.

When I showed the picture of Fikret Alic behind the barbed wire to people in Trnopolje, I saw always the same reaction: anger and disappointment. They had expected fair treatment from the Western journalists and had welcomed them. Veljko Grmusa and his family were exiled from Bosanska Bojna near Velika Kladusa and were assigned the house of an exiled Muslim in Trnopolje. In the middle of August 1992 he worked as a guard in the refugee centre for a couple of days, before he was sent to the front. He was glad when I told him that Fikret Alic had survived the war, but angry about this image. His wife Milica told me that she assisted in the camp by order of the local authorities during the war: 'We wanted to help the journalists at that time, we had no idea how the Western newspapers work. Later we received orders not to talk any more with reporters who could not produce a special authorisation.'

Misa Radulovic, 68, was a teacher in Kozarac and Trnopolje. Now he walks with a stick and is nearly blind. But like all other men considered able-bodied, he was enlisted in the army during the war and stationed as a camp guard in Trnopolje for three days. 'We protected the Muslims from Serbian extremists who wanted to take revenge', he said. 'The people could leave the camp without papers, but this was dangerous. A barbed wire fence existed only at this corner around the barn, this little shop for rural products and the electricity station.'

Without doubt most of the refugees in Trnopolje were undernourished. Civilians were harassed in the camp, and there were reports of some rapes and murders. Yet the irony is that, if this collection centre for refugees had not existed under the supervision of Bosnian Serb soldiers, a far greater number of Muslim civilians might have lost their lives.
The collection centre was spontaneously created by refugees when the civil war escalated in the Prijedor region. In May 1992 Bosnian Serb forces took the town of Kozarac and drove its Bosnian Muslim occupants out, just as Serb and Croat civilians had been driven out of their homes elsewhere in the war zone. Many of the fleeing Muslims sought refuge on the school grounds at Trnopolje. They congregated there in the hope of avoiding being picked off by Bosnian Serb militia or press-ganged into the war by Bosnian Muslim forces. Many of the Bosnian Serb guards sent to the camp were local civilians, mobilised a few days before, who knew the refugees. And there was a permanent Red Cross presence under Pero Curguz, who told me that he too had met many old acquaintances in the camp.


For all that, in the middle of a bloody war zone, the camp could never be completely safe. But many refugees preferred to stay there rather than risk their lives outside. There are reports of refugees who left the camp briefly to visit their fields and homes, hoping to find food and belongings, and were never seen again.

Paddy Ashdown, the British Liberal Democrat leader, visited the camps in Manjaca and Trnopolje a few days after Penny Marshall's team. Ashdown is no ally of the Bosnian Serbs, and had been a loud advocate of British military intervention in the conflict. Yet his impressions of Trnopolje, described in the Independent on 13 August 1992, struck a more sober note at a time of widespread hysteria about the camp: 'They have gathered here because they have to go somewhere. Their houses have been burnt and their lives threatened. Muslim extremists pressurise the men to join up with the guerrillas, so they have come here for safety. But on most recent nights the unprotected camp has been raided by Serbian extremists who beat them, rob them of what little they have left and, it is claimed, rape the women. Things are better now.'

In the eyes of the world, however, the dramatic pictures of Fikret Alic apparently imprisoned behind barbed wire in Trnopolje had left the impression that the Bosnian Serbs were running Nazi-style camps. This set the tone for the coverage that followed. Misa Radulovic told me that, after the British team visited Trnopolje, other Western journalists came to the camp: 'Every one of them wanted to see only the front part of the camp area and take pictures of the most emaciated bodies. I had a dispute with a journalist and requested him to take his pictures somewhere else, for example in the school building. But he did not want to enter it.'

Ed Vulliamy's first article on Trnopolje was published in the Guardian on 7 August 1992, the morning after the ITN pictures had been broadcast for the first time. Vulliamy had probably not seen the edited ITN broadcast when he wrote it. This article did not mention the barbed wire fence, and stated that Trnopolje should not be called a concentration camp. Vulliamy presented quite a balanced view of the situation in the camp, quoting Muslim refugees who reported that no force had been used against them, that the place offered them a certain security, and that they would not know where to go otherwise.

However, by the time Vulliamy came to describe his impressions of Trnopolje in his 1994 book Seasons in Hell, the Guardian reporter's tone had changed. The barbed wire which he had not considered worth mentioning in his first article had now become the focus of attention. In his book, Vulliamy described his first impressions of Trnopolje in these terms: 'More dirt tracks, more burned villages, and finally what was formerly a school in its own grounds, and another startling, calamitous sight: a teeming, multitudinous compound surrounded by barbed wire fencing.' (p106)

The tone of some of Vulliamy's discussions with local people also seemed to have changed between his original report and his later writings on Trnopolje. For instance Inar Gnoric, a Bosnian Muslim, told Vulliamy that she had come to Trnopolje of her own will, seeking safety. In the Guardian article of August 1992, Vulliamy quoted her as saying that 'The conditions are very hard here, but there was terrible fighting and we had no food at all. It is safer here, but we don't know what kind of status we have. We are refugees, but there are guards and the wire fence'. What fence she was talking about is not clear. In Vulliamy's book, however, Gnoric clearly talks of a barbed wire fence around the camp.

Penny Marshall did mention the barbed wire fence in the first report she wrote after returning from Trnopolje, published in the Sunday Times (16 August 1992). About her first visit to the camp she simply wrote that 'Outside was barbed wire'. Describing her second visit to the camp in the same article, she noted that 'Outside, the camp had changed in the week since our original report. The barbed wire fence had been removed and the Serbians had left building materials for the prisoners to make shelters'.

This was true; the barbed wire fence (and the ordinary wire mesh fences) which Marshall's cameraman had shot during the first visit had indeed been removed before her return. But Penny Marshall had left open the question of precisely whereabouts 'outside' the barbed wire fence had been located. She thus failed to correct the false interpretation which so many people had placed upon the pictures. Similarly, Ed Vulliamy wrote in his book that 'Four days after our visit to Trnopolje, the fence came down' (p113). This left untouched the impression which had settled in the public mind - that the camp had been fenced-in with barbed wire.

A year after the ITN pictures were first broadcast, Penny Marshall reacted to the suggestion that her report might have been sensationalist: 'I bent over backwards, I showed guards - Bosnian Serb guards - feeding the prisoners. I showed a small Muslim child who had come of his own volition. I didn't call them death camps. I was incredibly careful, but again and again we see that image being used.' (Independent, 5 August 1993) Despite her plea of objectivity, however, she did not explain how 'that image' of Fikret Alic behind barbed wire had been produced by her team.

In a German television programme 'Kozarac - Ethnically Cleansed', broadcast on 11 October 1993, Marshall told German movie producer Monika Gras about the impact of the Trnopolje picture: 'That picture of that barbed wire and these emaciated men made alarm bells ring across the whole of Europe. I believe that the report would not have caused such a reaction had it been transmitted without that picture, although the facts would have been the same.' Marshall said that the Bosnian Serbs did not know how to deal with the Western press: 'It was a PR mistake in the Bosnian Serbs' terms.' She did not mention her team making any mistakes in their presentation of the Trnopolje story.

The notion that there was a barbed wire fence around Trnopolje camp, and the comparison with Nazi concentration camps, have been widely accepted as matters of fact. 'When the first journalists had arrived there a few days earlier, barbed wire surrounded the place and there was no welcoming banner', Peter Mass wrote in Love Thy Neighbours: A Story of War, about his visit to Trnopolje in the late summer of 1992. (London, 1996, p41) 'I walked through the gates and couldn't quite believe what I saw. There, right in front of me, were men who looked like survivors of Auschwitz.' Marshall, Williams and Vulliamy have not used such language themselves. But neither have they corrected the false interpretation of the picture of Fikret Alic apparently imprisoned behind the barbed wire.

When the ITN pictures of Trnopolje were broadcast around the world, they sparked widespread calls for the Bosnian Serbs to close the camps. Sir John Thomson, head of a CSCE investigation committee in Bosnia, warned the West against leaping to premature conclusions: 'If some camps were just opened, I have the impression some of the prisoners would not get very far - there would be nearby graves.' (Guardian, 5 September 1992) But the international pressure on the Bosnian Serbs had already had its effect.

Omarska camp, which the ITN team had also filmed, was shut down in August 1992, and most of the refugees from there along with other Muslims from Keraterm and Manjaca were taken to Trnopolje, which was transformed from a refugee camp into a transition camp in a couple of days. The International Committee of the Red Cross complained that, thanks to the global excitement caused by the ITN reports, every chance had been lost to attain a solution which would allow the Muslims to remain in the region. On 1 October 1992, the first big Red Cross convoy set off from Trnopolje to ship 1560 refugees over the border into Croatia. In a sense, the exile of thousands of Muslims from their home in Bosnia Herzegovina was thus inadvertently facilitated by the international reaction to the ITN reports from Trnopolje.

Roused by the pictures, British prime minister John Major summoned cabinet colleagues back from holiday for an emergency meeting. Shortly afterwards, his government announced that British troops would be sent into Bosnia. In the USA, where the 1992 presidential election campaign was in full swing, Democratic Party candidate Bill Clinton and running mate Al Gore used the ITN pictures to demand that president George Bush should take military action against the Bosnian Serbs. In Brussels, meanwhile, Nato staff responded by planning a military intervention in the Balkans.

The pictures of Fikret Alic in Trnopolje were also to influence the work of the War Crimes Tribunal in The Hague, set up by the UN Security Council to prosecute those accused of atrocities in the former Yugoslavia. The tribunal has relied heavily on the report of an expert commission, led by Frits Karlshoven, who was later replaced by Cherif Bassiouni. The report, published in the summer of 1994, mentions the barbed wire fence in Trnopolje in several places. Although the report is full of contradictions, it does state clearly in Annex V, 'The Prijedor Report', that 'The camp was surrounded by barbed wire, and a number of camp guards watched the detainees'. The same chapter describes Trnopolje as a Serbian concentration camp: 'Albeit Logor Trnopolje was not a death camp like Logor Omarska or Logor Keraterm, the label "concentration camp" is none the less justified for Logor Trnopolje due to the regime prevailing in the camp.' As a source for this chapter, Ed Vulliamy's book Seasons in Hell is referenced several times.


Dragan Opacic's draft of the camp
Dragan Opacic's draft showing the barbed wire fence he claimed surrounded the camp, given in evidence against Dusko Tadic at the War Crimes Tribunal


The story of the barbed wire fence played a prominent part in the trial of the Bosnian Serb Dusko Tadic, the first case heard before the War Crimes Tribunal. Tadic was accused by witness 'L', later revealed as Dragan Opacic, of committing atrocities at Trnopolje. On 15 August 1996, Opacic made a drawing in the courtroom to show how the barbed wire fenced-in the camp area. Questioned by the British defence attorney Stephen Kay, he insisted that the barbed wire fence had enclosed the entire camp.

By the end of October 1996, however, the accusations against Tadic with regard to Trnopolje had been dropped; the prosecution's main witness Opacic had been exposed as a liar trained to make false statements by the Bosnian authorities. Opacic finally broke down and admitted his deceit when confronted by his father, whom he earlier claimed had been killed in the war. Tadic's Dutch defence advocate, Professor Wladimiroff, told me that he interviewed Dragan Opacic the day after he was exposed as a liar. Opacic said that the police in Sarajevo had schooled him for the witness box by repeatedly showing him videotapes of Dusko Tadic and of Trnopolje, which he scarcely knew. Prominent among these tapes were the pictures from ITN which were supposed to show Muslims imprisoned behind the barbed wire fence.

Ed Vulliamy himself was also invited by the prosecution to give evidence in the trial of Dusko Tadic. In June 1996, Vulliamy gave the War Crimes Tribunal his impressions of Trnopolje, which he described as a refugee and transition camp. Much of his evidence was accompanied by the ITN videotapes. But when Vulliamy came to the point where the barbed wire and Fikret Alic were shown on screen, he asked the judges to switch the tape off while he described the news team's meeting with the refugees: 'I am going to describe who was behind the wire with the video off because I can do it better if I am not trying to accompany the picture.' Why did Vulliamy not want the court to see this impressive sequence?



Thomas Deichmann is a freelance journalist who writes regularly for the German magazine Novo. This is an edited translation of the article 'Es war dieses Bild, das die Welt in Alarmbereitschaft versetzte' published in Novo's January/February 1997 edition.
Novo can be contacted at Novo, PF 60 08 43, D-60338 Frankfurt.
Phone 00 49 69 452035.
Fax 00 49 69 452036.
Thomas Deichmann can be contacted on e-mail at Thomas.Deichmann@t-online.de




The Times - front page Daily Mail - front page Daily Star - front page


'They were looking for the best picture'

Professor Mischa Wladimiroff told Thomas Deichmann about his investigations into the barbed wire at Trnopolje

The story of the barbed wire fence at Trnopolje camp featured prominently in the trial of the Bosnian Serb Dusko Tadic before the War Crimes Tribunal at The Hague. The main prosecution witness against Tadic, Witness 'L' (Dragan Opacic, later exposed as a trained liar) told the court that there was a barbed wire fence around Trnopolje, and drew a picture of where it stood. As part of his work in defence of Tadic, the leading Dutch lawyer Professor Mischa Wladimiroff went to Trnopolje to investigate.

Thomas Deichmann: You mentioned that during your research, by accident you obtained information that something could be wrong with those pictures of thin people behind a barbed wire fence.

Prof Wladimiroff: Yes. One of the elements we felt we should check on was this reference of witness 'L' to a barbed wire fence around the camp site, that reminded us of the Penny Marshall pictures. Later when I was back in the area we found a man who worked as a guard in that camp, and he was able to provide us with all kinds of details and names, and from that point we were able to go deeper and deeper into the matter. During my October 1996 visit I very specifically focused on that barbed wire issue, and then I approached that man again and he showed me where this fence was.

It became clear to me what actually must have happened. According to this man Penny Marshall entered an area which is at a side of the camp where there is a barn and an electricity house. And the area with the barn and the electricity house was surrounded by barbed wire and poles. He told us that the camera crew must have walked into that area and from there filmed the camp. I videotaped the area and his explanation fits with all the images I have seen.

Later when I interviewed Dragan Opacic after he had told a UN investigator that he had lied, he told me that he had been forced to do so and that he had been trained by the Bosnian police. He also told me that he had been shown the videotapes of Penny Marshall. This is how he got this very strong image of men standing behind barbed wire.

Thomas Deichmann: Is it possible that some evidence, for example this barbed wire fence, was taken away from Trnopolje camp?

Prof Wladimiroff: I have no indication that at the Trnopolje site things were taken away in order to hide things. The school is still partly used as a refugee place. The other large building, the local community centre, is empty now. The houses around Trnopolje camp were empty too when I last went there. Having seen the Penny Marshall footage again recently I realised that at the very end of that area surrounded by barbed wire, close to the electricity house, there must have been some kind of small building. It may have been a small garage. This construction is no longer there. The other buildings are still there. You can simply reconstruct how it looked in those days.

Thomas Deichmann: If your suspicions about the ITN pictures are correct, how would you explain what happened?

Prof Wladimiroff: I think what has happened is that while being there Penny Marshall and her crew were looking for the best picture, as every TV crew and journalist crew would do. And later on I think she may have realised that it was a very suggestive, a very strong image, a very direct remembrance to the camps of the Second World War. Then she did not feel the necessity to explain more about these pictures. It is for her to explain why she did not. I have no idea. But as a matter of fact I can say that in some ways it was good that she made these pictures, because it helped us out. If 'L' had not collapsed and confessed that he had lied, we could have used the videotape as evidence against him.



Professor Wladimiroff, 52, of the leading Dutch law firm Wladimiroff and Spong, is chairman of the Netherlands Bar Association for Criminal Lawyers. He lectures at several universities, including Sarajevo.

Before taking over the Tadic case, he helped the War Crimes Tribunal to formulate the Rules of Procedure and Evidence concerning its work with defence lawyers. These are extracts from an interview Thomas Deichmann conducted with Professor Wladimiroff at The Hague on 9 November 1996.


Photos taken December 1996 by Thomas Deichmann

Former camp guard Veljko Grmusa, leaning on the barbed wire fence pole
Former camp guard Veljko Grmusa, leaning on the barbed wire fence pole. The community centre is in the background. Three and a half years earlier ITN took their picture from approximately this spot

The barn which was ringed with barbed wire
The barn in the small compound which was ringed with barbed wire. The fence poles still show remnants of barbed wire


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Monday, 11 March 2013

Pittsburgh 9-1-1



"There has been A LOT of speculation about the plane over Somerset County, whether or not it may have been shot down..."

"To me, it would be like a Lear Jet, you know, it had the big fin on the back...."

"They are denying there was any US Military, US Air Force Action..."

"Our information now is that the control tower at Pittsburg was evacuated at that point... Now, that would have been a highly unusual action....Now I've contacted the FBI about that, they DO NOT want to comment about that, because they call it Quote/Unquote "Close to the Investigation"...But there are concerns about what was going on with the air traffic in the air at that time, you know, whether those planes were protected, and what does that say about what the authorities knew or feared about what the target of this plane that eventually crashed in Somerset County..."

"They left the Tower... that's something that's highly unusual..."

"Well, to add fuel to this speculation, the eyewitness that I spoke to said she heard a boom, then she saw Flight 93 wobble, bank to the right and then go down, nose down - what was that boom? *newscaster shrugs* "

"Very clear answers about what happened to this plane have not been forthcoming..."

".... peiple were questioning, exactly 'What happened, what could have caused it? We have a World Trade Center Engineer, who has a comment:- "

World Trade Center Engineer "Well ya, they're very strong buildings as you remember from the blast the last time, so...."

Journalist: "What would it take, as an engineer, to do the d-...." *South Tower crumbles to dust behind them before their very eyes*

News Anchor ".... which again, feeds that feeling, that there was something else, that there MAY have been something else that brought those buildings down."

"There was a lot of talk earlier, in New York of another explosion, prior the collapse of the first building....

"That's 47-stories, that almost the same height as the USX Building"
"Absolutely! This is unbelievable!"

"We should mention, there were as many as 1200 companies leasing space in those buildings!"

EDITORIAL NOTE: Both FOIA disclosures and even Wikipedia reveal that REALLY isn't true.... 12 would be a figure closer to reality (plus some starving artists / 5 Dancing Israelis on Floor 92), assuming reality and 9/11 still belong sharing the same sentence as one another anymore....

Dan Rather: "Rightly or wrongly, there is a feeling that anyone who passes higher than 90 on a dumb-test could get through what passes for security at one of our airports...."

"There is also - I suppose - the possibility that this could be some kind of an INSIDE JOB...."

It's the End of the World as We Know it - And Building 7 Looks Absolutely Fine














The Ends of Bullshit




I'm sorry - that's just a dummy.


I mean, it is - it literally is.

Just look at it.

Sunday, 10 March 2013

Well, there's something you don't see every day...




Things visibile in this raw video feed released by NIST under FOIA:

* The attack run / final approach dive of United 175

* Jumpers seen from a distance

* "Edna Citron" can be seen waving in the plane-hole - her head is not yet on fire, however....

* An awful lot of paper.

* Building 7 (in the foreground) looks absolutely fine.

Bill Clinton and the Unspeakable


"As early as 1961, they knew Kennedy was not going to war in Southeast Asia. Like Caesar, he is surrounded by enemies and something's underway... but it has no face. Yet everybody in the loop knows..."



June 20, 1999 - President Clinton, Secretary Albright  and National Security Advisor Sandy Berger meet with Russian President Boris Yeltsin and members of his delegation at Cologne’s Renaissance Hotel

On 12th June 1999, Russian and NATO forces stood poised closer to the brink of war than at any point since the Able Archer exercise of 1983 and closer to a shooting war between the forces of East and West than at any point since the Cuban Missile Crisis.

Following the relentless 11 week air war over Serbia, chiefly directed towards the peaceful civilian infrastructure of Yugoslav-Serbian society to force a withdrawl from the Serbian province of Kosovo (an action akin to a multilateral coalition carpet-bombing London in order to compel unilateral British military withdrawl and civic disengagement from Northern Ireland), NATO sent the troops in to Kosovo to "enforce the peace".

When the 30,000 KFOR personnel advanced into the province, however, they arrived to discover 200 Russian Army Special Forces occupying the airport at Pristina, having advanced forward from the East (with Serbian acquiescence) to secure the supply channels in and out during the occupation.

This plucky act of insurgency did not impress NATO commanders on the ground.

Not the American ones, at least.







Translated from the Serbian:

"Shortly after the 200 Russians from Ugljevik (without the knowledge of the Yeltsin Kremlin!) Occupied Pristina airport in 1999, a British unit led thirty thousand NATO troops received an order from the U.S. General Wesley Clark to take the airport, and if you disarm the Russians to open fire on them. "







The room at the G8 Conference in Frankfurt was as tense as it was possible to be - one week earlier, the forced within and behind Bill Clinton's administration, plotting his doom had brought the world to the brink of a Third World War, a shooting war between NATO and 200 Russian Troops acting either unilaterally or on their own recognisance to seize Pristina Airport and cease the Western assault on Belgrade and the Serbs.

Yeltsin has no idea and was rapidly loosing what grip he still retained on his country and his faculties.

Both men had lost control of their respective governments.

The Russian Delegation to Frankfurt arrived a day late.

Immediately, both Presidential national security teams went directly into closed door bilateral session with one another - in spite of Clinton's smiles, the scene could not have been more tense.

Thirty seconds after the above offial photo was taken, the door was closed, and the room sealed.

You could have cut the air with a knife.


Suddenly, Yeltsin reached below his desk and produced a yellowing loose leaf file of papers.


"A gift, for my old friend, Bill...!"

The file contained the original, unredacted KGB File on both Lee Harvey Oswald and the Kennedy Assassination, along with full transcript and English translations - Yeltsin have strip-mined the KGB archive on ascent to the Russian presidency, offering out tidbits like the Soviet record of the Katyn Forest Massacre and the shoot down of KAL-007 in 1983.... But this was his ace in the hole.

Clinton's eyes widened like saucers - his only reply, was reportedly to exclaim, "Oh, I can use this...!"


Two weeks later, John F Kennedy Jr.'s plane went down off the tip of Martha's Vineyard.

Saturday, 9 March 2013

Rand Paul, Sanctions and War




If Rand Paul thinks that trade sanctions are immoral and tantamount to an act of war....


...funny.

Never once heard him speak up in favour of lifting the Cuban trade embargo.



Could it possibly be the case that he's just a politician and a shameless self-promoter of narrow, sectional interests...?


 "...If they disagree with that safeguard, they should be out openly working to repeal it."



This is not courage. This is moral cowardice.

Vincent Foster: The Vast Right Wing Conspiracy to Cover up Foster's Death




"Burton was one of the most ardent opponents of President Bill Clinton. In 1998, he said, "If I could prove 10 percent of what I believe happened, he'd [Clinton] be gone. This guy's a scumbag. That's why I'm after him."

Rep. Burton led the House inquiry into the death of Vincent Foster; he was convinced that Foster was murdered and urged extensive investigation into the possible involvement of the Clintons. Burton gained attention for re-enacting the alleged crime in his backyard with his own pistol and a pumpkin standing in for Foster's head. After hearings into Democratic fundraising (see section below) began, a Democratic National Committee staffer appeared in a pumpkin suit with a button that read, "Don't shoot."

Burton's information during the Whitewater controversy was based on opposition research conducted by Floyd Brown, who founded Citizens United in 1988, which created the well-known Willie Horton attack ad against Michael Dukakis. Because of the problems with the quality of Brown's research and testimony, the investigation was closed."


Says one thing, does another.


Bill Ayers Stands Up for the Kids




This is rather wonderful.