Saturday, 31 January 2015
Evans, Kissinger and Korshack
Zionism in Post-Soviet Russia
Joseph DioGuardi on Serbian-Soviet Secret Alliance from Spike EP on Vimeo.
Essentially : "We must attack Serbia because that allows Russia access to a warm water port"
(Serbia is completely landlocked and by 1999, completely surrounded by NATO Countries to the East controlling its rail access from Russia.)
The Zionist-WASP Split of 1991 : Chicken Kiev for STARTers - The Last Ever US-Soviet Summit from Spike EP on Vimeo.
"First and foremost it is worth acknowledging that the demise of the Soviet Union was the greatest geopolitical catastrophe of the century." - Putin
August 1st, 1991 : Kiev, Soviet Socialist Republic of Ukraine - Trouble Brewing.
Having "liberated" Kuwait (it's oil and it's Sultan, his wife and her collection of shoes, if not it's people), and toppled the tyrant Saddaam Hussain (kind of), the force of the New World Order US-Soviet Condominium turn their attention back to the forging of world peace between the nuclear superpowers, and regional peace in the Middle East.... Little suspecting that the forces of World Zionism might have other ideas.
Recognising correctly that, in common with the other, far tinnier non- Russian constituent Soviet Republics, the Ukraine is an entirely synthetic, non-viable made-up country, it's economy entirely integrated into and co-dependant upon the internal market of the Soviet system for it's trade survival, President Bush would address the Supreme Soviet of Ukraine to issue a stern warning, advising it's people of the grim, bleak folly of nationalism and economic isolationism.
The Zionist-WASP Split of 1991 : September 12th 1991 - "Give Peace a Chance..." from Spike EP on Vimeo.
The Zionist-WASP Split of 1991 - September 11 1991 from Spike EP on Vimeo.
"On September 11, 2001 the definition of National Security changed for most U.S. citizens. For an entire postwar generation, “National Security” meant protection from nuclear attack. On that day, Americans redefined that threat. On September 11, 2001 three hijacked airliners hit three separate buildings with such precision and skill that many observers believe those flights were controlled by something other than the poorly trained hijackers in the cockpits. This report contends that not only were the buildings targets, but that specific offices within each building were the designated targets. These offices unknowingly held information which if exposed, subsequently would expose a national security secret of unimaginable magnitude. Protecting that secret was the motivation for the September 11th attacks. This report is about that national security secret: its origins and impact. The intent of the report is to provide a context for understanding the events of September 11th rather than to define exactly what happened that day.
Initially, it is difficult to see a pattern to the destruction of September 11th other than the total destruction of the World Trade Center, a segment of the Pentagon, four commercial aircraft and the loss of 2,993 lives. However, if the perceived objective of the attack is re-defined from its commonly suggested ‘symbolic’ designation as either ‘a terrorist attack’ or a ‘new Pearl Harbor,’ and one begins by looking at it as purely a crime with specific objectives (as opposed to a political action), there is a compelling logic to the pattern of destruction. This article provides research into the early claims by Dick Eastman, Tom Flocco, V.K. Durham and Karl Schwarz that the September 11th attacks were meant as a cover-up for financial crimes being investigated by the Office of Naval Intelligence (ONI), whose offices in the Pentagon were destroyed on September 11th.1 After six years of research, this report presents corroborating evidence which supports their claims, and proposes a new rationale for the September 11th attacks. In doing so, many of the anomalies – or inconvenient facts surrounding this event - take on a meaning that is consistent with the claims of Eastman et al. The hypothesis of this report is: the attacks of September 11th were intended to cover-up the clearing of $240 billion dollars in securities covertly created in September 1991 to fund a covert economic war against the Soviet Union, during which ‘unknown’ western investors bought up much of the Soviet industry, with a focus on oil and gas. The attacks of September 11th also served to derail multiple Federal investigations away from crimes associated with the 1991 covert operation. In doing so, the attacks were justified under the cardinal rule of intelligence: “protect your resources” and consistent with a modus operandi of sacrificing lives for a greater cause.
With the bonds out in the market, they sat for ten years, like a ticking time bomb. At some point, they had to be settled -or cashed in, on September 11, 2001. The two firms in the U.S. most likely to be handling them would be Cantor Fitzgerald and Eurobrokers – the two largest government securities firms in the U.S. The federal agency mostly involved in investigating those transactions was the Office of Naval Intelligence On that day, those same three organizations: the two largest government securities brokers and the Office of Naval Intelligence in the US took near direct hits. Actually, the jetliners hit immediately below the targeted offices, assuring that the flames would engulf the floors above. This targeting strategy was also used on the 23rd floor of the North tower, which was an FBI evidence repository holding information on allegedly illegal gold transactions.
The attacks had a related agenda. It seems that the covert Cold War operation started in 1989 had resulted in a series of foreign and U.S. allegations of financial impropriety, and as a result there were at least nine federal investigations being conducted into bank accounts related to these operations. All of these investigations were initiated, in 1997-98 timeframe, which was the same year that Osama Bin Laden - after twenty years of recruiting Mujahadeen for the U.S. covert wars - announced a fatwa against the US. (A key understanding here is that federal investigations are preceded by a period of ‘quiet’ investigation before an official investigation is publicly announced.)
The Marcos Gold Hearing began in Los Angeles, in August 1997. The banks and accounts involved in that hearing, were the Swiss banks: UBS, and Bank Julius Baer.
The Eizenstatz Report and a public campaign waged by the Simon Wiesenthal Center launched suits against three Swiss banks.
Friday, 30 January 2015
The Auschwitz Protocols
"It's Just One of the Gaps in History"
Unidentified Leg Found in Bomb Rubble
When the Pentagon Papers were leaked in 1971, Richard Nixon initially wasn’t all that concerned.
But that was before Secretary of State Henry Kissenger complained to the president that the leaks were compromising secret negotiations with the North Vietnamese.
And that could’ve jeopardized Nixon’s re-election.
Dean says this is when Nixon began ordering break-ins. Dean learned about one such plan from an underling who had just come to him from former White House Counsel Chuck Colson’s office.
“And he said, ‘Chuck had asked me to firebomb the Brookings Institute.’"
"I said, ‘What?'"
“He said, ‘He thinks I should firebomb the Brookings Institute. When the fire department is responding it’ll be a diversion. And I’m to send a safecracker in to break into the safe at the Brookings and get out the Pentagon Papers.’”
Dean thought the plan was absurd. And he also knew there was no point arguing with Colson. So he went straight to his superior and top Nixon aide John Ehrlichman.
“He was in San Clemente, I jumped on the next plane, flew out there, told him of this," Dean said. "And he simply picked up the phone, called Chuck Colson, and said, ‘Young Counsel Dean is out here, doesn’t think the Brookings plan is a very good one, Chuck. Cancel it.’ Turned to me and said, ‘Anything else, Counselor?’ I said, ‘No, that’ll handle it.’”
As it turned out, Colson wasn’t the originator of the idea.
“It isn’t until years later when the tapes come out," Dean says, "That I learn the order for the break-in really came from Richard Nixon, who is at one point literally pounding on the desk, saying, ‘I want a break-in! I want it yesterday, nobody’s exercising, nobody’s following through.’”
Dean’s adamant that Nixon didn’t directly order the Watergate break-in. But he also says that outbursts like that made it clear to the staff what was expected.
Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein, The Final Days (1976)
John Dean, the President's former counsel had been fired on April 30 and was now busily leaking stories all over Washington about the Watergate scandal. Some of them hinted that the President was involved in the cover-up. Dean seemed to have some record of White House misdeeds; he told Judge John Sirica that he had removed certain documents from the White House to protect them from "illegitimate destruction". Dean had put them in a safe-deposit box and given the keys to the judge. The New York Times, also citing anonymous informers, said that one of its sources "suggested that Mr. Dean may have tape-recorded some of his White House conversations".
William Sullivan, The Bureau: My Thirty Years in Hoover's FBI (1979)
"I suppose the Kennedys did that kind of thing with Hoover," Dean said. I told him truthfully that the Kennedys had been so wary of Hoover that they never used the FBI at all if they could help it. Dean didn't look as if he believed me. "What about Johnson?" he asked quickly.
Once again I answered truthfully. "Compared to Lyndon Johnson," I told him, "the current administration is spartan in its use of the FBI." Dean's tongue was practically hanging out of his mouth as I talked. I couldn't tell him about every one of Johnson's illegal uses of the FBI-DeLoach was the one who could - but I could tell him enough. I told him about the FBI surveillance I'd helped to set up on Madame Chennault. I told him how Johnson had praised Hoover and the FBI for keeping tabs on Bobby Kennedy at the Democratic convention in Atlantic City by tapping Martin Luther King's phone. I told him about the behind-the-scenes wheeling and dealing done by LBJ, Abe Fortas, and Deke DeLoach after Walter Jenkins was arrested in Washington, and I told Dean that Johnson had asked the FBI to dig up derogatory information on Senator Fulbright and other Democratic senators who had attacked Johnson's policies. Of course, the FBI wasn't chartered to do that kind of work, but Hoover loved to help his friends - and those he wished were his friends.
Dean asked if I would write a confidential memo for "White House use only" detailing some examples of previous illegal political use of the FBI. He didn't tell me, and I certainly never guessed, that Dean would give the "confidential information I'd supplied to the Watergate prosecutors. I did realize, though, that I could be heading into stormy waters, so I told Dean I'd send the memo, but that I'd only write about events that I would be willing to testify to publicly. Dean readily agreed.
Then he sat back in his chair and said, "I'd like you to write a second memo after you've done that one. I'd like to pick your brains. You've been around Washington for years, and I'd like your opinion on how we should cope with the situation we have with the Plumbers."