Tuesday 11 February 2014

"Door Hop Galley"




WELDON: Good afternoon.

I’m Curt Weldon, and I’m here to provide a response to the 9/11 Commission in their statements this week about Able Danger and the outrageous statement made by Slade Gorton that it just didn’t exist.

And it is absolutely outrageous, especially from a commission that I supported, that spent $15 million with 80 staffers to give the American people and the Congress a full and complete understanding of what happened prior to 9/11.

They have maintained there is no information about Able Danger or the data mining work. They couldn’t find anything.

So I brought some charts for you. These are all original charts. None of these charts were made after 9/11. These charts were all made before 9/11.

Now, granted, they’re not all about Able Danger. They’re not all about Mohammed Atta, nor Al Qaida.

They’re about drug trafficking. They’re about terrorist cells. They’re about crime in Russia. They’re about crime in Serbia. They’re about the World Trade Center bombing in ’93.

So this information is a compilation of work being done by the Army’s LIWA Center, as well as some of the work being done by Able Danger on Mohammed Atta and Al Qaida.

It’s absolutely unbelievable to me that a commission would come out and say that this program just didn’t exist.

The Pentagon has acknowledged now, publicly, that they have identified five defense employees who either vividly remember identifying Mohammed Atta prior to 9/11 or seeing his name linked with a Brooklyn cell prior to 9/11.

We have Scott Philpott (ph), a Navy commanding officer, who’s commanded one of our naval warships, an Annapolis graduate, who has come out publicly and risked his entire career to say what he’ll say next Wednesday under oath: that he specifically remembers identifying Mohammed Atta in January and February of 2000, specifically; that he would stake his career on it. And that he was the leader of Able Danger.

We have Lieutenant Colonel Tony Shaffer — who’s outside in the hallway, who I couldn’t bring into the House Gallery because of House rules, but who’s available for you to talk to, outside — who will testify under oath on Wednesday before the Senate that as a DIA liaison to Special Forces Command for Able Danger, he attempted to present information to the FBI on three occasions in September of 2000 about the Brooklyn cell and Mohammed Atta.

WELDON: We’ve identified the woman at the FBI who set those three meetings up. She will testify under oath at the Senate hearing next Wednesday that she actually organized three meetings. She knew the topics of the meetings because there had been other discussions that occurred prior to the attempt to set up those three meetings.

And in each of the cases of those three meetings, they were abruptly canceled by Pentagon lawyers hours before those meetings were to take place.

I asked the Pentagon had they talked to that FBI person. They said, “No.”

And, by the way, the Pentagon did not conduct an investigation. There were no subpoenas. There were no witnesses under oath. It was an inquiry. There’s a big difference between an inquiry and an investigation, as my colleagues on the Armed Services Committee brought up when we had a briefing last week with six or seven members of the committee.

What will be the added dimension to the Senate investigation and hearing that will take place on Wednesday is not just the five people that the Pentagon has confirmed, identified and knew about Mohammed Atta prior to 9/11, but we’ll bring out the person who actually did much of the data analysis. Actually, his name, I think, has already been brought out in the public. That’s J.D. (ph).

But the person who’s not been brought out in the public yet, this individual who will testify that he was actually the one who destroyed 2.5 terabytes of data about Able Danger that included the Brooklyn cell and Mohammed Atta.

Now, I’m not a computer expert. I don’t know what 2.5 terabytes of data are. But, John, I read your story. You called the Library of Congress.

And the Library of Congress, if we can believe this great reporter down here who I trust fully, told him that it’s basically one-fourth of all the printed material that the Library of Congress has in their collection. Now, that’s a lot of material.

So what we will have is a person who will testify under oath, on the record, that in the summer of 2000, he was ordered — or he would lose his job and/or go to jail if he didn’t comply — he was ordered to destroy 2.5 terabytes of data specific to Able Danger, the Brooklyn cell and Mohammed Atta.

He will name the person who ordered him to destroy that material. And, furthermore, he will note that a commanding general from SOCOM — Russ, what was his name?

STAFF: (OFF-MIKE)

WELDON: General Lambert was incensed when he found out that material that he was a customer for was destroyed without his approval.

So here we have a case where General Lambert at SOCOM was not told that an employee had been ordered to destroy all the material that he was a customer for. And that material related to Able Danger, it related to Al Qaida and it related to Mohammed Atta.

In addition, I urge you to go back and review, on the Heritage Commission Web site, a speech that I gave on May 23rd of 2002. That speech, which is one hour and 20 minutes long with questions, is about stovepipes. In fact, you’ll see a chart there that I referred that I can’t find.

WELDON: That chart refers to Able Danger.

It refers to the data mining. I’m not definitely sure that specific chart referred to Able Danger. But you can see the chart.

But what is in that speech are the exact details I’ve been talking about for the last two months. What was also in that speech, which I had forgotten and which I’m now public acknowledging, is that there was a three-hour briefing provided to General Shelton in January of 2001.

And furthermore, what Tony Shaffer will tell you in the hallway outside is that he personally briefed General Shelton on Able Danger, and in a briefing in the first quarter of 2001, and he will name the people that were in the room. He was giving a briefing on another topic, remember the name of that?

STAFF: (OFF-MIKE)

WELDON: Door Hop Galley (ph) which is another classified program.

In the course of that briefing — and there was a Navy admiral in the room, Admiral Wilson, in charge of DIA, and Richard Schiefren (ph) was in the room. Richard Schiefren (ph) was an attorney at DOD.

In the course of that discussion, Richard Schiefren (ph) discussed Able Danger. I did not know that up until I watched the Heritage Foundation speech that I gave in 2002, where I document the meeting, in the briefing that was done for General Shelton. When I asked Tony Shaffer this morning about that, he said, “Yes, I briefed General Shelton. I was also involved in a Door Hop Galley (ph) brief, where Steve Cambone” — he was not in the position he’s in today. He was a special adviser to Don Rumsfeld.

My concern is if there were 2.5 terabytes of data that were destroyed in the summer of 2000, there had to be material in 2001 if you briefed General Shelton. Where is that material? Where is that briefing?

In addition, there is a question about the possibility of additional data that was in Tony Shaffer’s office that was removed, not all of which was turned over to the 9/11 Commission.

As most of you know by now, when Tony Shaffer returned in January of 2004, Tony Shaffer — or 2003, get my dates right, 2003 — 2004 — in January 2004 — right, because it was in October of 2003 when he first briefed the 9/11 Commission’s staff over in Baghram.

In January of 2004 when he was twice rebuffed by the 9/11 Commission for a personal follow-up meeting, he was assigned back to Afghanistan to lead a special classified program.

When he returned in March, he was called in and verbally his security clearance was temporarily lifted. By lifting his security clearance, he could not go back into DIA quarters where all the materials he had about Able Danger were, in fact, stored. He could not get access to memos that, in fact, he will tell you discussed the briefings he provided both to the previous administration and this administration.

For the 9/11 Commission to say that this does not exist is just absolutely outrageous.

It is a total denial of the facts. It’s a denial of information the Pentagon has affirmed. And to say that we just don’t have data to back it up is not enough.

WELDON: They had 80 staffers and spent $15 million and came up with nothing and didn’t mention Able Danger once in their report, and I’m convinced never briefed the 9/11 commissioners.

In one month we provided all these charts, we reconstructed the original Mohammed Atta chart, which I’ve showed many times, with the linkages — from the original data, I might add, that people had available.

All of this will come out on Wednesday, but I could not sit by and have Slade Gorton make the statement he made. He has not interviewed personally any of the Able Danger staff. He talked about a disagreement between a Defense Department female employee and Tony Shaffer. I’ve talked to both of them and he’s totally wrong. He didn’t speak to either one of them.

Tim Roemer, a good friend of mine, came out and said, “Well, they couldn’t have had a photograph of Mohammed Atta because he wasn’t in the country before a certain date.” That obviously came from staff of the commission.

Well, as we now know, the photograph did not come from an immigration picture or a driver’s license. An individual who will testify on Wednesday will say they bought that photograph from a woman in California who was researching the activity at selected mosques. That’s where the photograph came from.

It’s very troubling to me that people are going out of their way not to want to know the details of what happened here, to distort and spin.

In the time that I have known about this, I have not tried to spin this any way. I have not made any comments as to the intent or the effort by any of the 9/11 commissioners. In fact, I have defended them. I don’t think any of them were ever briefed.

I can tell you, to not have this covered by the 9/11 Commission, to not have it mentioned, for them to say, as they did initially, that it was historically insignificant — 2.5 terabytes of data about Mohammed Atta and Al Qaida, a three-hour briefing for the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff is historically insignificant? A briefing that included Richard Schiefren (ph), with Steve Cambone, in March of 2001, five months before 9/11, is historically insignificant? I don’t think so.

And so the more information I get, the more questions arise. The American people deserve to have answers.

One of the pilots of one of the airplanes on 9/11, Michael Horrocks, was a neighbor of mine. He went to the same university I went to. He was a dedicated Navy pilot. He was killed. He left behind a wife and two kids.

The chief of all rescue for New York City Fire Department, Ray Downey, was one of my best friends. Ray had taken me through the Trade Center in 1993 when I went up. Ray was the one who convinced me to introduce the language to create the Gilmore commission. The Gilmore commission made three reports before 9/11. Ray Downey was a member of that commission, chaired by former Governor Jim Gilmore.

WELDON: The 3,000 people and the families of those people and their friends and loved ones, the American people and the Congress, when we approved the 9/11 Commission, asked to know all the facts.

How could anyone not only ignore this particular situation before they made the report but then when the report comes out and they’re embarrassed and changed their story three times in one week about this particular Defense program, then come out with a statement they made yesterday that it didn’t exist?

There’s something wrong here, something tragically wrong.

The American people, the families, the country and the Congress need to know the truth, the whole truth, the complete truth. And so far we haven’t gotten it.

I wanted to bring Tony Shaffer in to talk to you about the briefing that he was involved with with General Shelton in January of ’01 and the briefing — again, this second briefing, as Tony will tell you, was not specifically about Able Danger. It was about a program called Door Hop Galley (ph).

But during that briefing with Admiral Wilson and with Richard Schiefren (ph), the topic of Able Danger came up and Richard Schiefren (ph), who was the legal counsel at the Pentagon, knew about Able Danger.

Somebody’s got to connect the dots and answer the questions. If the 9/11 Commission won’t do it, then Congress has to do it.

I applaud Senator Specter and his staff for scheduling a hearing on Wednesday where all of these people can testify.

To say that nothing existed in spite of five people, the Pentagon acknowledged, knew about this information, in spite of what documentation we can provide as evidence of some of the work they were doing on a number of different programs — the commission’s attitude has been, “We don’t want to go there.”

The same response — the acting staff director of the 9/11 Discourse Project told my chief of staff, when he made a call at my request, when I found out the details of Able Danger in May of this year.

And his response to Russ when he did not remember the first day when Russ called, the second day was, “Yes, you were briefed on Able Danger. Well, why wasn’t it included in your report?” “We decided to not go down that route,” whatever that means — “down that route.”

I talked to two of the commissioners personally, Tim Roemer and John Lehman. Neither of them had been briefed on Able Danger. To my knowledge, no member of the 9/11 Commission was ever briefed on Able Danger.

The facts are the facts. And it really is very discouraging to me that the 9/11 Commission’s response is to do what they allege this administration and others have done: not be candid and forthcoming.

Now, I tried to get to the 9/11 Commission. I contacted the commission through staff.

WELDON: I offered to go in and give them a briefing while they were doing their investigation. They could have seen the Heritage tape that’s on the Heritage Commission’s Web site of the speech I gave in May of 2002. It’s a public document. If they would have talked to me, I would have given them that link. I would have given them every piece of information that I had to reconstruct what I’ve reconstructed.

Do we have the actual date when I presented this document? Was it April?

STAFF: I think it was April — one of the two hearings in the Hart Building.

WELDON: In the Hart Building, when the 9/11 Commission brought in George Tenet, and I was watching the hearings from my home, I couldn’t believe the questioning. So I drafted this document and had my staff director hand deliver it to the 9/11 Commission. They never asked a question. This is the actual document.

The next week, they sent a staffer over to pick up some additional materials about the NOA (ph), about the concept, and about information I had briefed them on. They never followed up and invited me to come in and meet with them. So they can’t say that I didn’t try.

I had one phone conversation with Tom Kean, and it took me a long while to get him. That lasted about five minutes. He was in a big rush.

And I tried to explain to him in that five-minute time period all of the parameters of this information, so they could do what the Congress asked them to do. He assured me that 9/11 commission staff would follow up and they never did.

So we had Scott Philpott (ph) voluntarily go to the commission, Tony Shaffer voluntarily go to the commission. I went to the commission. And they choose to ignore the information. They choose to categorize it as historically insignificant, which the Pentagon will not do. They won’t characterize it as that.

A three-hour briefing for General Hugh Shelton, a briefing on Door Hop Galley (ph) that included Richard Schiefren (ph) and Admiral Wilson and Steve Cambone, where Able Danger was discussed, and no one wants to get to the bottom of what really happened.

The 9/11 Commission has lost my confidence.

I voted for the commission. I supported the commission. I talked about the commission. I have given speeches around the country supporting the commission’s recommendations.

WELDON: I was so frustrated when I could not get a face-to-face meeting with the commission staff or commissioners, that the day that Lee Hamilton and Tom Kean briefed Congress, that was right before the 9/11 commission’s report was to be released, in the Cannon Caucus Room they invited members over. I got there first. I was the first member to raise my hand to ask the first question.

And I stood up and I said to the two of them, “I support your work. I support your recommendations. Many of your recommendations are recommendations previously made by the Gilmore commission. But I am extremely upset that you would not meet with members of Congress who were involved with these issues.”

Lee Hamilton’s response to me, in front of my colleagues in Congress, was, “Well, Curt, we couldn’t meet with everyone.”

So I tried.

And so I felt, after seeing what I thought was a ridiculous press conference yesterday and knowing what’s going to come up on Wednesday at the Senate hearing — unless somebody is gagged between now and Wednesday, because I have talked to all the witnesses — there are some serious questions that need to be answered.

Who — and why — ordered 2.5 terabytes of data referring to Able Danger, Al Qaida, and including Mohammed Atta, in the summer of 2000? And why did they not seek the approval of General Lambert before his data was destroyed, especially given the fact that Madeleine Albright, the secretary of state, had declared Al Qaida an international terrorist organization? How could you destroy that volume of material about one of the top terrorist cells in the world?

I don’t buy the idea that there was information about American persons — or I guess, if you include Mohammed Atta in there, he would be considered an American person. I don’t buy that as an excuse to justify destroying that kind of data.

Number two, who ordered — either within the Pentagon legal staff or higher up — the blockage of meetings on three separate occasions in September of 2000 where Able Danger material was going to be briefed to the FBI?

WELDON: And again, we have that person who set those meetings up who will testify on Wednesday. Who stopped those meetings and why did they stop them?

Number three, what was in the three-hour briefing that was prepared for General High Shelton, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, in January of ’01, and where is that brief, since it would still have existed, even though the bulk of the data had been destroyed in the summer of ’00?

What materials did Richard Schiefren (ph) discuss in a briefing that was held with Colonel Shaffer, Steve Cambone and Admiral Wilson in the Door Hop Galley (ph) briefing in the winter of ’01? What was the Able Danger material discussed in that meeting?

And finally, and most importantly, why did the 9/11 Commission, charged with the responsibility by the Congress with my support, choose to totally ignore the work of Able Danger? And why did they not pursue the people that I’ve pursued over the last 35, 40 days that would have provided them the same information that I’ve provided?

We, today, do not have a clear picture of what happened before 9/11 because this vacuum exists. I’m offering no conspiracy theories. I’m not making any allegations.

As a member of Congress, as the vice chair of two security and intelligence committees — Armed Services and Homeland Security — all I want are answers for the American people.

I’ll be happy to make the document available of the questions that I’ve presented to a 9/11 commissioner and carried by my chief of staff in one of their hearings in ’04.

QUESTION: What do you think is the whole truth?

WELDON: I think the whole truth is, bureaucrats in Defense intelligence don’t want this story to be told. I don’t know why.

I don’t believe it’s a coincidence that Colonel Shaffer, a Bronze Star recipient, 23-year career decorated veteran, put in charge of assignments working with SOCOM in the jungles of Afghanistan undercover, doing work that allowed him to brief George Tenet and other senior leaders on a number of occasions — and you can talk to him outside — that the work that he was doing relative to Able Danger and Al Qaida, interacting with the Army’s information dominance center at Fort Belvoir, was not significant.

I think here are those, perhaps, that are going to be embarrassed by this: embarrassed in the previous administration, and now it looks like embarrassed in this administration.

WELDON: And I can tell you I met with Steve Cambone right after the story broke in the New York Times. And, as you all know, I did a floor speech a month before that. So this wasn’t something I did for the media.

The New York Times did not pick up on this story until a trade publication called Defense Security News published it. And then the New York Times picked it up. That was a month after I gave the floor speech in late June of this year.

When Steve Cambone came in to meet with me, he said, “Congressman, you know more about this program than I do.”

I brought Tony Shaffer in to meet with Steve Cambone, with the understanding his career would not be ruined. In the 19 years I’ve been in this city, I have seen people’s careers ruined. I saw it with Notra Trulock, I saw it with Jay Stewart (ph), I saw it with Dr. Gordon Ehlers, I saw it with Mike Maluf (ph), I saw it with Jack Daly (ph).

I’ve seen it time and again.

My concern was that these military people, who wanted to simply tell the truth, would not have their careers ruined.

Steve Cambone never mentioned to me that Able Danger was ever discussed in a meeting on Door Hop Galley (ph). Now, maybe he didn’t remember that. That’s understandable. And I’m not faulting him for that.

But in that meeting with Richard Schiefren (ph) and Admiral Wilson, as you can ask Tony Shaffer outside, Able Danger was discussed. It was not the purpose of the meeting, but it was discussed.

QUESTION: (OFF-MIKE)

WELDON: I think my own perception is the 9/11 Commission staff did not want this story to be pursued. As John Lehman and Tim Roemer told me, I don’t think this was ever briefed to 9/11 commissioners.

I think, for some reason, there was a staff effort deliberately put forward not to allow this information to be brought forward.

Now, a couple of strange things have happened during this time period, and one thing I’ve never mentioned publicly.

The first week the story broke in the New York Times, I was in Pennsylvania that Friday doing district work and I got a call at my office. My chief of staff took the call, and it was from a person I’d never met in my entire life. I’d never mentioned her name. She was on vacation and asked my chief of staff for me to call her back.

Her name was Jamie Gorelick.

I said, “What does she want, Russ? I don’t know the woman.” I said, “I’m tied up. Would you please call her back and ask her what she wants?”

WELDON: Russ called her back on her cell phone. She was on vacation. And her response to my chief of staff was, “Please tell Congressman Weldon I’ve done nothing wrong.”

Am I correct, Russ?

There are a lot of things here that leave a lot of unanswered questions.

I don’t know why Al Feltzenberg (ph) got mad. I don’t even know the guy. I don’t know why Al Feltzenberg (ph) came out the first day the New York Times asked him and said they were never briefed. And the second day, he said they were briefed, but they never mentioned Mohammed Atta. On the third day, he said, “Well, we were briefed and they did mention Mohammed Atta, but only in passing and it was too late.”

How many times can you change the story?

There’s something deeper here that I don’t understand, but that the American people need to have the answer to. And the only reason I’m doing this today is because the 9/11 Commission came out with their presentation yesterday that to me is just outrageous.

I listened to it. I read the transcript. And to read the statement of Slade Gorton, it just turned my stomach.

First of all, let me say this to you: I’ll believe Commander Philpott (ph) 100 times before I’ll believe politician Slade Gorton.

Scott Philpott (ph) jeopardized his entire naval career to state emphatically that he will swear on his career that they knew about not just Able Danger, but Mohammed Atta and ties to the Brooklyn cell in January and February of 2000. I believe Scott Philpott (ph).

And for them to say that this didn’t exist, that this is not real — what was the exact comment he used? This never happened? I mean, how could you say this never happened with everything I’ve given you, with all the people that have come out, with five people the Pentagon has confirmed, with the person at the FBI who set the meetings up, with the man who’s going to testify next week on Wednesday that he destroyed the data and was ordered to destroy the data? How could you say this never happened?

How could you say there was never a three-hour briefing with General Shelton? How could you say that that briefing material never existed?

QUESTION: So who was it at the Pentagon that canceled those meetings with the FBI? Because you know Pat Downes (ph) and Tom Gandy (ph) gave a briefing a couple of weeks ago at the Pentagon and denied, absolutely, categorically, that there was ever any effort on the part of anyone at DOD to stop information being transferred.

WELDON: I wasn’t there. And neither were the two men that you just referred to there. So we’re all going on second- and third-hand information.

I can tell you that two of the people involved with this will testify under oath on Wednesday: Lieutenant Colonel Tony Shaffer, who’s in the hallway and the FBI woman whose name has been out in the news, who set the meetings up. Neither of them are backing down on their statements.

So they can swear all they want; they can be as emphatic as they want. We have two people who will testify under oath that, number one, they set the meetings up; and, number two, that the purpose of those meetings was to transfer information that Able Danger had produced about Al Qaida and about the linkages of the Brooklyn cell and Mohammed Atta.

And let me also give you this point. They’ve constantly focused this on a chart. Well, we can’t find the chart.

WELDON: This is not just about a chart. I’ve showed you 13 charts here. This is about 2.5 terabytes of information about Mohammed Atta and Al Qaida, the group that attacked us. It’s not about one chart, the chart that I gave to Hadley, with Dan Burton present with me in the White House.

And for them to just try to brush this aside and hope it goes away — the same problem that you identified I was told by Fox News that the press guy over at the Pentagon actually went in the room and told Fox News and the New York Times, “When you going to let this story go?”

This is the largest disaster in the history of the country. I mean, it would be like saying we don’t want to know the details of Pearl Harbor. Three thousand innocent people were killed; the Congress, Democrats and Republicans, want the answers; why are we not getting straight talk? Why is there a constant effort to spin?

Why would you say, as Larry Di Rita said from the Pentagon after referring to Tony Shaffer and Scott Philpott’s (ph) recollections, “Well, you know, memories sometimes play games on people.”

Well, how about now that they’ve acknowledged five people recalling seeing Mohammed Atta’s photograph and the linkage to the Brooklyn cell?

And how about now the witness that’s going to testify that all this data was deliberately destroyed, in spite of the fact that the general was not aware his material was being destroyed?

There are just too many unanswered questions.

I wish I had a full staff to investigate all this. I don’t. I hope the American media follows up on this material. I’m going to continue to use my influence to do that.

But there’s something rotten here. And I’m not saying it’s rotten in the conspiracy standpoint, I’m saying it’s rotten from the standpoint that the American people are not getting answers.

QUESTION: (OFF-MIKE)

WELDON: I’ve been told that the woman at the FBI has e-mails that will verify the meetings.

I can tell you that Tony Shaffer will tell you his e-mails, all classified, on his system, were deleted. They were deleted during the time that he could not get access because they had temporarily lifted his security clearance.

WELDON: And that in itself is absolutely outrageous.

You’ve all seen the charges they’ve trumped up against him, which were that he transferred a cell phone that amounted to $60 while he was working over in Afghanistan undercover to his personal phone, and that he had gotten reimbursed for mileage to a training course at Fort Dix that they said he wasn’t entitled to even though it was a military training program which is $109.

And for that, they temporarily lifted his security clearance, conveniently after he gets back and had told the 9/11 Commission staff all the documents were in his office at DIA headquarters, but he could not get back into DIA headquarters because they had temporarily lifted his clearance for these three stupid allegations. But all during this time the Army’s paying him $100,000 a year as a military officer — and, oh, by the way, during that time they promoted him to lieutenant colonel.

Does something sound fishy there? It sure does to me.

QUESTION: I believe you said you spoke with the FBI woman…

WELDON: I didn’t.

QUESTION: Oh, you didn’t?

WELDON: But I know people who have. And she’s also come out publicly. But I’ll tell you what she said. I didn’t talk to her personally.

QUESTION: I’m wondering about the why of this. Does the FBI woman know and will she testify why the Pentagon canceled the…

WELDON: She doesn’t know.

QUESTION: She doesn’t know.

WELDON: No. All she knows is the meetings were set up, and that’s what she’ll testify to.

QUESTION: OK.

And how…

WELDON: Now, Tony Shaffer talked to her, and you can talk to him outside.

QUESTION: And the other “why” question is why were the 2.5 terabytes of data destroyed? And since we’re going to hear from the DOD person who destroyed the data, are we going to hear on Wednesday why?

WELDON: I don’t know that anyone knows that. What the Pentagon’s saying is that they routinely destroy data. We’re trying to get to the bottom of what that means.

What I don’t understand, as the vice chairman of the House Armed Services Committee, is if you have 2.5 terabytes of data about Al Qaida; and Madeleine Albright, the secretary of state, has declared Al Qaida a national terrorist organization; and if that data — which is largely open-source data, so it’s not classified — contains some information that may have involved U.S. persons, why wouldn’t you want to retain the bulk of that data for your own use against Al Qaida in the future?

Now, Tony Shaffer will tell you that there were efforts to bring out the U.S. person information from that data but in the end that was dropped and the data was destroyed.

I don’t know why it was destroyed. Pentagon is saying it was routine. To me, that doesn’t make sense.

And if it’s routine, the American people need to know that. If it’s routine that the summer before 9/11 we routinely destroyed 2.5 terabytes of data about Al Qaida, then the American people, as a run- up to 9/11, need to know that that happened and they need to ask the question why did that happen.

For the 9/11 Commission to ignore that and say it wasn’t historically significant is ridiculous.

Maybe it was justified but I would like to know that as the vice chairman of the committee.

QUESTION: It’s also been reported that you gave an original chart, including the (inaudible). Is anybody asking the White House to look for this document?

WELDON: No, but I had a meeting — I briefed — you have asked him, right?

STAFF: Yes.

WELDON: I briefed Steve Hadley two weeks after 9/11, exactly, with Dan Burton and one of the analysts who did this work.

WELDON: And I took the chart down that was given to me. And the chart was a chart that was made before 9/11.

And in the speech that I did in 2002 on the Heritage Commission files, I said the same thing then that I’ve been saying recently. So the story hasn’t changed.

QUESTION: (OFF-MIKE)

WELDON: I have and he’s asked them. I think the Senate asked for it. I don’t even know if they have it. I think the Senate — one of the Senate committees asked for it. I assume Specter’s probably asked for it — Judiciary.

I don’t know the status. When I met with Steve, he acknowledged me giving him a chart.

QUESTION: (OFF-MIKE)

WELDON: I don’t know. Never met the woman. Never knew her, never mentioned her name. I’ve never said anything negative about her.

No other commissioner called me but she did.

It was the Friday after the New York Times ran a front-page story on Tuesday. They ran three straight stories, Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday. The call came into my office on Friday. He took the call. I wasn’t there. When he called back at my request, she said, “I just want to tell the congressman I did nothing wrong.”

QUESTION: (OFF-MIKE)

WELDON: I don’t want to do this. I’ll let you guys do that.

QUESTION: (OFF-MIKE)

WELDON: I don’t want to get involved with the commission directly per se after this (inaudible).

I would have hoped they would have done a thorough investigation. They didn’t even call me in.

I sent a letter to the commission that week, three-page letter. You all got copies of it. I’ve never been given the courtesy of a response.

I have never said anything negative about any commissioner. I have said positive things about the commissioners I know: John Lehman, Bob Kerrey, Lee Hamilton, Tom Kean and Tim Roemer. I know them all personally. I have said positive things about the commissioners and about the commission.

I’ve never received a response. There were two questions in that letter I asked, never a response.

And for them to come out the way they did yesterday and make that statement — now I can tell you I’m already networking with members of the Congress about all this, and Senator Specter’s doing his hearing.

WELDON: We had a briefing for members of the Armed Services Committee last week in a closed session. And we’re going to continue to pursue it.

I don’t know the answers. And again, I don’t have an agenda. I mean, I don’t know — but it’s amazing that more facts continue to come out as they’re saying there’s nothing there. It didn’t exist.

Well, those two things just don’t jibe. And there I find out this morning that Tony Shaffer — and going back to my speech in ’02, there was a three-hour briefing, and I remember this now, that was presented to General Shelton.

And then Tony Shaffer says, yes, he was involved in the briefing with General Shelton. And then, separately, as a part of this other briefing, Able Danger came up, Richard Schiefren (ph), and Admiral Wilson were involved. I was not aware of that.

Isn’t this what the 9/11 Commission was supposed to do? Wasn’t this what those 80 staff people were for?

I shouldn’t be doing this.

And these are all questions the American people need to have answers to, because all this happened before 9/11.

QUESTION: (OFF-MIKE)

WELDON: Well, I know this, because I was very heavily involved with LIWA. What happened was, as the chairman of the R&D Subcommittee, back in the late ’90s — and I was briefed on the information dominance centers of the services, the Army’s being LIWA — I was very supportive, and I saw them doing amazing things.

And I had a discussion with John Hamre, deputy secretary of defense. I said, “John, you should go down and see what they’re doing down there. It’s amazing.”

He went down, and John came back and we had a discussion. He said, “You’re right, Congressman.” He said, “This is amazing.”

He tasked them to do a special briefing on Chinese proliferation. And I was aware of that. And I was aware that, when that briefing was done, there were some very sensitive human person issues that came up. Because the technology that China was acquiring, through researchers that were here in our country, in many cases were at Stanford University and other universities in America. And because of that, the two names surfaced that had been reported in the press.

QUESTION: (OFF-MIKE)

WELDON: Condoleezza Rice and Bill Perry.

And I’m not saying they did anything wrong — absolutely, unequivocally. They simply were associated with Stanford.

And Stanford was one of the most significant schools where Chinese post-doctoral students and researchers were focusing on very, very specific technology for our military that was being used in sensitive military programs.

There were other universities as well.

When that information reached Congress, it caused an uproar. And you can imagine the pressure the Army got, because the Army’s not, in most people’s minds, supposed to be doing that. This is a prototype capability.

At the time that was being done, there was an effort — and I understand the effort — to suppress that from coming out. And that was misread by some people as though there was an attempt to destroy data.

Sam Johnson, Congressman Johnson’s son, Dr. Bob Johnson, was working for Raytheon down in Texas. And Special Forces Command was setting up a separate operation for data mining at Garland, Texas, separate from LIWA, partly because the Army was getting cold feet because of the pressure they were realizing.

WELDON: Dr. Bob Johnson told his father that the military was deliberately destroying data. Sam Johnson came to a number of members, including Dan Burton. And, as the chairman of the government oversight committee, Dan Burton subpoenaed documents and files.

That caused a major uproar back and forth. And so, that did contribute to the ending of the LIWA.

And my understanding is — correct me if I’m wrong — that Richard Schiefren (ph) was the individual who ordered the destruction — or the stoppage of the LIWA. Is that correct?

Richard Schiefren (ph), the same lawyer who was in the briefing with Steve Cambone in the winter of ’01, was the lawyer who caused the data mining at LIWA to stop.

QUESTION: How prominent do you think the Chinese connection is, or was, in the process of ending the LIWA?

WELDON: I think it was significant. I think it was a major reason why it was ended. I don’t think it had anything to do with Able Danger. I think it was that that came up with some sensitive names that should not have been brought out to the public and caused this big uproar back and forth.

And that’s really, to my opinion, a non-issue. And people have tried to discredit the work that was being done because of that. And that should not be the case.

QUESTION: So, I guess what I’m asking here now is that, do you feel like it was the embarrassment that that could have created for certain individuals…

WELDON: For the Army?

QUESTION: Yes — that led to them just saying, “OK, we’ve got to throw this whole thing out, including Able Danger and everything”?

WELDON: No, I don’t think that was the case. Because General Lambert wanted that Able Danger information. He was incensed when he found out that it had been destroyed.

And, let’s face it, Madeleine Albright had by then declared Al Qaida an international terrorist organization.

I don’t just think you throw out that kind of data if this is a major terrorism group that you’ve got focus on.

Now, maybe there’s some American nationals in there you have to go through there and pull out; that’s understandable. But the bulk of this information is open source.

I mean, let me compare this for you: In the campaign season that just ended last year, both political parties used something called smart voting.

What they did is they took massive data mining, looked at people’s — what magazines they buy; they looked at what their habits are. And from that, they profiled people to most likely vote for Republican or Democrat candidates.

STAFF: (OFF-MIKE)

WELDON: I’ve got to go?

STAFF: (OFF-MIKE)

WELDON: So, it’s not something that’s not been done before.

Any other questions: Tony Shaffer’s outside and he’ll be glad to talk to you, and you can follow up with any questions you want with him.

Thank you.

Copyright 2005 Congressional Quarterly, Inc. All Rights Reserved. CQ Transcriptions

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The Role of Richard Mellon-Scaife and The President's Intelligence Advisory Board (PIAB)


The President's Intelligence Advisory Board (PIAB) is an advisor to the Executive Office of the President of the United States. 

According to its self-description, it 

"...provides advice to the President concerning the quality and adequacy of intelligence collection, of analysis and estimates, of counterintelligence, and of other intelligence activities."


The PIAB, through its Intelligence Oversight Board (IOB), also advises the President on the legality of foreign intelligence activities.

Or, as Bro. Steve Cokely describes it: "That's the outside intelligence community on the inside of the government."; Edward Bennett-Williams was one of its giants.

Richard Mellon Scaife: Who Is He Really?


by Edward Spannaus

Printed in The Executive Intelligence Review -- a Series, Beginning March 21, 1997.

Who Is Richard Mellon Scaife? 


Part I

Return to ContentsThe following article will be continued in a forthcoming issue.

He's considered the stupidest member of his extended family, and was kicked out of Yale, not once, but twice. He's a (supposedly recovered) alcoholic, as have been most members of the family. The kindest description of his personality is ``dark and mysterious.'' He is known for never looking his own employees straight in the eye.

He has a long history of using the U.S. Justice Department to target his enemies. He got his own sister's fiancé indicted; after his sister married the poor chap, the man ended up dead within a year--some say suicide, some say murder.

He owns a network of newspapers, but he himself refuses to be interviewed by reporters from other publications. On one occasion, when a reporter for the Columbia Journalism Review tried to question him, he berated her as a ``f--king Communist c--nt.''

He gave a million dollars to Richard Nixon's Committee to Re-Elect the President (CREEP), and he is the biggest funder of right-wing think-tanks in the United States today.

Meet ... Richard Mellon Scaife.

His name is hardly a household word, but in the past quarter-century, ``Dickie'' Scaife has been one the most powerful behind-the-scenes operators in the United States. His power comes purely from his wealth, and specifically, from the way that he has deployed that wealth at the instruction of the Anglo-American banking families that he represents. Dickie is not known for his brains--in fact, he was kicked out of college twice, first expelled as the result of a drunken brawl, and flunked out the second time. His family made him go ``local,'' to Pittsburgh University, which he tried to make up for, by majoring in British history.

Only recently has Richard Mellon Scaife come into public prominence, as a result of the disclosure that he is the bankroller of a cushy ``retirement'' position for Whitewater independent counsel Kenneth Starr at Pepperdine University. This raised eyebrows, to put it mildly, because Scaife is the principal funder of a news media propaganda campaign aimed at defaming and discrediting Starr's main target, President William Clinton. Scaife has also bankrolled a nationwide crusade charging that White House aide Vincent Foster did not commit suicide, but was murdered; something which is also the subject of official investigation by the recipient of Scaife's largesse, Kenneth Starr.

In the 1980s, Scaife also coordinated and financed a similar campaign of media defamation against Lyndon LaRouche, a Presidential candidate and founder of EIR, and Scaife has a long history of using his own newspapers to smear others who have drawn his ire.

But this is nothing new for Scaife. What he is now doing to President Clinton, and what he did to Lyndon LaRouche, is what he was trained and deployed to do. Scaife is not simply a ``multimillionaire supporter of conservative groups,'' as he is portrayed in the news media; nor is he simply an eccentric rich man who has an obsession against President Clinton.

To understand what is being done to President Clinton today, and to understand what lies behind the campaigns of defamation run by the news media against figures such as Clinton or LaRouche, it is necessary to know who and what, someone like Richard Mellon Scaife actually is.

That story, naturally enough, starts in London.

The Anglo-American OSS

Dickie Scaife is what one might call a second-generation ``OSS brat.'' During World War II, Dickie's father, as well as a number of his father's close business and familial associates, occupied high positions in the Office of Strategic Services (OSS)--America's wartime intelligence service. Alan Scaife, his father, was a lieutenant colonel in the OSS. A number of cousins of Dickie's mother, Sarah Mellon Scaife, also had very high positions in the OSS.For example: Paul Mellon (a cousin of Dickie's mother and a rabid Anglophile) was recruited in London to the OSS by his brother-in-law, David Bruce. Paul trained with British troops, became a major in the OSS, worked under Allen Dulles in Berne, Switzerland, and commanded a unit responsible for conducting propaganda operations behind disintegrating German lines.

David Bruce, husband of Paul Mellon's sister Ailsa Mellon Bruce, was designated by OSS head William Donovan to oversee all OSS operations in Europe from his base in London. (Although some say, with justification, that it was Bruce who was designated by the U.S. banking-establishment families to oversee Donovan.) Another OSS cousin was Larimer Mellon, who likewise worked on Allen Dulles's staff in Berne.

David Bruce (a direct descendant of the Scottish Bruce dynasty) later divorced Ailsa and married his second wife, Evangeline, an OSS secretary whose father had been a special liaison to British intelligence from the U.S. State Department.

It is reliably reported that these Anglophilic OSS circles around Scaife's father were the crucial influence on steering Dickie into intelligence-related ``philanthropy''--i.e., the private funding of joint British-U.S. intelligence projects which were commonly mis-identified as ``CIA'' projects or fronts.

It is more accurate to describe the CIA as a ``front'' for these Anglo-American banking families. But even that would be too simple. The CIA is an agency of government, and is thus subject to the institutional and bureaucratic pressures to which any agency of government must respond. The ``families'' attempt to control the CIA, as they do with the State Department and other agencies. The principal means of control is through the private financing of think-tanks, conferences, publications, etc., which attempt to train the personnel, and set the agenda, for the institutions of government. This is precisely what Dickie Scaife and his family money did when the Reagan-Bush administration came into office in 1981.


The "Focal Point" and First Boston

Another element of this bankers-intelligence apparatus is what is called the Focal Point system. The public may misconceive of this apparatus as ``CIA''--but the CIA is simply a secondary component of this operation, which encompasses the old families, military intelligence capabilities, and private intelligence operations. 

One intelligence source, familiar with this system, said recently that ``CIA'' is simply a ``cover story'' for activities that the banking families and other institutions and agencies carry out in the name of the CIA.The Focal Point system, within the official government apparatus, was originally created in the mid-1950s by then-CIA Director Allen Dulles. It functioned as a capability extending into other agencies, particularly the Department of Defense, for conducting covert operations and paramilitary ``special operations.'' A particular emphasis was counterinsurgency and ``civil affairs'' (as taken over from the British); an included feature of this was psychological warfare and propaganda.

Within the military, the Focal Point system was centered in the Joint Chiefs of Staff--and remnants of this system still exist to this day, in the Support Activities Branch of the J-3 Special Operations Division.
There was also a substantial ``private'' component to the Focal Point system, the precursor of the privatized intelligence operations authorized under the Reagan-Bush Executive Order 12333. But this privatized intelligence system was already active in the 1950s, according to knowledgeable sources, with the First Boston Corp., the First National Bank of Boston (now Bank of Boston), and other banking houses playing a leading financial role.

Of particular interest here, among the many families which played key roles in this Anglo-American bankers' intelligence network (such as the Astors, Rockefellers, and the du Ponts), are three families: the Roosevelts, the Mellons, and the Welds.

Mellon Securities had merged into First Boston in 1946, and as of about 1980, the Scaife family held about 6% of First Boston, and the combined Mellon and Scaife families about 13%. First Boston's principal law firm was Sullivan and Cromwell, out of which Allen Dulles ran U.S. intelligence after the termination of the OSS and until the creation of the CIA. This is also Paul Mellon's law firm; his and much of the Mellon family's financial affairs were run by Stoddard Stevens of Sullivan and Cromwell, who has been described as Paul's ``father figure.''

Dickie Scaife was brought into this system by his OSS relatives no later than 1973, and in 1979 he was placed on the board of directors of First Boston, where he remained until 1987. At that time, 40% of First Boston was owned by Crédit Suisse-White Weld (of the dope-running family of former Justice Department official William Weld). In 1988, First Boston became CS First Boston, and the size of the board was apparently considerably reduced.

Already in 1929, a White Weld banker, John A. Gade, had proposed the creation of an American central intelligence agency, to be modelled explicitly on British intelligence. The current, most public, standard-bearer of the Weld family, is William Weld, who organized the judicial frameup of Lyndon LaRouche from his positions as U.S. Attorney in Boston and, then, head of the Justice Department's Criminal Division. William Weld is married to a Roosevelt, Susan, the daughter of another OSS veteran, Quentin Roosevelt.

The Oyster Bay branch of the Roosevelt family is deeply enmeshed in this OSS-Wall Street intelligence apparatus, and they are especially close to Cord Meyer, a key operative of this network who shows up again and again as a top operative with responsibility for handling ``CIA'' front organizations. It was Teddy Roosevelt's grandson Kermit (``Kim'') Roosevelt, who had proposed the creation of a ``propaganda and intelligence agency'' to Wall Street lawyer William Donovan during World War II. 

Kermit subsequently worked with British intelligence to overthrow the Mossadegh government in Iran in 1953, an action which worked to the financial benefit of not only British Petroleum, but also of Gulf Oil, a Mellon family enterprise which was closely tied to First Boston after the 1946 Mellon Securities merger. In 1958, Kermit ``retired'' to take the strategic position of vice president for government relations with Gulf Oil.


Dickie gets his assignment

When he was 40 years old, having been trained and disciplined through some particularly nasty operations to be described in our next installment, Dickie Scaife was formally inducted into the top levels of the Anglo-American bankers' intelligence apparatus. In 1973, he took control of the Scaife family foundations, which he had previously run jointly with his sister Cordelia. 

He dramatically changed the focus of foundation grants, to emphasize British-intelligence-oriented ``right-wing'' think-tanks such as the Heritage Foundation, or the Georgetown Center for Strategic and International Studies. This was not something totally new; funding from the Scaife family foundations for some of these institutions, such as the National Strategy Information Center, goes back into the early 1960s.

Of singular importance is the position Dickie was given in early 1973, when he was allowed to take over ownership of Forum World Features, a joint British intelligence-CIA news media operation based in London. This is probably the most important career advancement for Dickie, for it defines the track he has pursued since: the use and the manipulation of the news media to promote favored causes, and to attack and defame adversaries. There is a direct path from Forum World Features, to the Bush ``secret government's'' Public Diplomacy operation created in 1983, which in turn spawned the ``Get LaRouche'' task force, all the way through to the anti-Clinton propaganda machine which Scaife directs and finances today.

The background of Forum World Features (FWF) is instructive. Although accounts of its creation vary, it appears that it was a division of Kern House Enterprises, created by Kermit Roosevelt in the 1960s; one account says that Kermit ``was entrusted with creating the CIA's publishing empire.'' 

Kern House was set up by Roosevelt with Mellon money; in turn, it set up a London subsidiary, Kern House Enterprises, Ltd. Kern House begat Forum World Features, financed with funds from the National Strategy Information Center (NSIC), based in New York. FWF's major purpose was to supply feature material to newspapers around the world, including at least 30 in the United States. It also commissioned a number of books.

One of the premier private intelligence think-tanks, NSIC was formed in 1962, primarily with Mellon family money; on the board was Prescott Bush (of the Harriman-linked Bush family, and George's brother), John Norton Moore of the University of Virginia (one of the authors of Bush's EO 12333), and various representatives of the corporate and intelligence world, as well as personnel associated directly with Scaife.

From 1966 to 1973, FWF was headed by John Hay Whitney, a raving Anglophile who had been U.S. ambassador to Britain, and who was the publisher of the New York Herald Tribune. In 1973, Dickie Scaife purchased Kern/FWF, and headed it until its demise in 1975-76, following its exposure as a ``CIA'' front. At the time of its dissolution in 1976, its three directors were Scaife, Scaife's top operative Daniel McMichael (former president of the Pittsburgh World Affairs Council), and Lewis Preston, the chairman of Morgan Guaranty Trust (and later head of the World Bank).

In 1975, a British weekly, Time Out, and the Washington Post, published a 1968 memorandum from the CIA station chief in London to then-director Richard Helms, describing FWF as an agency-sponsored operation providing ``a significant means to counter Communist propaganda.'' The memorandum portrayed FWF as a CIA proprietary, which was ``run with the knowledge and cooperation of British intelligence.'' 
The overseer of FWF in the United States was Cord Meyer.

(Cord Meyer, incidentally, not only promoted the publication of material favorable to the Anglo-American banking-intelligence establishment, but attempted to block publication of disfavored material. Author and former CIA officer Victor Marchetti reports that in 1972, Meyer, whom he describes as the number-two man in the CIA Clandestine Services, visited the New York offices of Harper and Row to attempt to stop the publication of Alfred McCoy's first edition of The Politics of Heroin in Southeast Asia. As a result, the publisher insisted that McCoy submit the manuscript to the CIA before it would be published.)

Although FWF was dissolved, its operations were not. Its day-to-day operations in London were managed by Brian Crozier, a British writer long associated with both U.K. and U.S. intelligence. In 1970, Crozier had also become the head of another FWF-created organization in London, which was renamed the Institute for the Study of Conflict (ISC). Between 1973 and 1979 alone, Dickie Scaife's private trusts gave over a million dollars to Crozier's ISC.

In a 1980 proposal, Scaife's aide Daniel McMichael described ISC as doing ``a first-rate job in conducting research on `low-level conflict,' i.e., political and psychological warfare, revolutionary activities, insurgency operations and terrorism.'' McDaniel boasted that ISC work ``is consistently used by the Thatcher government,'' and that the ISC had ``solid working relationships with the Heritage Foundation, the National Strategy Information Center, the Institute for Foreign Policy Analysis [associated with Tufts University and its Fletcher School] and a number of other Scaife-supported organizations.'' On ISC's board of directors at that time were a number of top, easily identified British intelligence and counterinsurgency officials.

After FWF was dumped, its book publishing operations were taken over by Rossiter Publications, later renamed Craven House. Crozier was also its managing director. Among authors published by Crozier's shop was Robert Moss, a British intelligence operative who floats between the ISC, the London-based Royal Institute for International Affairs, and the Heritage Foundation in the United States.


Promoting his British "Heritage"

Scaife is also one of the biggest financiers of British-linked think-tanks in the United States promoting ``conservative'' social and economic policies--prototypical of which is the Heritage Foundation. Although beer magnate Joseph Coors is more publicly identified with Heritage, the fact is, that Scaife has provided more funding for Heritage than has Coors. 

From 1974 up through the end of the 1970s, Scaife provided about $200,000 a year to Heritage; after a shakeup in the late 1970s--which transformed it into what one Heritage staff member termed ``an outpost for British intelligence in the United States''--Scaife's support jumped to the range of $1 million a year.

(In November 1994, just after the commencement of the short-lived ``Gingrich revolution'' of the 1994 elections, Newt opened a speech at the Heritage Foundation President's Club by praising two people ``who have really created modern conservativism--Dick Scaife and Ed Feulner.'' Gingrich went on: ``Dick Scaife is a remarkable citizen who has spent many years as a key force in sustaining conservative ideas and who has played a major, major role on the Heritage Foundation's board, and he's been a good friend and a good ally for a very long time, and I remember working with him starting in the late '70s.'')

In fact, Scaife's role at Heritage increased after the 1976-77 shakeup, when he personally brought in Edwin Feulner to head it up. Feulner (a board member of the Sarah Scaife Foundation) placed many Brits into key policy positions at Heritage, among whom was Stuart Butler, a member of the British Fabian Society. A socialist at the ``conservative'' Heritage Foundation? Not so strange. Both are motivated by a deep-seated, bitter hatred of industrial capitalism. It was, after all, the ``Fabian'' London School of Economics to which Friedrich von Hayek, later the founder and head of the Mont Pelerin Society, had moved his ``Austrian School'' of economics in the 1930s.

In a 1981 interview with EIR, Butler explained it as follows: ``In the case of the Reagan government, we are using a conservative government to impose a quite radical, left-wing program--all based upon solid, liberal economic principles. There really isn't so much difference between the people in the Fabian Society, people like myself, and Milton Friedman. We really overlap in the middle of things on such ideas as local control.''

What Butler said then, goes many-fold for Gingrich's 1994 Contract with America.

But that gets ahead of the story. First came the so-called ``Reagan Revolution,'' which on virtually every level was run by operatives associated and financed by Mellon Scaife, along with four other foundations which make up the ``Philanthropic Roundtable.'' The Roundtable includes the Smith Richardson Foundation, the John M. Olin Foundation, the Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation (these four are known as the ``Four Sisters'' because they finance almost all of their projects in common), plus the J.M. Foundation.

Even more important, was the reorganization of intelligence operations in the Reagan administration, and the creation of what became known as the ``secret government'' run under the personal direction of Vice President George Bush in the 1980s. This ``secret and parallel government'' was simply the Scaife Mellon network of think-tanks and and academic retainers, brought into the government, and made ``official.''


Who is Richard Mellon Scaife?
Part II

Return to ContentsPart 2 of our exposé on the moneybags behind the media campaign against the President. Edward Spannaus reports on Scaife and the Bush ``secret government.''
Richard Mellon Scaife has recently come into prominence as the bankroller of a news-media campaign aimed at President Clinton, while he is sponsoring a cushy ``retirement'' position for Whitewater special prosecutor Kenneth Starr. In Part 1 (EIR, March 21), we showed that ``Dickie'' Scaife has been deployed for almost 25 years by the old Office of Strategic Services Anglo-American financier-intelligence circles, to do exactly this sort of thing.
Since Dickie Scaife was allowed to take over the Scaife family foundations and trusts in 1973, he has been a principal funder of that network of nominally ``conservative'' foreign policy think-tanks which operates as a training ground and as the agenda-setter for the foreign service and intelligence communities. During the Reagan-Bush administrations, this cluster of conservative think-tanks virtually became the government.In reality there were two governments in the Reagan-Bush administration--the official, public government, and the ``secret government'' run by Vice President George Bush. 

The official government, particularly the National Security Council, the State Department, and the intelligence community, were riddled with Scaife's grantees and beneficiaries. But behind the official government lay what became known as the ``secret government''--and Scaife's network of think-tanks and foundations provided the intellectual rationalization which justified its creation, including the infamous Executive Order 12333. 

As far as is known, most of Scaife's hirelings didn't dirty their hands with actual drug-running or assassinations, but they did provide key funding and staff for the entire so-called ``Project Democracy'' apparatus, and also for the semi-official ``public diplomacy'' propaganda machine which ran cover for Bush's Contra drug-runners and Afghansi terrorists. [fn1]

Then and now, Scaife does not limit his largesse to strategic and foreign policy matters, but he is also a primary funder of a burgeoning network of think-tanks and propaganda mills promoting the feudal economic policies coming out of the Mont Pelerin Society. Under the guise of ``Thatcherism,'' these groups provided the social and economic policies, and much of the staffing, for the so-called ``Reagan Revolution,'' and more recently, for the Gingrich-Gramm gang in the wake of the Republican Party takeover of Congress in the 1994 elections. One could say that the earnest money for the ``Contract with America'' was paid by Dickie Scaife.

A third distinctive cluster of organizations funded by Scaife are the right-wing legal foundations and litigation groups; originally founded to counter civil libertarians and environmentalists, they have increasingly become pro-environmentalist and libertarian in their outlook--as well as financing legal attacks on President Clinton and the Clinton administration.

Here, we will look more closely at the intelligence and foreign policy think-tanks which virtually took over the Reagan administration in 1981, and which provided the underpinning for Bush's ``secret government'' built up in 1981-86.


Origins of the secret government

As the Iran-Contra scandals played out in televised Congressional hearings in 1987, many Americans began to get a glimpse of what some Congressmen called the ``parallel'' government, and others simply called the ``secret government.'' What most Americans didn't know, is the intellectual foundations were developed by Richard Mellon Scaife's hirelings.Two Scaife-funded operations played central roles in preparing the way for the creation of this ``secret government'' machinery. The first was a series of national security seminars held during 1973-79 by the International Security Studies Program at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University--organized by Prof. Uri Ra'anan. The second was a series of seven conferences held during 1979-84 by the ``Consortium for the Study of Intelligence,'' organized by Roy Godson.

Both Godson and Ra'anan were subsequently deeply involved in what became known as the ``Iran-Contra'' scandals; and--not surprisingly--both were personally and heavily involved in dirty operations against Lyndon LaRouche.


Ra'anan and the Fletcher School

The Fletcher School is the oldest graduate school of diplomacy in the United States. Its students are tracked into careers in the foreign service, the CIA, and the military. From its founding, the International Security Studies Program within the Fletcher School was financed almost exclusively through grants from the Scaife family foundations and trusts. On its Advisory Council in the 1980s were R. Daniel McMichael and Gen. Matthew B. Ridgway, both trustees of Scaife family foundations.After the arrest of Israeli spy Jonathan Pollard in November 1985, Ra'anan, the chairman of Fletcher's International Security Studies Program, was quoted praising his former student Pollard in the New York Times as ``bright and articulate.'' 

Upon Pollard's graduation from the Fletcher School in 1978, he had gone to work for U.S. Naval Intelligence. One of his classmates, Mira Lansky Boland, went to work for the CIA for two years, and then for the Pentagon; in 1984, Boland transferred to the Washington office of the Anti-Defamation League (ADL), where she soon became devoted full-time to the ``Get LaRouche'' task force.

Pollard was no accident, nor was Boland. Ra'anan (born Heinz Felix Frischwasser in Central Europe in 1926) spent the war years in London, and then emigrated to Israel. He came to the United States in the early 1960s, and, working out of the Israeli Embassy in Washington, set up an Israeli spy-recruiting unit. In 1967, he joined the faculty at the Fletcher School.

In 1973, the International Security Studies Program initiated a series of annual conferences, funded by Scaife, on a wide range of strategic topics. Dozens of senior figures in the U.S. military-intelligence community were brought in to participate. The last seminar, in April 1979, was on ``Intelligence Policy and National Security.'' Ra'anan himself was named to an advisory committee in 1980 to help shape Reagan's foreign policy and defense platform.


Godson and the Consortium

Roy Godson, a wholly-owned asset of Scaife, Inc., is the son of a longtime Lovestonite State Department official, Joe Godson, who served principally in London and Belgrade, Yugoslavia after the war, and who founded the London branch of Georgetown University's Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS).Roy Godson, after getting his master's degree at Columbia University (where he was already known as a ``CIA watcher of left-wing groups''), was immediately sent to Pittsburgh, where he was given his first teaching post at Carnegie-Mellon University (1967-69), and where he was also hired as a program director of the Pittsburgh World Affairs Council (where Scaife's aide R. Daniel McMichael was president). Godson's first book, American Labor and European Politics (1976), was financed by a grant that McMichael arranged; his next book was published by the National Strategy Information Center (NSIC).

From Pittsburgh, Godson went to Georgetown University in Washington, D.C., and by the late 1970s, was regarded as an ``expert'' on Soviet methods. In 1979, Scaife money enabled Godson to launch the Consortium for the Study of Intelligence (CSI), a direct extension of the 1970s Fletcher conference series, reflecting the expectation that the Republicans would be victorious in the 1980 elections, which would present an opportunity to get in on the ground floor of re-organizing U.S. intelligence and counterintelligence capabilities.

The Scaife-funded effort by the American Tories to take over and subvert the country's intelligence reorganization had an important, if unwitting, ally in the new Director of Central Intelligence And although Casey was not a great fan of George Bush, he was an enthusiast of ``off-the-books'' covert operations, and he often preferred using non-CIA personnel to run such operations--usually drawing on Pentagon personnel requisitioned through the NSC--which effectively put Vice President Bush in charge of such operations.

The ``charter'' of the secret government and privatized intelligence operations was Executive Order 12333, signed by Ronald Reagan on Dec. 4, 1981, along with EO 12331 (signed Oct. 20, 1981, which reconstituted the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board, or PFIAB), and EO 12334 (also signed Dec. 4, 1981, which created the three-member Intelligence Oversight Board). The relationship between the three orders, was that PFIAB would identify areas where intelligence ``active measures'' or covert operations were desired; the Oversight Board then reviewed covert actions and provided the legal justification for them.

EO 12333 and its sister orders were the product of the Godson CSI Consortium process, along with a workshop on ``Law, Intelligence and National Security'' sponsored by the American Bar Association's Standing Committee on Law and National Security held in Washington in December 1979. All of this was funded by Scaife, and naturally, almost everyone who played a major role in the creation of EO 12333 was involved with the Sciafe-funded think-tank network. It was reportedly drafted by two regulars at the Godson Consortium--Angelo Codevilla, from the Hoover Institution and a senior staffer for the Senate Intelligence Committee, and Kenneth deGraffenreid, also a former Senate Intelligence Committee staffer and a Reagan-Bush NSC official--and then run through the Senate and House Intelligence Committees.

Others reportedly involved in the drafting were Paul Seabury and Anne Armstrong of PFIAB, and Prof. John Norton Moore of the University of Virginia, who became the chief legal consultant to the Intelligence Oversight Board.

EO 12333 was touted as ``unleashing'' the intelligence agencies from the restrictions of the Carter years, much of which stemmed from the post-Watergate Congressional investigations of the intelligence agencies in 1975-76.

Saturday 8 February 2014

Hoover : Undercover Brother


But yet, during Hoover's tenure as head of the FBI, which lasted from 1924 until his death in 1972, there were persistent rumors--both inside and outside the FBI--that Hoover himself was descended from African-Americans.

The recent publication of a book by a descendant of Mississippi slaves, who believes that her family is related to J. Edgar Hoover, has re-opened the issue, and investigations by EIRNS, and other researchers, is shedding new light on the subject of Hoover's racial origins.

Both as a matter of historical record--and more importantly, because the racist legacy of Hoover still lives on in sections of the United States Department of Justice and the FBI--we hereby publish the results of this ongoing investigation.



Hoover's Racist Legacy


On January 27, 1988, Rep. Mervyn Dymally, then the chairman of the Congressional Black Caucus, put into the Congressional Record a sworn affidavit from former FBI special agent Hirsch Friedman, exposing an FBI program called ``Operation Fruehmenschen'' (German for ``primitive'' or ``early man.'') Friedman's affidavit, originally filed in Federal court in Atlanta, and provided to the relevant committees of the House of Representatives, declared:

``The purpose of this policy was the routine investigation without probable cause of prominent elected and appointed black officials in major metropolitan areas throughout the United States. I learned from my conversations with special agents of the FBI that the basis for this policy was the assumption by the FBI that black officials were intellectually and socially incapable of governing major governmental organizations and institutions.''

During Ad Hoc Democratic Platform Hearings June 22, that were facilitated by Lyndon LaRouche's Presidential campaign committee, former Tennessee judge and legislator Ira Murphy testified about Operation Fruehmenschen, which he has studied extensively. Judge Murphy stated that he and others believe that the operation began ``under the late Richard Nixon, and J. Edgar Hoover, and it has continued since that time.'' Judge Murphy said that some of the investigations of Fruehmenschen show that over 300 black and minority officials have been investigated by the FBI and the Justice Department.

Hoover's obsession with blacks was well-known. In 1956, in the wake of the Supreme Court's school desegregation decisions, Hoover fought with Attorney General Brownell over Brownell's proposals for new civil rights laws and enforcement provisions. Hoover declared that ``the specter of racial intermarriage'' was behind the tensions over ``mixed schooling,'' and he attacked the NAACP and other civil rights organizations, while defending and praising the White Citizens Councils in the South. It was also in 1956 that Hoover launched the FBI's COINTELPRO (Counter-Intelligence Program) which targetted civil rights groups and leaders, among others.

During the Kennedy Administration, and especially when Robert Kennedy, as Attorney General, took over the Justice Department and became Hoover's nominal boss, tensions over the racism which pervaded Hoover's FBI, came to the fore under pressure from the new Administration. Agents would mock Robert Kennedy: ``Boys, if you don't work with vigah, you'll be replaced by a niggah.'' In the early '60s, one agent reported, ``in about 90% of the situations in which Bureau personnel referred to Negroes, the word `nigger' was used and always in a very derogatory manner.''[fn1]

As would be expected under the climate set by Hoover, there were absolutely no African-American FBI agents during this time. At the time of Hoover's death in 1972, blacks still constituted less than 1% of FBI special agents.

Hoover's infamous campaign to destroy Dr. Martin Luther King was not the first time he had undertaken such an effort. Author Richard Gid Powers points out the parallel to the campaign, which Hoover coordinated, against Marcus Garvey and the black nationalist movement, from 1919 to 1923.

As early as 1957, Hoover ordered his agents to monitor Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. and King's Southern Christian Leadership Conference, when the SCLC began a campaign to register eligible black voters in the South. By the beginning of the 1960s, the FBI was routinely carrying out illegal break-ins of SCLC offices, and wiretapping Rev. King's telephones.

Hoover's obsession with destroying King--or, in Bureau-speak, ``neutralizing'' him--became notorious. In 1964, Hoover sent out a memo to field offices urging them to gather ``information concerning King's personal proclivities ... in order that we may consider using this information at an opportune time in a counterintelligence move to discredit him.'' Hoover also urged agents to use their media contacts to defame King. And FBI Headquarters sent out derogatory reports on King to the White House, the news media, universities, and religious organizations--especially to discourage the latter two groups of institutions from granting any honors or awards to King.

The most outrageous, proven action undertaken by Hoover's FBI against Dr. King was the late-1964 letter to King, purporting to be from a black leader, urging King to kill himself under the blackmail threat that compromising tape recordings of himself would be made public.

Thus, it is no surprise that jubilant cries of ``They got the SOB!'' reverberated through the Atlanta FBI office when the news first came over the radio that Dr. King had been shot in Memphis on April 4, 1968. One former FBI agent recalled another agent shouting ``We finally got the son of a bitch!''[fn2]

On March 4, 1968, FBI Headquarters issued a memorandum expanding its COINTELPRO activities against ``Black Nationalist--Hate Groups,'' and warning that Dr. King, among others, could emerge as a ``|`messiah' who could unify and electrify the black nationalist movement.'' The memorandum called for the use of ``imaginative'' techniques, and required a report on accomplishments within 30 days. Exactly 30 days later, on April 4, Dr. King was assassinated. Hoover's cooperation with military intelligence units conducting surveillance and more deadly operations against King has been documented in Dr. William Pepper's book Orders to Kill.

(Such COINTELPRO operations--including efforts to foment violence and assassinations--didn't stop in 1971, as the FBI claims, nor did they stop with Hoover's death in 1972. In late 1973, an FBI memorandum from its New York office called for the ``elimination'' of Lyndon LaRouche, by means of orchestrating FBI assets inside the Communist Party USA; the FBI memorandum opined that, without LaRouche's leadership, the association he had founded ``would fall apart with strife and conflict.'')



`Black Like Me'


Hoover's obsessive hostility and hatred toward African-Americans was well-known throughout his career, especially in later years. What is less well-known is that rumors about J. Edgar Hoover's possible black ancestry were also widespread during his reign, both inside and outside of the Bureau. There are reports that Hoover deployed his agents to track down rumors of his black ancestry, just as he did regarding rumors and reports about his homosexuality.

Author Anthony Summers, in researching his book Official and Confidential, interviewed writer Gore Vidal, who grew up in Washington, D.C. in the 1930s. ``Hoover was becoming famous,'' Vidal told Summers, ``and it was always said of him--in my family and around the city--that he was mulatto. People said he came from a family that had `passed.' It was the word they used for people of black origin who, after generations of inbreeding, have enough white blood to pass themselves off as white. That's what was always said about Hoover.''

Summers also cited a New York Post reporter, who, while researching an article on Hoover, found that blacks referred to Hoover as ``some kind of spook'' and even ``soul brother,'' and realized that in African-American communities in the East, it was generally believed that Edgar had black roots.

Many former FBI agents recall that rumors about Hoover's ancestry were prevalent within the Bureau.

Wesley Swearingen, a former FBI Special Agent (from 1951 to 1977), and author of the 1995 book FBI Secrets: An Agent's Exposé, told EIRNS that it was always a bit of a mystery among FBI agents why Hoover didn't have a better-documented heritage. ``Because for all the FBI agents, they'd go back and check everything about your family, your relatives, and everything else, to make sure they're squeaky clean,'' Swearingen said. ``And here, [he's] the Director, and nobody knows really where he came from.''

The paucity of information on Hoover's background was noted in the opening chapter of Ovid Demaris's book The Director, first published in 1975. Demaris opened with about a 500-word summary of Hoover's early life, and then reported that this summary--taken from a 1937 profile in the New Yorker magazine written by one Jack Alexander--contained almost everything that was known about Hoover's early years. Demaris commented that Alexander might have been ``the most plagiarized writer in America'' because so many later writers had relied on his skimpy profile.

With respect to Hoover's early childhood, we might add, this recycling of Alexander's profile has continued up to the present day.

Now, back to Swearingen's account. He says that the questions about Hoover's background wouldn't be discussed inside the FBI office, because if a supervisor or a Hoover ``hatchetman'' overheard such talk, that could be the end of an agent's career. But outside the office--at least in Chicago in the 1950s--it was different.

``Agents would get into topics like that where they on a surveillance or something, when they finished the crossword puzzle, and had nothing else to do, and they'd start talking about Hoover,'' Swearingen recalls. They would discuss how Hoover couldn't document his background. ``All the agents would get onto the subject of his real tight hair, his tight, wirey hair, and speculation that maybe there was a little hanky-panky in his family. And then his facial characteristics were really unusual.|...''

``In later years,'' Swearingen continued, when Hoover became so hostile to Martin Luther King, ``agents always knew he was a racist. It just didn't seem to fit, why he would be so anti-black. And agents would discuss that. I never heard Presidents at that time speak out against black people the way Hoover did.''



The Mississippi Hoovers


So, as we see, the rumors about Hoover's ancestry have been known for years.

But now, out of Mississippi, comes another story, which has spurred a new round of genealogical research into J. Edgar Hoover's family background.

In the late 1950s, a ten-year-old black girl came home from school, where her class had been studying history and the role of J. Edgar Hoover had come up. The girl had heard stories from her grandfather about their own white ancestors named Hoover; her family was descended from slaves on a plantation in Pike County, Mississippi, which had been owned by a Hoover family.

As Millie McGhee, now 52, tells the story in her book Secrets Uncovered, and also in interviews with EIRNS, her grandfather, whom she called ``Big Daddy,'' asked her how J. Edgar Hoover's name had come up.

``In my history class I learned that he is the director of the FBI,'' young Millie answered. ``Someone said he has even more power than the President of the United States.''

``Well, that could be true,'' her grandfather responded. ``He does have a lot of power.'' He then shrugged, and went on: ``That old goat is related to me, he is my second cousin.''

Her grandfather warned her not to tell anyone. ``This is a family secret,'' the girl was told. Her grandfather said that Hoover was ``passing,'' and that he could have them all killed, that they could be burned in their beds as they sleep. ``He doesn't want the secret out, and he is a powerful man!'' the trembling young girl was told.

When the young girl asked her grandfather if there wouldn't be records, such as a birth certificate, which would show him to be related to the family of former slaves, her grandfather told her: ``J. Edgar Hoover has a lot of power. He can destroy files, and he's already done it.''

According to McGhee's account, she was so frightened that she suppressed the memory, which only gradually came back while she was writing a fantasy-story of her family's history as slaves. After inquiring of her mother, she was told that, indeed, Hoover was a cousin. One thing led to another, and soon she was consulting a professional genealogist,

In November 1998, Millie McGhee, by now an educator in California, retained George Ott of Heritage Consulting in Salt Lake City, Utah, to assist her in attempting to document her family history, and to see if there were any links to the family of J. Edgar Hoover.

Through his research, with some assistance from others researching the Hoover family, Ott found that some aspects of Millie's story bore a remarkable correspondence to the documentary record, but that other aspects could not be documented or corroborated.

According to McGhee's account, a composite of the family's oral history, reconstructed memories, and fantasy, the Washington, D.C. Hoovers, a mixture of black and white, were related to the Mississippi Hoovers. The part of the family's oral history which was very specific, and oft-repeated, was that she and her family are descended from the union of a slave-woman and her master, which resulted in the birth of a daughter in 1814 in Virginia, named Elizabeth Allan.

Elizabeth, according to the oral history, was taken to Maryland by a Hoover man. Her first born was Emily, very light-skinned, who was taken away from her, and brought to Mississippi, where she became the mistress of a plantation owner, William Hoover, and bore many children by him. Meanwhile, according to the oral tradition, Elizabeth, still in the Maryland/D.C. area, married another William Hoover, and passed for white, and had seven Hoover children.

But, there were other stories Millie had heard through her family. One was that J. Edgar himself was not the son of Dickerson N. Hoover of Washington, as officially reported, but that he was actually the son of one Ivy (Ivery) Hoover, and was born in the South, probably New Orleans, and then taken to Washington, D.C. at a very young age, and raised by the Hoovers in Washington.

This spring, McGhee published her recollections and her preliminary findings in a book called Secrets Uncovered: J. Edgar Hoover--Passing for White?.[fn3] A second, revised edition has just been published, which contains the results of additional research, plus some material supplied by this author and other researchers.

Ott, the genealogist, found that some records coincided quite well with Millie's oral history. For example, the 1860 census for Washington, D.C. shows a William Hoover, born 1804 in Maryland, married to Elizabeth A., born 1814 in Virginia. The next entry in the census is for a John T. Hoover, who has a son named Dickerson N. Hoover; this is certainly the Dickerson N. Hoover considered to be the father of J. Edgar Hoover.

In subsequent research, conducted since the publication of the first edition of McGhee's book, Ott has found census records for Mississippi that also correspond to the family oral tradition regarding ``Emily,'' and he has recently found records which appear to link the Maryland and the Mississippi Hoover families. Ott also found strange--and highly unusual--alterations and erasures in some of the census records pertaining to other Hoovers in Washington.

Neither McGhee or Ott have yet been able to provably document the stories that Ivery or ``Ivy'' Hoover was the actual father of J. Edgar Hoover--although McGhee has additional material suggesting that this may be the case.



Who Was J. Edgar?


With his interest piqued by McGhee's account, this writer has confirmed that there are substantial discrepancies and oddities concerning J. Edgar Hoover's early biography.

Strikingly, there does not appear to be {any} contemporaneous record of Edgar's birth in Washington. Hoover's own autobiographical account--on which virtually all biographers have relied--states that he was born January 1, 1895, at his parents' home on Seward Square, in the Capitol Hill neighborhood of Washington, D.C., with a physician, Dr. Mallan, in attendance.

However, despite the fact that it was legally required to report a birth to the District of Columbia Health Department, and that this had been done for the first two children born in the family (Dickerson, Jr. and Lillian), there was no certificate of birth filed for Edgar by Dr. Mallan.

The entry for John Edgar Hoover in the Washington D.C. index of births was clearly added at a much later date, and the certificate number contains the suffix ``D''--signifying a delayed filing.

This writer obtained a certified copy of Edgar's actual birth certificate--which was not filed until 1938, when Hoover was 43 years old! The verification of birth is provided by an affidavit executed by Edgar's older brother Dickerson N. Hoover, Jr., who states that he was present when Edgar was born, and that he himself was 15 years old at the time. Oddly, Dickerson's affidavit does not mention a doctor being present, in contrast to Edgar's own account.

(Curiously, Hoover never applied for a birth certificate until after his mother's death in February 1938. It seems obvious that his mother--if she in fact was his mother--would have been by far the best witness, rather than a 15-year-old boy.)

John Edgar Hoover was baptized at age 13, during the time he was under the tutelage of his brother Dickerson, who took him from one church to another, looking for the most prestigious congregation. The church baptismal record, obtained by this writer, lists his date of birth as June (not January) 1, 1895.

A question also might be raised as to why Edgar was not baptized until age 13, since the various churches with which his family was associated (Catholic, Lutheran, and Presbyterian), all practice infant baptism.

About the same time that Hoover's birth certificate was filed, in September 1938, he also obtained a letter from the church, certifying his baptismal record. The letter also gives Edgar's date of birth as June 1, 1895, with ``Jan.'' written over ``June'' in an obviously different hand than the signature of the church's then-current pastor.



Photographic Evidence


A second area of discrepancy involves photographs. The most famous photograph purporting to show Edgar as a young child, is the oval ``family photograph,'' published in most biographies of Hoover. But there is strong evidence suggesting that this is not Edgar, but his brother Dickerson.

Around 1989, the curators of the exhibit in the J. Edgar Hoover Room at the Scottish Rite Masonic Temple in Washington--Hoover loyalists from the J. Edgar Hoover Foundation--changed the identification of the child from Edgar, to Dickerson, and is how it is now so-labelled in the exhibit in the J. Edgar Hoover Room.

This writer has located a photograph showing both Edgar and Dickerson, taken in 1935. This photograph, published here apparently for the first time, not only displays the sharply differing appearances of the two brothers, but it also supports the notion that the famous ``family photograph'' portrays Dickerson rather than Edgar.

By most accounts, Hoover's family life--if it was his actual family--was less than ideal. Writer Anthony Summers, among others, describes Hoover as ``the offspring of a disturbed father and an ambitious mother.''

Edgar's relationship to his father, Dickerson Naylor Hoover, was virtually non-existent. According to even his closest friends and associates, he never discussed his father. In 1913, his father was placed in a sanitorium for what was described as a ``nervous breakdown.'' He was released after a few months, but his condition steadily deterioriated, and in 1917, he was forced to resign his job with the U.S. Coast and Geodetic Survey. He went back to the sanitorium numerous times, and died in 1921. The causes of death were listed as ``melancholia'' and ``inanation,'' i.e., depression and the loss of the will to live.

By contrast, Edgar's relationship with his mother was one of extreme dependency. As a child, he was described as high-strung, sickly, and ``excessively fearful'' by relatives. That fearfulness apparently included a terror of separation from his mother: Edgar lived with her, in the same house on Seward Square, until her death in 1938.

(Of course, were it the case that Edgar had already been separated from his real mother at an early age, and Annie Hoover was actually his adoptive or surrogate mother, this psychological profile would be entirely consistent with such a scenario.)

The two sides of Hoover's family seem to play distinct roles in our story. It seems likely that Hoover's black ancestry would have come through the Hoover side of the family--either perhaps through his great-grandmother, or possibly directly from his parents, if the hypothesis about his being born elsewhere turns out to be correct.

There are also indications that his Dickerson and Naylor ancestors (through Hoover's paternal grandmother) were involved in a post-Civil War ``underground railroad'' which was used to assist light-skinned blacks to make the transition from black society to white society. (An academic study cited in McGhee's book, reports that more than three-quarters of African-Americans have some white ancestry, and that at least 23% of white Americans have an African-American element in their background.)

In the search of census records undertaken by McGhee and the genealogist retained by her, both Hoover and Naylor families were living in areas of Washington D.C.--a mostly segregated city--where blacks and whites were listed as living in close proximity. Some of the white Hoover families had blacks living with them, not as servants, but blacks being of the same occupation, such as ``butcher'' or ``clerk.'' There are also alterations and other oddities in a number of the Hoover family census records, and also in the racial listings which were then included in census records.

His mother's side of the family seems to have played the major role in Edgar's rapid rise to power. There is also more documentation of Hoover's ancestry on the mother's side of the family than the father's.

Annie Scheitlin Hoover was regarded by her family and others as having married ``beneath her station'' when she married Dickerson Hoover in 1879. Annie's mother, Margaret Hitz Scheitlin, was the daughter of a Swiss-born mining engineer, John (Hans) Hitz, who came to the United States around 1820, and who also became the Swiss Counsel to the United States in 1853. Upon his death, his son (and Margaret's brother) John Hitz then became the Swiss Counsel. Margaret's mother (and Annie's grandmother) Anna Hitz was known as ``Mother Hitz'' during the Civil War, when she provided nursing services, food, and other comforts of life to Union soldiers quartered on Capitol Hill.

Although one cousin on the Hoover side--John E. Hoover--was a Justice Department lawyer and may have aided Edgar's rise to power, the most significant assistance clearly came from the Hitz branch of the family.

Annie's cousin William Hitz held the position of special assistant to the Attorney General in 1916, when he was appointed a judge for the Superior Court of the District of Columbia. William Hitz was well-connected, and it is almost certain that it was he who got Edgar his first job in the Justice Department.

Harold Hitz Burton, later a Supreme Court justice, was also a distant cousin of Hoover's--as well as being a 33rd-degree Mason, as was Edgar in later life.

Egdar attended night school at George Washington University and obtained a law degree in 1917, the same year he passed the D.C. bar.



The `Southern Fraternity'


While at GWU, he became active in what is politely called the ``Southern Fraternity,'' the Kappa Alpha Order; others have likened it to the college auxiliary of the Ku Klux Klan. Annie Hoover was the honorary ``housemother'' for Kappa Alpha at GWU, and Hoover remained active in it for the rest of his life. Many of his closest associates at the FBI were also Kappa Alpha members.

In July 1917, while other young men were being drafted to fight and die in World War|I, Hoover got himself appointed to a clerkship in the Justice Department. (In a typical J. Edgar Hoover re-write of history, later accounts said he had been declared ``essential'' by the Attorney General and thus couldn't enlist in the Army; the problem with this is that the U.S. entered the war more than three months {before} Edgar went to work at the Justice Department.)

Within six months, Hoover had been twice promoted, and he was put in charge of the Enemy Aliens Registration Section. This position was secured for him by John Lord O'Brian, the special assistant to the Attorney General for war work. It also seems that O'Brian obtained for Hoover the designation of ``Special Agent'' in 1917--earlier than many accounts indicate.

O'Brian appears to be the key figure in Hoover's early career and his rapid advancement. A prominent lawyer and progressive Republican from Buffalo, New York, O'Brian was a close friend of William Hitz and a fellow member of the Cosmos Club, one of Washington's leading establishment social clubs. O'Brian was also a law partner and mentor of William Donovan, who later headed the OSS (the wartime Office of Strategic Services, the predecessor to the CIA), and became a bitter rival of Hoover.

Despite his ``progressive'' and liberal political profile, O'Brian was one of the key promoters of the anti-radical hysteria which dominated the Justice Department at the time. He prosecuted Socialist Party leader and Presidential candidate Eugene Debs, and it was O'Brian who urged Attorney General Thomas Gregory to deputize the vigilante American Protective League for the round-ups of labor radicals and draft-age men, and later for the notorious ``Palmer Raids,'' in which perhaps 10,000 suspected radicals were rounded up in coordinated raids in 33 American cities.

Like almost everything else in Hoover's early life, there is also some mystery about Hoover's duties in the Justice Department during the First World War. A 1930s account of the early history of the FBI--suppressed by Hoover--was used by former Attorney General Homer Cummings in the writing of his 1937 book Federal Justice. In writing about the creation of the General Intelligence Division in 1919, Cummings says that it was organized ``under the direct administration of J. Edgar Hoover, since 1917, in charge of counter-radical activities as special assistant to the attorney general.''

As author Curt Gentry points out in his 1991 book J. Edgar Hoover: The Man and his Secrets, this means that Hoover was involved in anti-radical activities as early as 1917--two years before the official FBI histories say he was involved. It also means that Hoover was involved in anti-radical actitivies {prior} to the 1919-20 Palmer or ``Red'' Raids.

A word about the formation of the FBI. First known as the ``Bureau of Investigtion,'' or BI, it was created over the opposition of the U.S. Congress, through an executive order, by President Theodore Roosevelt and his Attorney General, Charles Bonaparte (a nephew of Napoleon III). When Congress objected and launched an investigation, which included allegations that members of Congress were being surveilled and their mail opened, Teddy Roosevelt denied it--but he admitted that sometimes, through the ``accidental breaking of such [a mail] package, the contents are exposed.'' To emphasize the point, TR then proceeded to publish the private correspondence of Sen. Benjamin Tillman of South Carolina, an outspoken critic of Roosevelt's Administration.

In 1919, at the height of the Red Scare, the General Intelligence Division (GID) was created within the Justice Department to collect and collate information on radicals supplied by the BI, military intelligence agencies, other government agencies, local police, and the private sector. Hoover was named chief of the GID. Within three to four months, the GID had assembled files on 60,000 suspected radicals; soon the GID's files contained over 200,000 names.

In 1921, Hoover was named assistant chief of the Bureau of Investigation, and in 1924--at 29 years of age--Hoover was made head of the Bureau by Attorney General Harlan Fiske Stone, who had been named by President Calvin Coolidge to replace Mitchell Palmer, notorious author of the Palmer Raids. This was the position that Hoover was to hold for 48 years, until his death in 1972.

(In 1935, Congress renamed the Bureau of Investigation the Federal Bureau of Investigation; the name implied an independent agency status, although it nominally remained part of the Department of Justice.)

Hoover was supposedly brought in to clean up the BI; as part of this, the GID--tainted by the Palmer Raids--was disbanded. In another example of the rewriting of history, Hoover and his spokesman would later try to disassociate the Director from the GID and the Palmer Raids.

But in 1936, the intelligence function of the FBI was revived, and in 1939 President Franklin Roosevelt ordered that all domestic intelligence concerning subversion, espionage, sabotage, etc. to be referred to the FBI by military intelligence agencies. It was certainly at this time, if not earlier, that Hoover formalized his alliance with Military Intelligence (Army) and with Naval Intelligence, which persisted for decades.

At the same time, Hoover revived the GID as Division Five of the FBI, first renamed the Security Division, then the Domestic Intelligence Division, and then the Intelligence Division, with jurisdiction over counterintelligence and internal security. As part of this arrangement, Hoover established a close working relationship with British Intelligence's Special Operations Executive headed by Sir William Stephenson--although that relationship cooled from time to time, because of Hoover's competitive and adversarial attitude toward the OSS and its director William Donovan, as well as toward the OSS's successor, the Central Intelligence Agency.



`All of Us Negroes'


Hoover's remarkable career path would undoubtedly never have been possible, had Hoover been known to have been partly black in his family background. In the decade of his birth, Jim Crow laws were re-instituted through the South. Under the infamous Democratic Presidency of Woodrow Wilson (when Hoover began his career in the Justice Department), segregation was reinstituted throughout the Federal civil service, which had been exempted from Jim Crow laws.

And under the prevailing ``one drop'' rule, any amount of Negro blood or ancestry would exclude a person from most positions or careers--and certainly from high government positions.

Was Hoover's legendary enmity toward blacks, a form of self-hatred, or self-protection, against his knowledge or suspicion that he himself was partially black?

And consider, in this light, the FBI's ``suicide'' letter sent to Dr. King in 1964, drafted by William Sullivan at the personal direction of Hoover:

``King, look into your heart. You know, you are a complete fraud and a greater liability to all of us Negroes.... King, like all frauds your end is approaching. You could have been our greatest leader.... King, there is only one thing left for you to do. You know what it is.... There is just one way out for you. You better take it before your filthy fraudulent self is bared to the nation.''

The FBI-authored letter was accompanied by a tape purporting to consist of sounds of King's bedroom activities.



Not Ancient History


Determining the truth about J. Edgar Hoover's ancestry is not merely a matter of historical interest, or simply a question of setting the record straight. As we noted at the beginning of this article, to this day, the Justice Department and the FBI have continued the targetting of African-American elected officials which began under Hoover's reign.

It is not unrelated, that the senior career official in the Justice Department's Criminal Division, who oversees the targetting and prosecution of public officials, is John Keeney--a man who got his start working in the Justice Department's Internal Security Division in 1951, working hand-in-glove with Hoover's FBI. Think of it: Keeney spent the 1930s first two {decades} of his career working side-by-side with J. Edgar Hoover; Hoover has been dead for almost 30 years, but Jack Keeney is still a top official in Justice Department headquarters.

A significant number of investigators and journalists are now pursuing the story of J. Edgar Hoover's ancestry, and it is quite likely that over the coming months, more and more of the truth will emerge.

Meanwhile, there is no reason to wait, to undertake the task of eradicating the last vestiges of Hoover's hateful legacy from today's FBI and Justice Department.


Notes

  1.  Richard Gid Powers, Secrecy and Power: The Life of J. Edgar Hoover, 1987, p. 367.

  2. Curt Gentry, J. Edgar Hoover: The Man and the Secrets, 1991, p. 606; Anthony Summers, Official and Confidential: The Secret Life of J. Edgar Hoover, 1993, p. 364

  3. Millie L. McGhee Secrets Uncovered: J. Edgar Hoover--Passing for White?, Rancho Cucamonga, Calif., Allen-Morris, 2000