Sunday 15 December 2013

Mobutu Sese Seko, Glenn Close and the AIDS Crisis


“Bill Close … had come to Congo just before Independence as a missionary worker, though he was a trained physician. Somehow he became President Mobutu’s personal physician as well as director of the biggest hospital in the country.
“But this didn’t fully explain the extent of his power and influence in Zaire. He was a mysterious man, thoroughly likable, with an unmatched knowledge of Zaire and connections at all levels in society."





NOTE: The AIDS Crisis began in the Congo, in Kinshasa, around 1975.

It first affected the (hetrosexual) black urban upper and middle-classes of the Congolese Civil Service, and is believed to have originated radiating outwards from two brothels known to be frequented by government officials and other elites as their primary or sole clientele. 

AIDS in Africa is primarily a hetrosexual disease and intravenous drugs use is incredibly rare.

The US Embassy in Kinshasa was the regional station for all of Southern Africa - the illegal secret war in Angola was run from there, by Philip Agee and many others.



Surviving MK-Ultra documentation confirms the use by CIA of brothels as intelligence and clinical trial fronts in New York and San Francisco for non-informed consent drug trials of LSD-25, mescaline, psilocybin and other mooted "truth" drug candidates.

If Glenn Close's father was Mobutu's personal physican throughout this period, as with the Shah of Iran's personal physician, he would certainly have been an asset of CIA - the physical and psychological condition of the leaders of US Client States, especially "Strong Men" dictators installed and kept in power by CIA as Mobutu was with the assassination of Lamumba, was essential intelligence required for long term GeoStrategic planning.

"Ambassador" Richard Helms and Director of Central Intelligence, George HW Bush knew of Shah Reza Pahlavi's terminal cancer in 1975 - before the Shah's wife, twin sister, and likely before the Shah himself, and 5 years before even his inner circle.





How The Father Of Glenn Close Became Mobutu's Personal Doctor
In 1969 the famed Hollywood actress and six-time Academy Award nominee, Glenn Close, had set her sights on holy matrimony. But the budding actress, who had spent much of her childhood in the political cauldron of the newly independent Belgian Congo and later touring the world with the Moral Re-Armament singing group “Up with People”, was unable to afford the Greenwich, Connecticut, wedding befitting her pedigree.
Her father was a descendant of the prominent Taliaferros family who settled in Virginia in the 17th century, and her maternal grandfather was Charles Arthur Moore, part of the well-known American manufacturers, Manning, Maxwell and Moore. So, in stepped Joseph Desire Mobutu Sese Seko.
By the late 1960s Close’s father, the American surgeon Dr William Taliaferros Close (or Bill Close for short) had already spent close to a decade in the employ of Mobutu as the president’s personal physician. More importantly, Dr Close and Mobutu had become intimate friends; drinking pink champagne and vintage cognac together in the presidential palace in Kinshasa and taking cruises together on Mobutu’s boat that sailed the vast and meandering River Congo. Mobutu watched as Bill Close provided medical care to impoverished Congolese villagers.
So, when Close and his wife, Bettine Moore, found it difficult to pay for the wedding of their actress daughter, Mobutu stepped in and offered to pay Bill Close an astonishing (at that time) $40,000 for his decade of service to him and the people of Congo, as well as an annual $20,000 retainer fee for his medical services.
Not only was Glenn Close’s wedding to Cabot Wade well catered for, but Bill Close was also able to make a downpayment on a ranch in the US state of Wyoming, where he would spend the remainder of his life until his death in 2009 from a heart attack. 
Dr Peter Piot, the Belgian former undersecretary general of the United Nations and ex-executive director of UNAIDS, confirms in his new book, No Time to Lose that, when he worked in Congo trying to save the country from the deadly Ebola virus in 1976, he became very close to Dr Bill Close. Piot writes in his memoir, published this year: 
“Bill Close … had come to Congo just before Independence as a missionary worker, though he was a trained physician. Somehow he became President Mobutu’s personal physician as well as director of the biggest hospital in the country, Mama Yemo Hospital in Kinshasa (it was named for Mobutu’s mother).
“But this didn’t fully explain the extent of his power and influence in Zaire. He was a mysterious man, thoroughly likable, with an unmatched knowledge of Zaire and connections at all levels in society. A year later, he left Zaire, disillusioned by the Mobutu regime. We stayed in touch until his death in Wyoming in 2009.”     
Moral Re-Armament
In 1950s America, and in the climate of the post-World War II optimism, Bill and Bettine Close became part of the Moral Re-Armament (MRA) religious movement that was started by Frank Buchman, the American Lutheran minister whose preaching centered on personal change through the application of what he believed to be the four absolute moral standards: honesty, purity, unselfishness and love. Buchanan believed these would create a “force: of men and women capable of changing the world.” Years later however, the MRA shifted its focus from personal change to what Dr Close said was “a highly vocal anti-Communist lobby”.
[NOTE: "Moral Re-Armament" was a CIA/Scottish Rite/B'nai Brith/Mormon Missionary front promoted by the likes of Governor George Romney as a means to wage the Cold War via White Surpremacy and subversion of the Third World.]

[Conclusion: British Intelligence.]



At the time of his MRA activities, Bill Close had only six months left to complete his surgical residency at the Roosevelt Hospital in New York. And against the advice of his professors (and some MRA leaders) who implored him to at least finish the residency, he remained steadfast and left.
“The prospect of a ‘world mission’ that would change people and nations impelled me to resign from my surgical residency at Roosevelt six months early and commit to MRA full time”, he explained in his 2007 book, Beyond the Storm: Treating the Powerless and the Powerful in Mobutu’s Congo/Zaire. “But ‘singleness of purpose’ and ‘boundless enthusiasm’ labels pinned on me by my teachers in England, joined forces with the glorious feeling of being ‘called’, and plugged my ears to good sense.”
In May 1960, the MRA developed a plan to send a team from their group to Congo to help with the smooth transition from the then Belgian Congo to the independent nation now called DRCongo.
At the time, Chief Kalamba was the grand monarch of the Lulua community who inhabited the areas near the Lulua River, between the Kasai and Sankuru rivers in southern Congo. He and his personal assistant, Lwakabanga, were invited to the MRA headquarters in Caux, a Swiss village located just above Lake Geneva.
At the meeting, Chief Kalamba was persuaded that MRA might be useful in helping to resolve the bloody conflicts between the Lulua and their bitter enemies the Baluba. Convinced, the Chief invited an MRA team, which included Bill Close, to fly immediately to the Belgian Congo.
“I was chosen to go because I was bilingual in French and English, and had a black medical bag. Anyway, I wanted to get out of the headquarters and do something useful,” Bill Close told this writer in a 2007 interview from his Wyoming ranch. No sooner had Bill Close stepped off the 707 jet airliner in Leopoldville (Kinshasa today), then all hell broke loose. In June 1960, when the Belgian Congo became independent, Patrice Lumumba became the country’s prime minister and Joseph Kasavubu its president. However, not long after that the Congolese army mutinied against the Belgian officers who still controlled it. General Emile Janssen, the Belgian commander of the Force Publique, told his Congolese troops that for them nothing would change after independence, not even their ranks.
Soldiers in the Congolese army stationed in Leopoldville broke into the armories and went on a rampage. Bands of armed soldiers roamed the streets stopping Belgians or pulling them out of their vehicles in a frantic search for firearms and valuables.
Reports of murders and rape spread across the city. The result was a massive exodus of Europeans from the city. Bill Close estimated that some 3,000 Europeans boarded ferries and barges from Leopoldville heading to Brazzaville, capital of the neighbouring Congo-Brazzaville just across the Congo River. But not long after the mutineers blocked this escape route. Bill Close and many others found themselves trapped in the melee.
“The whites who had not fled to Brazzaville hid behind shutters, fearing more violence,” Bill Close told me in the 2007 interview.
Dr Close, I presume
Meanwhile, he looked for some way of putting his surgical skills to good use. He had heard that almost all the Belgian doctors had also fled the chaos, and there were no Congolese doctors because none had been trained by the colonial master, Belgium.  Darting through the besieged streets of Leopoldville as the sounds of distant gunfire rocked the largely deserted city, Dr Close managed to push his way through an unruly mob and into the Hôpital des Congolais, the city’s largest hospital.  
During that first day, Bill Close was given a crash course in developing and fixing film for x-rays by the long suffering Belgian doctor Marcel Pirquin. Close, Pirquin and other hospital staff took care of the numerous victims and perpetrators of the violence, Congolese and Belgian alike.
In the weeks that followed, Dr Close went from taking x-rays to making plaster casts for fractures and eventually to surgery. However, the hospital conditions were appalling. There was no blood in the blood bank. Used gauze pads were retrieved from the bins, washed and re-used. There was no laboratory to speak of.
Yet, Bill Close quickly became a master at surgical improvisation. He concocted his own gas-oxygen-ether anaesthesia and taught Makila, the floor sweeper, to push on the balloon in rhythm with his own breathing to administer the anaesthesia. He would use a brace and a drill bit from a carpentry shop to make a burr hole in a small boy’s skull to relieve the pressure on his brain – “primitive craniotomy,” he called it. Close and the staff averaged 350 operations a month. Later, when Dr Pirquin escorted a wounded Belgian police commissioner back to Europe, Close, for a while, found himself the only surgeon at the hospital.
But the post-independence tensions would play themselves out at the Hôpital des Congolais. Among the other hospital staff he met during that first day was La Mere Marie-Germaine, the Belgian nun who was in charge of the operating rooms. She later became an air hostess for Sabena Airlines.
“She was a tyrant,” Bill Close joked about her in our 2007 interview. “If she had been in charge of the Congolese army, there wouldn’t have been a mutiny. But she was a hell of a good nurse and a good assistant.”
There was also Samuel, a Congolese who he remembers as a highly skilled surgical assistant. However, the relationship between Sister Germaine and Samuel was bitter and aptly reflected the post-
independence tensions between the Congolese and the remaining Belgians.
“The atmosphere in the operating room was poisonous. The surgeon and his nurse, a Belgian nun, were tight-lipped and bitter; the Congolese aides were insolent and flaunted their new independence from white authority. Everyone was frightened,” Bill Close wrote in ‘Beyond the Storm’.      
During these turbulent days, Close and the surgical staff were conducting many of their operations at gunpoint. Once, a Congolese soldier who had been shot in the thigh by a Belgian paratrooper was stretchered into the operating room by three fellow soldiers dressed in full combat gear. When Close tried to get more catgut from an adjacent room, two of the soldiers blocked his way, one declaring: “You can’t leave. If you don’t save our man, I’ll kill you.”
Enter Mobutu
Before Dr Pirquin’s departure, Joseph Desire Mobutu had been appointed chief of staff of the Congolese army with the rank of colonel. The Force Publique would now be called theArmée Nationale Congolaise. According to Close: “…Mobutu, addressing the troops in Lingala, the official language of the army, announced that they should elect their officers, designate which white officers were acceptable, and restore order in the camps.” 
But this did little to prevent the mutiny from spreading to Elisabethville, capital of the mineral-rich Katanga (Shaba) province. Secessionist Moise Tshombe, who was also a client of Close, declared Katanga independent from the rest of the Congo. This move was said to be backed by Belgium and the United States.
Belgium’s colonial policy cared only for natural resource exploitation and gave no thought to good governance. An estimated 60% of Congo’s national income came from the mines in Katanga.
While the Congo struggled with its growing pains as a newly independent African nation, Bill Close was having his own personal struggles. His dedication to Hôpital des Congolais led to a conflict with his MRA colleagues.
In 1961, Frank Buchman died and Peter Howard became the MRA boss. Howard, who had been a political correspondent and investigative reporter for the London Daily Express under Lord Beaverbrook, vocally disapproved of Close’s hospital exploits, calling it an “unhealthy obsession” and advised him to disassociate himself from the Hôpital des Congolais.
Dr Close promptly resigned from the MRA. His responsibility as the only surgeon at the hospital greatly outweighed any dictates from an evangelical movement that was unable or unwilling to see that Close was indeed following his calling in life. Bill Close’s first encounter with Mobutu occurred within the background of the unfolding violence in Leopoldville and the Congo generally.
“At the time, I had just become the physician for the First Parachute Battalion and Mobutu’s house was in the paratrooper’s camp”, Close recounted. “We were having huge amounts of trauma in the operating rooms and I had been told by the British military attaché, Colonel John Sinclair, that Colonel Mobutu was the most effective guy in the army.
“So as a sort of typical naïve American, I waved for his car to stop as he was leaving his house and said: ‘Bonsoir, mon Colonel. I am the surgeon at the Hôpital des Congolais, and I wondered if you can do something about all the violence in town so we can catch up in the operating room’. He looked at me and sort of raised his eyebrows and said: ‘Oui, c’est possible’, and then he rolled up the car window and sped away.”
Not long after that encounter, Bill Close noticed a decrease in the steady stream of trauma cases. Some weeks later, Mobutu summoned Close to tend to the medical needs of several family members.
He was asked to remove a fish bone that was stuck in the throat of one of the colonel’s great aunts. Close was also asked to circumcise a new born son, a procedure he had not previously performed. Mobutu also asked him to go and sit with his extended family as one great aunt lay dying.If Close’s bold approach to Mobutu to reduce the violence in Leopoldville and his successful medical care with his relatives won him over, then the American was equally enamoured with Mobutu’s courage and compassion.
Once there was an attempted mutiny at the police barracks. Mobutu, Col Sinclair, and Close, along with three paratroopers, went to confront the mutineers. Mobutu told the others to stay back as he walked towards the armed and angry rebels.
“Mobutu halted in front of the police. Slowly and deliberately he scrutinised the men,” Bill Close recalls in Beyond the Storm. “Then, standing at attention with his shoulders back and fists clenched, he commanded: Deposez vos armes – ‘drop your weapons’. A low murmur came from the men. No one moved.
“Their weapons were levelled at the colonel. I held my breath. Two men in the front row dropped the butts of their rifles, released the barrels, and the guns clattered to the ground. In seconds, the crashing of weapons echoed in the camp. The handful of defiant men in the front row stepped forward and saluted. The mutiny was over.”     
Mobutu’s origins
Joseph Desire Mobutu was born in Lisala, in Congo’s northern Équateur province on 14 October 1930. His name means “soil” or “sand”, a reference to his mother, Marie-Madeleine Yemo’s social and economic status at the time. They were dirt poor. Although he was christened Joseph Desire, in 1972 he acquired the name SeSe Seko koko Ngbendu Wazabanga, literally translated as “hot pepper”, “green,” and “it stings”. Kuku ngbendu wazabanga is a Ngbandi proverb whose translation could mean: “Even if it is not ripe, hot pepper stings.”
Marie-Madeleine Yemo was abandoned by her husband, Alberic Gbemany, after he and his family refused to retrieve her following the end of a mourning period of a deceased relative in Gbadolite in the far north of Congo bordering the Central African Republic (CAR).
It was the local custom for married women mourners to remain lying on the floor after the end of the mourning period until their husbands came to “release” them. Neither Alberic Gbemany nor anyone in his family came to release Marie-Madeleine.
“This was a deep and painful insult,” wrote Bill Close in his book, “and she was subjected to humiliating looks from the other women whose husbands arrived to free them from the constraints of mourning.”
It was a fait accompli for the mother of the future leader of Africa’s second-largest and potentially richest (by mineral wealth) country. Marie-Madeleine would join the fraternity of femmes libres or “free women”, a lightly veiled euphemism for a prostitute. Such women were ordered by the colonial medical authorities to undergo a monthly medical check-up for sexually transmitted diseases.
Although Marie-Madeleine never married again, Mobutu was the result of one of numerous liaisons she had with various men. Mobutu (and his siblings) had no knowledge of the identity of his (their) biological father.
Mobutu was a bright but undisciplined student when he attended primary school in Lisala during the 1930s. When Marie-Madeleine moved back to Gbadolite, hunting and fishing with his maternal grandfather and a great uncle occupied most of Mobutu’s time.
However, he returned to school. When the Catholic missionaries organised a football team, young Mobutu became the team’s goalkeeper. But years later, he was booted out of high school when the missionaries learned that he had spent his vacation in Leopoldville (a place forbidden for students), boozing and cavorting with girls. The colonial law regarding young men who were booted out of school was austere. Such individuals were immediately drafted into the Force Publique, the national army. Mobutu was all but 19 years old when he donned the uniform of the Force Publique.
Mobutu’s command of the French language landed him the position of secretary-accountant to the commander of the special company. Less than a year later, he was sent to the Ecole Centrale in Luluabourg in the south of the country.
After successfully completing his studies, Mobutu was sent to army headquarters in Leopoldville where he was assigned to the provincial secretary of G2, the unit dealing with intelligence, mobilisation and operations. He was promoted to sergeant in April 1954. Mobutu would also marry his 15-year-old fiancée, Marie-Antoinette.     
It was around this time that Mobutu parted company with the military and became a freelance journalist and began writing articles for L’Avenir, the only newspaper at the time that accepted articles from the Congolese. He became responsible for the editorial pages of both L’Avenir and its successor Actualités Africaines
Patrice Lumumba, who was at the time imprisoned for embezzlement, read and admired Mobutu’s articles. When he was finally released from prison, Lumumba appointed Mobutu his personal secretary, 
a position that was made official in July 1960 when Lumumba became prime minister. Not long after that Mobutu was appointed army chief of staff with the rank of colonel.   
The crisis
During the chaotic “Congo crisis” following Lumumba’s assassination and the power struggle between Joseph Kasavubu, Moise Tshombe and Antoine Gizenga (who became prime minister of Congo), Bill Close remained faithful to the Hippocratic oath and continued his surgical work at the Hôpital des Congolais despite the atmosphere of sectarian Congolese politics.
“My reaction to the whole bloody mess was to work all out and hope that some semblance of order would be returned to the streets and the slums”, Close wrote in Beyond the Storm. “I spent no time trying to figure out where the patient on the table was from, what he did, what side he was on, or whether he was a ‘good guy’ or a ‘bad guy’. ”
In January 1962, Mobutu appointed Bill Close chief doctor for the Armée Nationale Congolaise. Shortly thereafter, he became Mobutu’s personal physician.
“Mobutu was never sick,” Close revealed in our 2007 interview, “until he had a minor stroke [...] when his blood pressure went up. Then I had to be with him all the time.”
Bill Close’s surgical work at the Hôpital des Congolais came to an end in February that year when, through a combination of the Congo Minister for Health and the World Health Organisation (WHO), a young Belgian surgeon replaced him.
In the years to come, Close and Mobutu enjoyed a friendly doctor/patient relationship. Evenings at Mobutu’s house in the paratrooper camp would be spent with him playing 13 games of checkers with Close and drinking cognac.
There were also boat excursions on the Congo River. Both Close and Mobutu would bring their families on board during these occasions. It was not unusual for Mobutu’s boat to dock at a remote village en route and welcome some of the villagers to come aboard and greet Mobutu. Often locals needed medical attention. Bill Close was frequently asked to treat patients for elephantiasis or examine the heartbeats of newborn babies.
“Mobutu had a way of putting everyone at ease, whether a stuffy diplomat or an ancient, arthritic mama from an obscure village on the river’s edge,” remembered Bill Close. “His charm could disarm an angry man, who might even forget the cause of his anger and come out from the interview with a smile on his face.”
Napoleon Bonaparte and General Charles de Gaulle, two French-speaking Europeans, were Mobuto’s historical mentors. He was also a voracious reader of economics, geopolitics, and history.
Five years after Bill Close arrived in Congo, Mobutu asked the American surgeon to become the administrator for Hôpital des Congolais. Close accepted and with the assistance of doctors recruited from the US, Canada, and Western Europe, the hospital underwent a major renovation with substantial staff hired.
Ultimately it became a national referral centre of over 2,000 beds. Hôpital des Congolaiswas later renamed Mama Yemo Hospital, after Mobutu’s mother, Marie Madeleine Yemo. According to Close, the hospital also became one of the biggest centres in Africa for patients with Aids. Sadly, in October 1991, the Congolese army mutinied once again and the Aids research facilities at the hospital were destroyed.
But the rot had already taken hold of Mobutu’s government. At the time, Dr Close was unable to comprehend the corruption and patronage that Mobutu’s family members and close allies would come to expect of Mobutu.
“Mobutu used money to buy loyalty,” Close said, “but that’s a very slippery path to be on because what happens is that you end up needing more and more money, and if the source of your cash, such as minerals and a few agricultural products, start losing their value on the world market, then you are in trouble.”
In the end, as Dr Peter Piot reveals in his book, Dr Bill Close “left Zaire, disillusioned by the Mobutu regime”.

New York Times, September 27th 1988
(One month prior to former Director of Central Intelligence George H.W. Bush's election as President)












The Assassination of Dr. David Kelly of MI6 and Porton Down has deep roots




Dr David Kelly knew too much and died rather mysteriously.

Police have now admitted that the following objects found with his body did not have fingerprints on them:

His mobile phone

A watch

The knife he allegedly used to slash his wrist

The packs of pills he is said to have overdosed on

A water bottle

A secret file of evidence was submitted to the Hutton inquiry by Thames Valley Police.
The contents remain secret.

But 'the cover is publicly available and reveals that the codename for the investigation was Operation Mason.'

This has given rise to 'rumours of a freemasonry angle'.

The start time of Operation Mason is given as 2.30pm on Thursday July 17.

That was at least half an hour BEFORE Dr Kelly set off from his home on his fatal walk. 

And, it is nearly ten hours before Dr Kelly's wife rang the police to sound the alert over her missing husband.


Margrethe P. Rask 
(1930 – December 12, 1977)

I quote The Enemy: 

"Born in 1930 in the Danish town of Thisted, Dr. Rask practiced medicine in Zaïre for a brief period in 1964, when she was recalled back to Europe for training in stomach surgery and tropical illnesses, and from 1972 to 1977, first at a small local hospital in the Zairian town of Abumombazi, and then at the Danish Red Cross Hospital in Kinshasa starting in 1975. 

She was likely first exposed to HIV during the late 1960s. [?]

[This implies she was exposed to HIV in Denmark, not in Zaire]

Her friend and colleague, Ib Bygbjerg (a physician specializing in communicable diseases), wrote in a 1983 letter to The Lancet that "while working as a surgeon under primitive conditions, she [Rask] must have been heavily exposed to blood and excretions of African patients."

["Must have" is not the language of science. It is the language of the Guilty.

Also, it has already been stated that Dr. Raske was in Europe during these years; even if she was working on "Tropical Diseases" with African patients, in no sense can the late 1960s in Denmark be considered "Primitive conditions" - what is being covered up, here..?]

Rask apparently suffered from symptoms of AIDS starting in late 1974, including diarrhea, swollen lymph nodes, weight loss, and fatigue. 

Although the symptoms receded temporarily following drug treatments [what drugs? experimental cures? Antiretrovirals?] in 1975,the symptoms later grew considerably worse. 

Following a vacation in South Africa [interesting...] in July 1977, she could no longer breathe and relied on bottled oxygen.

She flew back to Denmark, where tests at Copenhagen's Rigshospitalet discovered she had contracted a number of opportunistic infections, such as Staphylococcus aureus (staph infection), candidiasis (yeast infection), and Pneumocystis jiroveci pneumonia (PCP, a fungal infection of the lungs formerly known as Pneumocystis carinii pneumonia). Tests also showed that Rask had a nearly non-existent T-cell count, leading to a severely depressed immune system.

At the time, the doctors treating Rask were at a loss to explain her disease progression, which in retrospect, would come to be seen as one of the first cases of AIDS recorded outside Africa.

[But they still want to imply infection occurred IN Africa - which is it?]

After numerous tests and unsuccessful treatments, she eventually returned home to her cottage on a fjord in November 1977, where her long-time female partner (a nurse) cared for her. She was called back for more tests in December, and returned to the Rigshospitalet in Copenhagen, where she remained until she died of AIDS-related Pneumocystis jiroveci pneumonia, on December 12, 1977.

[This simply a lie: cause of death cannot possibly be have been given as "AIDS-related", since AIDS as a diagnosis did not exist in 1977]

A subsequent autopsy revealed that Rask's lungs were filled with a fungus known as Pneumocystis jiroveci, a rare type of pneumonia that mostly affected people that were immunocompromised and that is today known as a common symptom of AIDS. 

Rask's blood samples were assayed in Copenhagen in 1984 following extensive research on AIDS.

The test was done with a very early version of ELISA and tested NEGATIVE for HIV/AIDS."

[ELISAs are notorious for rendering false-positives;

False negatives DO occur, but they are relatively rare.]

Pope Francis



“There is nothing in the Exhortation that cannot be found in the social Doctrine of the Church. I wasn’t speaking from a technical point of view, what I was trying to do was to give a picture of what is going on. The only specific quote I used was the one regarding the “trickle-down theories” which assume that economic growth, encouraged by a free market, will inevitably succeed in bringing about greater justice and social inclusiveness in the world. The promise was that when the glass was full, it would overflow, benefitting the poor. But what happens instead, is that when the glass is full, it magically gets bigger nothing ever comes out for the poor. This was the only reference to a specific theory. I was not, I repeat, speaking from a technical point of view but according to the Church’s social doctrine. This does not mean being a Marxist.”

On the church and politics:

Question: What is the right relationship between the Church and politics?

“The relationship needs to be parallel and convergent at the same time. Parallel because each of us has his or her own path to take and his or her different tasks. Convergent only in helping others. When relationships converge first, without the people, or without taking the people into account, that is when the bond with political power is formed, leading the Church to rot: business, compromises… The relationship needs to proceed in a parallel way, each with its own method, tasks and vocation, converging only in the common good. Politics is noble; it is one of the highest forms of charity, as Paul VI used to say. We sully it when we mix it with business. The relationship between the Church and political power can also be corrupted if common good is not the only converging point.”


Saturday 14 December 2013

Who is Watching the President...? - Part 247



"The VIP section was where Obama and dozens of other dignitaries sat, including former Presidents George W. Bush and Bill Clinton. This area was protected by a short pane of protective glass that covered only those in the first row of seats. Obama and his wife were several rows back.

Large crowds were allowed to gather in front of where Obama sat, with no visible security nearby.

When Obama made his way to the stage to deliver his speech, a South African sign-language interpreter stood an arm's length away. This man later described himself as schizophrenic with violent tendencies, and he reportedly was accused of murder 10 years ago, according to the national eNCA TV news station in South Africa.

Secret Service officials say the South African government was responsible for the decision to place interpreter Thamsanqa Jantjie just inches from some of the most powerful people in the world during a four-hour memorial service."

Friday 13 December 2013

An Extract from The Report From Iron Mountain, 1966




Nevertheless, an effective political substitute for war would require "alternate 
enemies," some of which might seem equally farfetched in the context of the current 
war system. It may be, for instance, that gross pollution of the environment can 
eventually replace the possibility of mass destruction by nuclear weapons as the 
principal apparent threat to the survival of the species. 
Poisoning of the air, and of the 
principal sources of food and water supply, is already well advanced, and at first glance 
would seem promising in this respect; it constitutes a threat that can be dealt with only 
through social organization and political power. But from present indications it will be 
a generation to a generation and a half before environmental pollution, however severe, 
will be sufficiently menacing, on a global scale, to offer a possible basis for a solution. 

 It is true that the rate of pollution could be increased selectively for this purpose; in 
fact, the mere modifying of existing programs for the deterrence of pollution could 
speed up the process enough to make the threat credible much sooner. But the pollution 
problem has been so widely publicized in recent years that it seems highly improbably 



that a program of deliberate environmental poisoning could be implemented in a 
politically acceptable manner. 
 However unlikely some of the possible alternate enemies we have mentioned may 
seem, we must emphasize that one must be found, of credible quality and magnitude, if 
a transition to peace is ever to come about without social disintegration. It is more 
probably, in our judgement, that such a threat will have to be invented, rather than 
developed from unknown conditions. 
For this reason, we believe further speculation 
about its putative nature ill-advised in this context. Since there is considerable doubt, in 
our minds, that any viable political surrogate can be devised, we are reluctant to 
compromise, by premature discussion, any possible option that may eventually lie open 
to our government. 

Thursday 12 December 2013

Haiti and it's Place within the New World Order


What do AIDS and the 2010 Haitian Earthquake have in common?

Here's a hint.





"The prevalence of HIV/AIDS in the Dominican Republic stood at an estimated 0.7 percent, among the lowest in the Caribbean region, with an estimated 62,000 HIV/AIDS-positive Dominicans, as of 2011."

"Haiti has one of the highest HIV/AIDS rates in the entire Caribbean. As of 2009, UNAIDS, the Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS, reports that Haiti's national HIV prevalence among adults aged 15 to 49 is 1.9 percent."

The original at-risk groups built into the clinical criteria for AIDS diagnosis were homosexuals, intravenous drug users, children of AIDS sufferers and Haitians.

And that means Haitians both in Haiti and in the United States, by the way. 

This was before they began "finding" AIDS in Africa, which is highly contested anyway.


Also, there was an earthquake in Haiti that didn't affect the Dominican Republic in any way.

Even though they're on the same island.

The excuse used was that Haiti is such an abjectly poor third world nation, building codes were non-existent, construction was shoddy and buildings easily collapsed under stress.





Really....?

This is the National Palace in Port-au-Prince, Haiti in 2010.


And this is the National Palace in Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic, 265km away in 2011.


The island of Hispaniola, which contains both the Dominican Republic and the Republic of Haiti was the site of Christopher Columbus' first landing in the Americas by European Christians and the birthplace of both the Wars of Amerindian Genocide and the system of American Negro Slavery.

While the Spanish half of the island, today the Dominican Republic, embraced White Supremacy and Catholicism, and reveres Columbus and his decendants, the French half of the island, today the Republic of Haiti, influenced by the French Revolutionary fervour for notions of Liberty, Egality and Fraternity, and with a stronger, more primal connection to Africa and the traditions of tribal culture, folk tradition, oral history and voodoo rebelled against their slave masters and became the first recognised and independent state founded by self-liberated former slaves.







The Assassination of Dr. David Kelly of MI6 and Porton Down has deep roots




Dr David Kelly knew too much and died rather mysteriously.

Police have now admitted that the following objects found with his body did not have fingerprints on them:

His mobile phone

A watch

The knife he allegedly used to slash his wrist

The packs of pills he is said to have overdosed on

A water bottle

A secret file of evidence was submitted to the Hutton inquiry by Thames Valley Police.
The contents remain secret.

But 'the cover is publicly available and reveals that the codename for the investigation was Operation Mason.'

This has given rise to 'rumours of a freemasonry angle'.

The start time of Operation Mason is given as 2.30pm on Thursday July 17.

That was at least half an hour BEFORE Dr Kelly set off from his home on his fatal walk. 

And, it is nearly ten hours before Dr Kelly's wife rang the police to sound the alert over her missing husband.

Mandela and Other Oathtakers



"The very word "secrecy" is repugnant in a free and open society; 

and we are as a people inherently and historically opposed to secret societies, to secret oaths and to secret proceedings." 

The President and the Press
April 27, 1961

Don't ever take an Oathtaker at his word - he's not for you, he's sworn a higher loyalty to something else which you may not know and probably aren't a party to.

Lawyers and police swear an oath to the Constitution (which says a Negro is 3/5ths of a human being).

Doctors swear an oath to sell medicine rather than heel people or supply cures.

Spies swear allegiance to the spy organisation, and to each other, and their loyalty to their agency and to their fraternity supersedes national sovereignty, superpower affiliation and all criminal and civil law.

Meyer Lansky, the Jewish Mob and the Nazi Underground Reich

"I'm a retired investor on a pension. I went to Israel to live there as a Jew in the twilight of my life."



"A revealing insight into this international f inancial and in- dustrial network was given me by a member of the Bormann organization residing in West Germany. Meyer Lansky, he said, the financial advisor to the Las Vegas-Miami underworld, sent a message to Bormann through my West German SS contact.

Lansky promised that if he received a piece of Bormann’s action he would keep the Israeli agents off Bormann’s back. 

“I have a very good relation with the Israeli secret police” was his claim,although he was to be kicked out of Israel later when his presence became too noted —and also at the urging of Bormann’s security chief in South America. At the time, Lansky was in thepenthouse suite of Jerusalem’s King David Hotel, in which he owned stock. 

He had fled to Israel to evade a U.S. federal warrant for his arrest. He sent his message to Bormann through his bag man in Switzerland, John Pullman, also wanted in the United States on a f ederal warrant. Lansky told Pullman to make this offer “which he can’t refuse.” 

The offer was forwarded to Buenos Aires, where it was greeted with laughter. 

When the laughter died down, it was replaced with action. 

Meyer Lansky was evicted from Israel, and was told by Swiss authorities to stay out of their country, so he flew to South America. 

There he offered any president who would give him asylum a cool $1 million in cash. He was turned down everywhere and had to continue his flight to Miami, where U.S. marshals, alerted, were waiting to take him into custody."






Michael Coreleone

Our friend and business partner HYMAN ROTH is in the news.

[MICHAEL hands TOM a paper.]

You hear about it?

TOM

Well I hear that he's in Israel.

NERI

Um-uh. The high court in Israel turned down his request to live there as a return Jew. His passport's been invalidated except for return to the United States. He landed in Buenos Aries yesterday. He offered a gift of a million dollars if they let him stay. They turned him down.

TOM

He's gonna try Panama.

MICHAEL

Panama won't take him -- not for a million -- not for ten million.

TOM

His medical condition's reported as terminal -- he's only gonna live another six months anyway.

MICHAEL

He's been dying of the same heart attack for twenty years.

TOM

That plane goes to Miami.

MICHAEL

That's where I want it met.

TOM

Mike that's impossible -- they'll turn him over to the Internal Revenue, customs, and half the FBI.

MICHAEL

It's not impossible. Nothing's impossible.

TOM

I'd be like trying to kill the president -- there's no way we can get to him.

MICHAEL

TOM, you know you surprise me -- if anything in this life is certain -- if history has taught us anything -- it's that you can kill anybody. ROCCO?

ROCCO

Difficult -- not impossible.





Wednesday 11 December 2013

Peter Norman and the Black Power Salute




"They asked Norman if he believed in human rights. He said he did. 

They asked him if he believed in God. Norman, who came from a Salvation Army background, said he believed strongly in God. 

We knew that what we were going to do was far greater than any athletic feat. 

He said, 'I'll stand with you'." 

Carlos said he expected to see fear in Norman's eyes. 

He didn't; "I saw love."



15 PETER NORMAN

The order of the day having been read for the resumption of the debate on the motion of Dr Leigh— That this House:

(1) recognises the extraordinary athletic achievements of the late Peter Norman, who won the silver
medal in the 200 metres sprint running event at the 1968 Mexico City Olympics, in a time of 20.06
seconds, which still stands as the Australian record;
(2) acknowledges the bravery of Peter Norman in donning an Olympic Project for Human Rights
badge on the podium, in solidarity with African-American athletes Tommie Smith and John
Carlos, who gave the ‘black power’ salute;
(3) apologises to Peter Norman for the wrong done by Australia in failing to send him to the 1972
Munich Olympics, despite repeatedly qualifying; and
(4) belatedly recognises the powerful role that Peter Norman played in furthering racial equality—
Debate resumed by Dr Leigh who moved, by leave, as an amendment—Omit paragraph (3), substitute:
(3) apologises to Peter Norman for the treatment he received upon his return to Australia, and the
failure to fully recognise his inspirational role before his untimely death in 2006; and
Debate continued.

Question—That the amendment be agreed to—put and passed.
Question—That the motion, as amended, be agreed to—put and passed.
-- Parliament of Australia [15]




"Today I am here for you. Why? Because I am you. We’re here forty-three years later because there’s a fight still to be won. This day is not for us but for our children to come.” 

- John Carlos addresses Occupy Wall Street, 2011



Jesse Owens:

"The black fist is a meaningless symbol. When you open it, you have nothing but fingers – weak, empty fingers. The only time the black fist has significance is when there's money inside. There's where the power lies."


Four years later in his 1972 book I Have Changed, he moderated his opinion:

"I realized now that militancy in the best sense of the word was the only answer where the black man was concerned, that any black man who wasn't a militant in 1970 was either blind or a coward."

Project Coast and The South African Ethnic Weapons Program: F.W. DeKlerk Interview



When and how did you learn about South Africa's chemical and biological warfare program?

I was briefed shortly after I became president, by the surgeon general, who was then heading the program ... a man in whose integrity I still have the highest faith. The briefing essentially said that the program was aimed at developing our defensive capability against chemical warfare ... I was told that we had reached the stage where we could start to wind down the program, to privatize the front companies that were involved ... and I authorized that. I said that's the direction we should go, we want to become part of the [Biological and Toxin Weapons] Convention, we want to play our full role within the framework of my policy that we return to the international community. One must remember that I was the first and up to now the only head of a government and state that decided to destroy our nuclear capability--we had seven devices--in order to accede to the non-proliferation treaty ... in the same spirit, on the chemical side, we wanted to become fully part of the international community's approach towards this problem.


Were you surprised when you learned that South Africa had developed a covert biological warfare program and did you have any moral dilemma about it at all?

Within the framework of the assurances that I had been given--that it was never intended to be used aggressively--it didn't bother me so much. Within the framework of the assurances that I was given that everything would be destroyed and that the data would be properly put under a net of security, I was happy that we were doing the right thing at that time. ...

Why did you commission a state report? What was it that worried you?

What really triggered it was ... the discovery by Judge Goldstone, whom I appointed to investigate allegations of unacceptable criminal behavior by undercover agents of the military intelligence and the police, which made me believe that there was some truth in many of the allegations.

I then appointed [General Pierre] Styen in order to ensure that we root out any such elements. His report then resulted in me calling the head of the defense force and some of the senior generals together and confronting them with the essence of what Styen had briefed me about. I didn't have a written report from him at that stage. Taking immediate steps, [I asked] for the suspension and in some instances the firing of a whole list of people. I didn't supply the names, they, in interaction with Styen, came up with a list of names.

What was your reaction when you learned from his report that there were abuses of the biological warfare program?

It wasn't very detailed [in] his report, but it was part of what he said. I was deeply shocked to hear that we might have been involved in assassinations and the like. I've never been part of any policy decision that said it would be OK to commit these heinous crimes and gross violations of human rights. I was accused of overreacting by clamping down in the way in which I did ... today, I'm glad that I did it.

What was your reaction when you discovered in recent months that the project officer appeared to have abused the program? That papers that should have been destroyed were found in trunks in his home?

I was deeply shocked. I'm not in a position to test such allegations or such evidence. What happened with regard to the real program is that at a certain stage, General Knobel came to me with a letter in which he provided me with a key to a safe, which can only be unlocked by two keys and one of the two keys was given to me as president ... [He] assured me that nobody could get to that information without that formula for the safe and the key. I recently formally delivered that key and the formula to Deputy President Mbeki for further safe keeping. The real worry I think that existed was not so much about the scientific data as documented because I was satisfied that in terms of the arrangements that was under proper lock and key. The real worry, also from the American and the British government when they approached me shortly before the 1994 election, was the knowledge in the minds of people. The knowledge in the heads of certain specific individuals and whatever notes they might have made that were not put under control.

A specific name came to the fore, a certain Dr. Wouter Basson. He is in court at the moment in South Africa and I think it would not be proper for me to expand with regard to him personally.

London and Washington made official démarches to you because they were deeply worried about the biological warfare program. What did they demand?

They were initially quite aggressive. They had a long list of demands and I said that because I could give them certain assurances, that we could not accede to all sorts of demands; that I was concerned as they were that we should prevent the knowledge that had been achieved in South Africa to spread [and] be used elsewhere; that already preventative steps had been taken in that regard and that they could be assured, therefore, that we would deal with integrity within the framework of our sovereignty and we would not allow all sorts of inspections by representatives of other countries; [that] they must accept my word. I got the impression that they were actually quite happy, they knew by then that the program had been canceled, had been wound down ... but their main concern was the knowledge in the minds of certain individuals who might become ... loose cannons, using that information in other parts of the world.

There was a second démarche. How did that go?

The second démarche was after the election when President Mandela was then president of the country. I was one of the two deputy presidents, so the ball is really in his side of the court on this specific issue. But I was present at more than one briefing after I became deputy president where President Mandela was fully briefed ... and then from there onwards how the matter was handled was in the hands of the president, the two deputy presidents, the minister of justice, the minister of defense and they continued to ensure that this capacity would not be reawoken again.

When President Mandela was briefed on this program, what was his reaction?

We were in agreement. We never argued about the need that it should be managed to ensure that South Africa would be in step with the rest of the world on this issue. And I personally believe that chemical weapons are atrocious.

Biological weapons too?

Biological weapons. I'm against them ... I am so glad that we have succeeded in becoming fully part of the convention, that at the moment, according to my information, South Africa is playing a constructive, cooperative role and it is now in step with the rest of the world.

Certain people were relieved of their positions as a result of the Steyn Report, a report you took seriously and acted upon. Were you surprised when one of the key people was rehired by the new administration?

I was somewhat surprised, on the other hand there might have been a theory that [it] would be a way of ensuring that a person with intimate knowledge would remain sort of part of a system. At that stage, however, I also believe that the long investigations, which I ordered when I was still president, had not yet come up with sufficient evidence to provide sufficient grounds for a court case. Since then, there's been other developments and there are court cases pending now.

Do you think, in terms of biological warfare, the genie is out of the bottle now?

I think that what is happening across the world in this regard is extremely important I don't have any reason to believe that the research that has been done here has actually lead to transfer of full details to any source. We're back in the crowd together with the rest of the world in saying "no" to chemical warfare, in saying "no" to biological warfare. I'm quite happy that, in as far as it was possible, we are achieving as a country the goals which I've set for myself with regard to issues such as this, how do we join the rest of the world in preventing this type of warfare which no civil society can accept and support.

If it were to be sure that there was an abuse of the biological warfare program well before your presidency and that it had been used in border warfare on people, what would be your reaction?

I would be shocked. I would be extremely unhappy about it and I would distance myself from that.

Is it perhaps an inevitable outcome of having a biological warfare program that there might be some hemorrhage? Do you think you can control these things?

Well, we've had atom bombs in many countries and so far that has been fairly successfully controlled, so it is possible to control such things, but it is best not to have them. 

The Attack on Steve Cokely: May 1st 1988




"They said 'You're going to have a riot in Chicago if you don't fire him in "the right way".'..."





Cokely`s Fuse Finally Went Off

Aide Was Controversial Long Before Ethnic Statements

May 08, 1988|By R. Bruce Dold.



Steve Cokely was a crisis waiting to happen.

It happened last week with the publication of excerpts of four cassette tapes in which the former mayoral aide made a series of anti-white and anti-Semitic remarks.

After a week of meetings and maneuvers, of charges and countercharges, and of denunciations that criss-crossed racial and religious lines, Cokely finally was fired Thursday, and Mayor Eugene Sawyer said he would await whatever political repercussions that might come.

Sawyer and others in his administration seemed surprised when the uproar over Cokely`s remarks erupted following The Tribune`s publication of the tape excerpts. But Coakley didn`t become an issue at City Hall overnight.

Just days after Cokely joined the Sawyer administration in December, a department head had top aides begin to compile information on him, aware the new aide had a controversial history of anti-white, anti-Semitic statements.

Cokely, 35, was known to the Anti-Defamation League of B`nai B`rith, which began gathering its own background on him and presented it to Sawyer in a meeting on April 5.

It was a cordial meeting, league leaders said. Sawyer even had a suggestion for how they could improve their campaign to reduce prejudice by distributing literature in the city`s public libraries. But near the end of the 20-minute meeting, they brought up the issue of Cokely.

Sawyer ``seemed genuinely surprised`` by transcripts of Cokely`s speeches before Louis Farrakhan`s Nation of Islam that excoriated Jews and whites in vitriolic terms, said Michael Kotzin, regional director of the league. But the group sought no sanctions, and Sawyer promised none.

Three weeks later, The Tribune printed an article based on the tapes bought by the newspaper at the Final Call, a Nation of Islam bookstore. The uproar ensued.

One of the late Mayor Harold Washington`s most masterful political strokes had been to forge a coalition that included his deeply loyal black constituency and a solid core of Jewish support that helped draw enough white voters to help him win his two election campaigns.

Washington had drawn praise for appointing top Jewish advisers such as Judson Miner, head of the Law Department. At the same time, several of Washington`s black aides, including Budget Director Sharon Gist Gilliam and Personnel Director Jesse Hoskins, had drawn admiration from Jews for fairness. ``Washington knew that blacks and Jews had once walked arm in arm and had become estranged, and that had to be healed,`` said one Washington aide who is Jewish. ``There`s always been tension between us and them (blacks) at City Hall, but Washington was able to emit a kind of sincerity toward us. They knew he had invested a lot in the people he brought in.``

But that adviser, and others, said things had changed with Washington`s death and Sawyer`s arrival. Within the general upheaval of the sudden change in administrations, the strains of black-Jewish relations in City Hall grew worse.

Sawyer didn`t command the same devotion of prominent Jewish members of the administration, and he didn`t have the overwhelming personality of Washington to still the feeling among many black activists that Jews had gained too much influence in the administration. Cokely was a strain on the black-Jewish alliance that was being stretched to the limit in the weeks after Washington`s death.

Cokely was something of a furtive figure at City Hall. He was an aldermanic aide to Sawyer who jumped to the mayor`s office as a liaison to black community groups, including ones that had opposed Sawyer`s ascent to the 5th floor after Washington`s death.

He regularly conducted his business meetings in the corridor outside the mayor`s office. That is, he conducted them there until he was chastised by Gilliam, who had become Sawyer`s chief of staff.

``It was unprofessional,`` Gilliam said. ``You don`t stand in hallways and conduct business. In time, he complied, but it took a couple of reminders.``

Cokely may have had unusual ways, but he was effective at dealing with the black community groups that had been angered by Sawyer`s selection by a white-dominated coalition of aldermen on Dec. 2.

Cokely, by virtue of his ties to Farrakhan and other black nationalist organizations such as the National Black United Front, couldn`t be reproached by blacks, like other Sawyer allies were, for consorting with the ``old machine`` of white aldermen in City Hall. And he passionately defended Sawyer to blacks who were at best skeptical about the new mayor.

So when Sawyer had to consider firing Cokely in the aftermath of publicity about his taped speeches, he faced conflicting racial emotions that threatened to explode.

By Monday, Sawyer had heard from several angered department heads, including Miner and Planning Commissioner Elizabeth Hollander. But he was also urged by blacks such as Gilliam, and consultant Erwin France, that Cokely was a political liability who had to go.

The mayor`s office tallied 156 calls from city residents who said that Cokely should be fired. Only three calls came in Cokely`s defense.

But on WVON, a radio station with a large black listenership, hundreds of callers defended Cokely. His support stretched beyond the more extreme black nationalist groups, and some aides feared that if Sawyer fired Cokely, he risked a repeat of the angry demonstrations that accompanied his selection as mayor.

The easiest solution would have been for Cokely to resign, and on Monday afternoon a draft letter of resignation and a press release were written by press secretary Monroe Anderson.

Sawyer had agreed that a quick resignation was needed and he expected to get it when he welcomed Cokely and Robert Augustus, a friend of Cokely`s who is a $2,964-a-month aide to the mayor, into his office.

When the trio emerged 45 minutes later, Sawyer stunned advisers by announcing that the best course of action would be an ``apology.``

Sawyer had backed down, but it was clear that he knew the matter wasn`t over. He told reporters that night there would be more to say later.

In that afternoon, Sawyer set in motion a problem that would grow by the day, one that may earn him a reputation for compassion but is more likely to brand him with the mark of indecision.

``Eugene had a very deep concern for Steve Cokely,`` said Charles Sawyer, the mayor`s brother. ``It affected him. He really loved Steve. It hurt him a lot to do what he had to do.``

By Tuesday, rumors swirled around City Hall that a resignation was imminent. In truth, Sawyer was simply waiting for Cokely to change his mind, expecting that his young aide would read the growing political pressure on the mayor and offer his resignation. The political divisions in the city were growing quickly: Virtually no black leader in the city would call for Cokely`s resignation. Many whites were outraged that the drama was dragging on without a conclusion.

Sawyer realized on Wednesday that Cokely was not going to offer a resignation, and he decided to fire him. But Sawyer wanted another meeting with Cokely first, one that became an unusual encounter at the McCormick Center Hotel.

In a 19th-floor suite, the mayor, Charles Sawyer, and Cokely met in one room for an hour while the mayor`s top political advisers, including campaign financiers Al Johnson and Robert Hallock, waited in the living room for word that the controversy was about to end.

It was a last-ditch attempt to get a resignation out of Cokely, and it failed. Sawyer went so far as to meet, at Cokely`s behest, with other black nationalist leaders in the hotel suite in what became a sometimes-angry session that turned into a lecture to Sawyer on the financial needs of their community organizations. Sawyer weathered the whole session, but Cokely wouldn`t resign.

``He was in search of martyrdom, and he was going to get it,`` said one Sawyer aide who was at the hotel suite.

At a Thursday morning meeting of a Sawyer advisory council, several blacks assured Sawyer that Cokely`s dismissal would not trigger major protests. And the mayor told the group that he would fire Coakley that afternoon. Word quickly went through the building that it was about to end.

Almost simultaneously, Ald. Timothy Evans (4th), Ald. Dorothy Tillman

(3d) and Ald. Danny Davis (29th) made their first demands for Cokely`s dismissal. It was a safe political stand by then, because they knew that Sawyer wouldn`t score points over them in black circles by sticking beside Cokely.

Robert Lucas, head of the Kenwood-Oakland Development Corp., a key figure in the Chicago civil rights crusade of Dr. Martin Luther King, was one of the few black leaders who called for Cokely`s dismissal before it was a fait accompli. And he was vehemently upbraided by Cokely`s supporters outside the mayor`s office.

From the ADL Report on Bigorty: