Christopher Hitchens of MI6

"Just because somebody gets away with everything, doesn't mean that they're not a rapist, a liar, a war criminal and a crook."

- Hitchens

"I think Hitchens somehow considers Clinton to be a kind of honorary woman; and so, on that basis, he qualifies for the same treatment..."

Christopher Hitchens "Hitch Hike" Documentary

WHO IS LYNDON LAROUCHE?

11 APRIL 1986, Page 15

Christopher Hitchens on the fascist sect which is infiltrating the Democratic Party

Washington 

AMONG the minor hazards of air travel in the continental United States is the airport lounge kook. Usually seated behind a makeshift desk piled with unreadable tracts, but sometimes selling flowers for an unspecified 'charity', the kook has become as predictable a feature of aerial commuting as the party of nuns and the Arthur Hailey pulp. Many airports, such as La Guardia in New York, cover their concourses with disclaimer notices, which tell You that the kooks are only exercising their rights under the First Amendment to the Constitution, and have no connection with the authorities. You are thus subtly insulted not once but twice on your way to the plane.

Among the minor hazards that an Englishman in the United States does not usually suffer is Anglophobia. Admittedly, there are saloons where, late on St Patrick's Day, it is best not to call for service by crying: 'Oh I say, look here, I believe I Was first.' There was a celebrated Chicago mayor who told a tame press that he Wanted to give the Prince of Wales 'a poke In the snot', but that was years ago. Joe McCarthy called Dean Acheson 'a striped- Pains, stuffed-shirt pseudo Brit', but only once. Colonel McCormick, the ultra-conservative publisher, was for 'America First' and Hitler second, but changed his !line after Pearl Harbour. I could go on, but there's no need. Any English visitor knows how friendly and courteous Americans are, and how solicitous of our numer- ous woes and disabilities. Imagine, then, my shock a few years ago at O'Hare Airport in Chicago. Waiting for a connection, I was accosted by an airport kook and decided to read his handout rather than buy an Arthur Hailey. It was by no means the standard paranoid tripe. Prodigies of ingenuity had gone into it. The globe was menaced by the Russians (natch), the bankers (yawn) and all the rest of it. But then I read that 'The fight against illegal drugs is nothing less than a war to save our youth from the destruction the British monarchy has prepared for us.' It turned out that Her Majesty the Queen, the entire House of Windsor and many other layers of the British establishment were in a grand league of narcotics dealing, whose object was the evisceration of civilisation (whether 'as we know it' or other- wise was not clearly stated).

What odds would you lay against the nominees of such a group being elected to serve as candidates for secretary of state and lieutenant governor, on the Democra- tic Party official slate, in the great state of Illinois? Late last month, that is exactly what happened. The candidate for gov- ernor, Adlai Stevenson III, bears one of the most illustrious Democratic names and traditions. But with the kooks on his ticket, he may now have to run as an independent. And this, mark you, in Illinois, where the joke about weighing the Democratic votes rather than counting them is thought to have started.

The two interlopers, Janice Hart and Mark Fairchild, are members of a venomous cult group deceptively named the National Democratic Policy Committee. I know from experience that to be rung up by this outfit, with its plausible name, is confusing. The confusion stops when the questions about 'the British monarchical drug mafia' begin. And electoral success did not soil the purity of Hart and Fair- child. They instantly demanded mandatory testing of all adults for Aids (with quaran- tine for the victims) and announced that they would put tanks on the street to deal with 'traitors' like the Rockefeller family. You could gauge the shock to the old order by seeing Mike Royko, lifetime scourge of the old Mayor Daley machine, as he publicly lamented that it wouldn't have happened in the old boy's time.

The National Democratic Policy Committee is the creature of a deeply weird man named, for the moment, Lyndon Larouche. In his previous embodiment as an extreme Leninist sectarian, he called himself Lyn Marcus in the hope of subliminal identification with Marx and Lenin. Nobody knows quite what turned him into a xenophobe of the extreme Right, but in 1972 his constant companion left him for an Englishman and some ex-members speculate that this made him moody as well as anti-British. He now keeps company with the tempestuous Frau Helga Zepp, whom he met on a recruiting foray in West Germany, and one of his many front organisations is impertinently named 'The Schiller Institute'.

Larouche has all the symptoms — obsession with disease, delusions about assassination, conviction that Zionist organisations today 'resurrect the tradition of the Jews who demanded the crucifixion of Christ'. In the 1984 election he ran for President and raised $6.1 million from God knows where, which entitled him to $494,000 in federal matching funds. As you would expect, he lives on a large secluded estate in Leesburg, Virginia, and pays many bodyguards. In the course of his campaign for the 1984 nomination, he presumably attracted as many people by calling Walter Mondale an agent of the KGB as he repelled by calling Henry Kissinger a planner of genocide. There can't have been many votes in his contention that 'Israel is ruled from London as a zombie nation'.

The whole fiasco in Illinois, where turn- out was extremely low and where there is a tendency to vote for names like Hart and Fairchild rather than, say, names like Pucinsky and Sangmeister (the defeated authentic Democrats) has provoked a mix- ture of alarm and schadenfreude. Some say the Democratic machine had it coming, which it did. Others, sometimes the same as some, worry about the galloping decay of party allegiance and even of voting. With only a few months until the mid-term congressional elections, the Democratic Party has been revealed as moribund and farcical in its own heartland. Adlai Stevenson looked like a man who had swallowed a whole plate of bad oysters. Whoever said that primaries were vox populi?

Democratic committees all over the country have suddenly woken up to the fact that Larouche supporters are on their ballots. With the horrid energy of the committed sectarian, these people have created something like a party within a non-party.

Their success in down-state Illinois is in part explained by the farm debt crisis, which creates an audience for those who rail against faceless bankers. In other states and cities, and depending upon the local grievance, the pitch is different. Only those who take the trouble to read the literature can see what is coming — a very pure and special version of the fascist persecution complex. (In Washington, the Larouche acolytes wear pin-stripe suits and proselytise for Star Wars, which also counts as exploiting local unrest.) Just the other day, I was walking past the Dirksen building in the Senate area and saw Larouche's enthusiasts mount a rally. On this occasion, it was an outstandingly loony topic involving Senator Helms, freemasonry and the Panama Canal. The Illinois primary was then a few days away, so maybe I'm imagining things when I recall an unusual glee and fervour on the clever-stupid faces of the faithful. But maybe not. Like the sleep of reason, the sleep of politics brings forth — only kooks, I hope.

The Family That Preys Together : by Jack Colhoun, Covert Action Quarterly, Summer 1992

The Family That Preys Together 
by Jack Colhoun, Covert Action Quarterly, Summer 1992
"This is an incredible deal, unbelievable for this small company," energy analyst Charles Strain told Forbes magazine, describing the oil production sharing agreement the Harken Energy Corporation signed in January 1990 with Bahrain.
Under the terms of the deal, Harken was given the exclusive right to explore for gas and oil off the shores of the Gulf island nation. If gas or oil were found in waters near two of the world's largest gas and oil fields, Harken would have exclusive marketing and transportation rights for the energy resources. Truly an "incredible deal" for a company that had never drilled an offshore well.
Strain failed to point out, however, the one fact that puts the Harken deal in focus: George Bush, Jr.[George W.], the eldest son of George and Barbara Bush of 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue, Washington, DC, is a member of Harken's board of directors, a consultant, and a stockholder in the Texas-based company. In light of this connection, the deal makes more sense. The involvement of Junior-George Walker Bush's childhood nickname-with Harken is a walking conflict of interest. His relationship to President Bush, rather than any business acumen, made him a valuable asset for Harken, the Republican Party benefactors, Middle East oil sheikhs and covert operators who played a part in Harken's Bahrain deal.
In fact, Junior's track record as an oilman is pretty dismal. He began his career in Midland, Texas, in the mid-1970s when he founded Arbusto Energy, Inc. When oil prices dropped in the early 1980s, Arbusto fell upon hard times. Junior was only rescued from business failure when his company was purchased by Spectrum 7 Energy Corporation, a small oil firm owned by William DeWitt and Mercer Reynolds. As part of the September 1984 deal, Bush became Spectrum 7's president and was given a 13.6 percent share in the company's stock. Oil prices stayed low and within two years, Spectrum 7 was in trouble.
In the six months before Spectrum 7 was acquired by Harken in 1986, it had lost $400,000. In the buyout deal, George "Jr." and his partners were given more than $2 million worth of Harken stock for the 180-well operation. Made a director and hired as a "consultant" to Harken, Junior received another $600,000 of Harken stock, and has been paid between $42,000 and $120,000 a year since 1986.
Junior's value to Harken soon became apparent when the company needed an infusion of cash in the spring of 1987. Junior and other Harken officials met with Jackson Stephens, head of Stephens, Inc., a large investment bank in Little Rock, Arkansas (Stephens made a $100,000 contribution to the Reagan-Bush campaign in 1980 and gave another $100,000 to the Bush dinner committee in 1990.)
In 1987, Stephens made arrangements with Union Bank of Switzerland (UBS) to provide $25 million to Harken in return for a stock interest in Harken. As part of the Stephens-brokered deal, Sheikh Abdullah Bakhsh, a Saudi real estate tycoon and financier, joined Harken's board as a major investor. *5 Stephens, UBS, and Bakhsh each have ties to the scandal-ridden Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI).
It was Stephens who suggested in the late 1970s that BCCI purchase what became First American Bankshares in Washington, D.C. BCCI later acquired First American's predecessor, Financial General Bankshares. At the time of the Harken investment, UBS was a joint-venture partner with BCCI in a bank in Geneva, Switzerland. Bakhsh has been an investment partner in Saudi Arabia with Gaith Pharoan, identified by the U.S. Federal Reserve Board as a "front man" for BCCI's secret acquisitions of U.S. banks.
Stephens, Inc. played a role in the Harken deal with Bahrain as well. Former Stephens bankers David and Mike Edwards contacted Michael Ameen, the former chief of Mobil Oil's Middle East operations, when Bahrain broke off 1989 talks with Amoco for a gas and oil exploration contract. The Edwardses recommended Harken for the job and urged Ameen to get in touch with Bahrain, which he did.
"In the midst of Harken's talks with Bahrain, Ameen- simultaneously working as a State Department consultant-briefed the incoming U.S. ambassador in Bahrain, Charles Hostler," the Wall Street Journal noted, adding that Hostler, a San Diego real estate investor, was a $100,000 contributor to the Republican Party. Hostler claimed he never discussed Harken with the Bahrainis.
Harken lacked sufficient financing to explore off the coast of Bahrain so it brought in Bass Enterprises Production Company of Fort Worth, Texas, as a partner. The Bass family contributed more than $200,000 to the Republican Party in the late 1980s and early 1990s. *9 On June 22, 1990, George Jr. sold two-thirds of his Harken stock for $848,560-a cool 200 percent profit. The move was well timed. One week after Junior sold his stock, Harken announced a $23.2 million loss in quarterly earnings and Harken stock dropped sharply, losing 60 percent of its value over the next six months. On August 2, 1990, Iraqi troops moved into Kuwait and 541,000 U.S. forces were deployed to the Gulf.
"There is substantial evidence to suggest that Bush knew Harken was in dire straits in the weeks before he sold the $848,560 of Harken stock," asserted U.S. News & World Report. The magazine noted Harken appointed Junior to a "fairness committee" to study possible economic restructuring of the company. Junior worked closely with financial advisers from Smith Barney, Harris Upham & Company, who concluded "only drastic action could save Harken."
George "Jr."[George W.] also violated Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) regulations which require "insider" stock deals to be reported promptly, in Bush's case by July 10, 1990. He didn't file the stock sale with the SEC until the first week of March 1991.
Meanwhile, a cloak-and-dagger aura surrounds Junior's business dealings. James Bath, a Texas entrepreneur who invested $50,000 in Arbusto Energy, may be a business cutout for the CIA. Bath also acted as an investment "adviser" to Saudi Arabian oil sheikhs, linked to the outlaw BCCI, which also has ties to the CIA.
Bill White, a former Bath partner, claims that Bath has "national security" connections. White, a United States Naval Academy graduate and former fighter pilot, charges that Bath developed a network of off-shore companies to camouflage the movement of money and aircraft between Texas and the Middle East, especially Saudi Arabia.
Alan Quasha, a Harken director and former chair of the company, is the son of attorney William Quasha, who defended figures in the Nugan Hand Bank scandal in Australia. Closed in 1980, Nugan Hand was not only tied to drug-money laundering and U.S. intelligence and mi- litary circles, but also to the CIA's covert backing for a "constitutional coup" in Australia that caused the fall of Prime Minister Gough Whitlam.
The Harken deal with Bahrain raises another troubling question: Did the Bahrainis and the BCCI-linked Saudi oil sheikhs use the production sharing agreement with Harken to curry favor with the Bush administration and influence U.S. policy in the Middle East? Talat Othman's sudden rise to prominence in Bush administration foreign policy circles is a case in point. Othman, who sits on the Harken board as Sheikh Bakhsh's representative, didn't have access to President Bush before Harken's Bahrain agreement. "But since August 1990, the Palestinian-born Chicago investor has attended three White House meetings with President Bush to discuss Middle East policy," the Wall Street Journal pointed out. "His name was added by the White House to a select list of 15 Arab-Americans chosen to meet with President Bush, [then White House Chief of Staff John] Sununu and National Security Adviser Brent Scowcroft in the White House two days after Iraq's August 1990 invasion of Kuwait."
PRESCOTT'S BIG ASIAN ADVENTURE
Prescott Bush, Jr., the president's older brother, also has a knack for nailing down "incredible deal[s]." Prescott took advantage of his brother's first presidential visit abroad in February 1989 to schedule a business trip to the same countries-China, Japan and South Korea.
Prescott arrived in Tokyo February 14, 1989, ten days before President Bush's stop in Japan, to drum up business for Prescott Bush Resources Ltd., a real estate and development consulting company. Prescott said he was dealing with four Japanese companies wanting to do business in the U.S.
From Japan, Prescott went to China, where he had a joint partnership with Akoi Corporation to develop an $18 million golf course and resort near Shanghai. Prescott had introduced the Tokyo-based Akoi to Chinese officials in 1988. With a 30 percent stake in the project, Prescott used his China connections to pave the way for capital-rich Akoi. Akoi had run into business obstacles in China because of lingering Chinese resentment over Japan's brutal occupation of China in the 1930s and 1940s.
Some of Prescott's most controversial business deals have been with Asset Management International Financing & Settlement Ltd., a Wall Street investment firm which has been in bankruptcy proceedings since fall 1991. Prescott was hired by Asset Management, which paid him a $250,000 fee for consulting in its joint venture with China to set up its internal communications network. Asset Management enlisted Prescott's services soon after President Bush imposed economic sanctions in June 1989 in response to Beijing's brutal crackdown on anti-government demonstrators in Tienanmen Square.
Under the sanctions, United States export licenses were suspended for $300 million worth of Hughes Aircraft satellites, a key component of Asset Management's joint venture with the Chinese government. The satellites would beam television programming to broadcasters in China and provide telecommunications links for the country's far-flung provinces. In November 1989, Congress passed additional sanctions specifically barring the export of U.S. satellites to China unless the president found the sale "in the national interest."
On December 19, 1989, President Bush lifted the sanctions that blocked the satellite deal, citing "the national interest." Two months earlier, the Bush administration had granted Hughes Aircraft "preliminary licenses" to exchange data with Chinese officials to ensure that the satellites met the technical specifications of the Long March rockets which would launch them into space.
Meanwhile, Prescott was hard at work in the summer of 1989 as middleman in the takeover of Asset Management by West Tsusho, a Tokyo-based investment firm linked to one of Japan's biggest mob syndicates. Prescott, as head of Prescott Bush & Co., received a $250,000 "finder's fee" from West Tsusho when the deal was closed and was promised an annual retainer of $250,000 over the next three years as a "consultant." Asset Management, however, went bankrupt in March 1991. In May 1992, West Tsusho filed a $2.5 million lawsuit against Prescott claiming that he reneged on his promise to protect the mob-linked firm's $5 million investment in Asset Management.
According to Japanese police, West Tsusho is controlled by the Inagawakai branch of the Yakuza, the Japanese equivalent of the Mafia crime syndicate. By the mid-1980s, the Yakuza were buying up real estate and investments in Japan and overseas to launder their ill-gotten profits from drug sales, prostitution, gambling and extortion. Yakuza's annual income is estimated at $10 billion.
Like George Jr.[George W.], Prescott combined business with secret operations. He offered his services to the covert operations of the Reagan-Bush campaign in 1980, and later to the Reagan administration. A September 3, 1980, letter from Prescott to James Baker indicates Prescott was part of the Reagan-Bush campaign's secret surveillance of the Carter administration's efforts to obtain release of U.S. hostages held in Iran. Prior to inauguration, the Reagan-Bush campaign recruited retired military and intelligence officers to monitor activities of the CIA, the Defense Department, the National Security Council, the State Department, and the White House. This operation later became known as the "October Surprise."
"Herb Cohen-the guy that offered help on the Iranian hostage situation-called me yesterday afternoon," Prescott wrote in a letter designated "PRIVATE AND CONFIDENTIAL." "Herb has a couple of reliable sources on the National Security Council, about whom the [Carter] administration does not know, who can keep him posted on developments."
Prescott continued, "He cannot come out now and say that Carter is going to do something on Iran in October because he said everything is a contingency plan that is loose and fluid from day to day.... Herb says, however, that if he and others in the administration who really care about the country and cannot stand to see Carter playing politics with the hostages, see Carter making a move to politicize the release of the hostages, he and they will come out at that time and expose him."
Prescott's covert associations continued while his younger brother was vice president. He appears to have aided the Reagan administration's clandestine support of the Nicaraguan Contras. In the 1980s, he served on the advisory board of Americares, the U.S.-based relief organization with ties to prominent right-wing Republicans and the intelligence community. Bush's other son, Marvin, also helped the family's pet charity and accompanied a flight of medical supplies to Nicaragua three days after Chamorro's inauguration. An undisclosed amount of the $680,000 in Americares aid to Honduras was delivered to Nicaraguan Miskito Indian guerrillas. Based in Honduras, they were aligned with the CIA-funded Contras, according to Roberto Ale- jos, a Guatemalan sugar and coffee grower who coordinated the Americares project in Honduras. In 1960, Alejos had permitted the CIA to use his plantations to train right-wing Cubans in preparation for the Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba.
In 1985 and 1986, after Congress cut off U.S. aid to the Contras, Americares donated more than $100,000 worth of newsprint to the pro-Contra newspaper La Prensa in Managua. Americares supplied $291,383 in food and medicine and $5,750 in cash to Mario Calero, New Orleans-based quartermaster and arms purchaser for the Contras, and brother of Contra leader Adolfo Calero. In this same period, groups associated with Lt. Col. Oliver North's off-the-shelf Contra arms network provided covert support for La Prensa.

Jeb: Liaison to Anti-Castro Right
George Herbert Walker Bush's second eldest son, John Ellis or Jeb, was also linked to clandestine schemes in support of the Contras. Soon after congressional prohibition in late 1984, Jeb helped put a right-wing Guatemalan politician, Dr. Mario Castejon, in touch with Oliver North. Jeb acted as the Reagan administration's unofficial link with the Contras and Nicaraguan exiles in Miami.
Jeb was contacted in February 1985 by a friend of Castejon, who gave him a letter from Castejon to be passed on to then Vice President Bush. In his letter Castejon, a pediatrician and later an unsuccessful National Conservative Party presidential candidate, requested a meeting with George Bush to discuss a proposed medical aid project for the Contras. Jeb forwarded the letter to his father. In a March 3, 1985, letter, Vice President Bush expressed interest in Castejon's proposal to create an international medical brigade.
"I might suggest, if you are willing, that you consider meeting with Lt. Colonel Oliver North of the President's National Security Council Staff at a time that would be convenient for you," Bush wrote. "My staff has been in contact with Lt. Col. North concerning your projects and I know that he would be most happy to see you. You may feel free to make arrangements to see Lt. Colonel North, if you wish, by corresponding directly with him at the White House or by contacting Philip Hughes of my staff."
Castejon later met with North in the White House, where he also saw President Ronald Reagan. When Castejon returned to Washington for a second visit, he was introduced to members of North's secret Contra support network, including retired Maj. Gen. John Sing- laub and Contra leader Adolfo Calero. Castejon also met with a group of doctors working with Rob Owen, North's liaison with the Contras.
"He [Castejon] was offering us a pipeline into Guatemala," said Henry Whaley, a former arms dealer who said he was asked by his intelligence community connections to help Castejon. Whaley was optimistic about opening a new shipping route to the Contras through Guatemala. "If you can move Band-Aids," he reportedly said, "you can move bullets."
With Castejon, Whaley prepared a proposal to the State Department for the purchase of medical supplies for the Contras from the Department's newly established Nicaraguan Humanitarian Assistance Office. The document included requests for mobile field hospitals and light aircraft to evacuate wounded Contra guerrillas. Congress approved $27 million in "humanitarian" aid to the Contras in 1985. The Castejon proposal was hand-delivered to TGS International Limited in the Virginia suburbs of Washington. Whaley said he sent the report to TGS so it would be "quietly" forwarded to the CIA. TGS International is owned by Ted Shackley, who was CIA Associate Deputy Director of Operations when Bush Sr. headed the Agency in 1976-77.
Jeb had another Contra connection in his involvement with Miguel Recarey, Jr., a right-wing Cuban who headed the International Medical Centers (IMC) in Miami. In 1985 and 1986, Recarey and his associates gave more than $25,000 in contributions to political action committees controlled by then Vice President Bush. In 1986, Recarey hired Jeb, a real estate developer, to find a new headquarters for IMC. Jeb was paid a $75,000 fee, even though he never located a new building.
In September 1984, two months after IMC's $2,000 contribution to the Dade County Republican Party, which was headed by Jeb, the vice president's son contacted several top HHS (Department of Health and Human Services) officials on behalf of IMC. "Contrary to rumors, [Recarey] was a good community citizen and a good supporter of the Republican Party," one official of the HHC remembered Jeb telling him in late 1984. Jeb successfully sought an HHS waiver of a rule so that IMC could receive more than 50 percent of its income from Medicare.
Leon Weinstein, an HHS Medicare fraud inspector, worked on an audit of IMC in 1986; he has charged that IMC used Medicare funds to treat wounded Contras at its hospital. *31 The transaction was arranged by IMC official José Basulto, a right-wing Cuban trained by the CIA, who arranged for Contras to receive treatment in Miami. Basulto was praised for his commitment by Felix Rodriguez: "He has been active for a decade in supporting the Nicaraguan freedom fighters ever since the Sandinistas took power, and is constantly organizing Contra support among Miami's Cuban community. He has even been to Contra camps in Central America, helping to dispense humanitarian aid."
At the same time as Recarey was providing medical assistance to the Contras, he was embezzling Medicare funds. IMC, one of the largest health maintenance organizations in the United States, received $30 million a month for its Medicare patients, clearing $1 billion in federal monies from 1981 to 1987. While he headed IMC, Recarey's personal wealth jumped from $1 million to $100 million, U.S. investigators believe.
"IMC is the classic case of embezzlement of government funds," according to Robert Teich, the head of the Drug Enforcement Administration's Office on Labor Racketeering in Miami. Reich described IMC's skimming Medicare funds as a "bust-out" where money was "drained out the back door." A Florida state investigator concluded in a 1982 report that some federal funds IMC received "are being put in banks outside the country."
Recarey's links to the Mafia also raised eyebrows in Washington. "As far back as the 1960s, he had ties with reputed racketeers who had operated out of pre-Castro Cuba and who later forged an anti-Castro alliance with the CIA," the Wall Street Journal reported. The Journal added that the late Santos Trafficante, Jr., the Mafia boss of Florida, "helped out when Recarey needed business financing." Trafficante, a major drug trafficker, joined a failed CIA effort to assassinate Cuban President Fidel Castro in the early 1960s.
Recarey's access to Republican circles was probably one reason he was able to rip-off U.S. tax dollars for so long. He hired former Reagan aide Lyn Nofziger, the public relations firm Black, Manafort, Stone and Kelly, which was close to the Reagan White House, and attorney John Sears, a former Reagan campaign manager, to look out for his interests in Washington. Recarey fled the United States in 1987 to avoid a federal indictment for racketeering and defrauding the U.S. government. The Bush administration has made no effort to extradite him from Venezuela where he is currently living.
JEB LINKED TO SMUGGLERS AND THIEVES
Jeb Bush has also been linked to Leonel Martinez, a Miami-based right-wing Cuban-American drug trafficker. Martinez, who was linked to Contra dissident Eden Pastora, was involved in efforts to smuggle more than 3,000 pounds of cocaine into Miami in 1985-86. He was arrested in 1989 and later convicted for bringing 300 kilos of cocaine into the U.S. He also reportedly arranged for the delivery of two helicopters, arms, ammunition, and clothing to Pasto- ra's Costa Rica-based Contras.
Federal prosecutors in Miami have a photograph of Jeb and Martinez shaking hands but won't release the photo to the public. Whether Jeb was aware of Martinez's drug trafficking activities is not known, but it is known that Leonel and his wife Margarita made a $2,200 contribution to the Dade County Republican Party four months after Jeb became the chair of the local GOP.
It is also known that Martinez wrote $5,000 checks to then Vice President Bush's Fund for America's Future in both December 1985 and July 1986 and made a $2,000 contribution to the Bush for President campaign in October 1987.
Martinez's construction company gave $6,000 in October 1986 to Bob Martinez (no relation), the GOP candidate for governor in Florida; he was governor from 1987 to 1991. At that time, Vice President Bush was serving as head of the South Florida Drug Task Force and later as chair of the National Narcotics Interdiction System, both set up to stem the flow of drugs into the U.S. While Bush was drug czar, the volume of cocaine smuggled into the U.S. tripled.
President Bush later appointed Bob Martinez in 1991 head of the U.S. Office of National Drug Control Policy- the drug czar to succeed the controversial William Bennett.

JEB GETS IN ON THE BCCI ACTION
In 1988, Jeb was mentioned in a deposition taken by a Senate Foreign Relations subcommittee, chaired by Sen. John Kerry (D-Mass.), which was investigating drug money laundering operations in the U.S.

"I saw Jeb Bush two or three times over there with [Abdur] Sakhia," stated Aziz Rehman, a junior BCCI-Miami official in the 1980s. "This was all part of the bank's trying to cultivate public officials and prominent individuals." Rehman said BCCI's practice was to "bribe" government officials in the United States.

"Jeb Bush, V.P. George Bush's son," Sakhia noted in a 1986 BCCI document, was a "name…to be remembered."

Most of Rehman's testimony focused on his role in BCCI-Miami's money laundering operation. Rehman said it was his job, in the mid-1980s, to chauffeur and entertain BCCI-Miami's big clients when they came to the city from the Caribbean and Latin America. Rehman described how he deposited large amounts of cash for these clients, ranging from $100,000 to $2 million, in other Miami banks at which BCCI-Miami had accounts. To disguise the money trail, BCCI transferred the cash electronically from Miami to BCCI banks in Panama and the Grand Cayman Islands.
Jeb's name also shows up in a September 1987 BCCI document written by Amjad Awan, then a senior BCCI-Miami official. The memorandum planned a BCCI breakfast meeting with a senior level delegation from the People's Republic of China and high Florida state government officials, including Secretary of Commerce Jeb Bush. Among the Chinese delegation was Ge Zhong Xue, Deputy Division Chief of the Ministry of Public Security, a top police official.
Meanwhile, Jeb and his business partner Armando Codina profited handsomely when the Bush administration bailed out Broward Federal Savings and Loan in Sunrise, Florida, which went belly up in 1988. The Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC) absorbed $285 million in bad loans, including a $4.6 million loan by the Bush-Codina partnership. According to the deal struck by federal regulators, the Bush-Codina partnership wrote a check for $505,000 to the FDIC, and the government paid off the remaining $4.1 million of the loan for an office building on which Jeb and Codina defaulted. As a result of the bailout, the Bush-Codina partnership retained possession of its office building at 1390 Brickell Avenue in Miami's posh financial district.
Currently, Jeb is involved in a number of joint ventures with Codina, a Miami real estate developer who is also a leader of the right-wing Cuban American National Foundation (CANF). The Brickell Avenue office building is owned by IntrAmerica Investments. Jeb was listed in business documents in 1985 and in 1986 as the president of IntrAmerica Investments, and the building is managed by one of Jeb's real estate companies. Codina owns 80 percent of the building, while Jeb owns the remaining 20 percent.
Jeb has acted as the Reagan and Bush administration's liaison with the politically influential Cuban exile community in South Florida. Jorge Mas Canosa, president of CANF, succinctly described Jeb's role as the ultra-right Cuban-American community's liaison with the White House: "He is one of us."
Jeb Asks Dad To Free Terrorist
As a link to that powerful and wealthy South Florida community, Jeb has been a tireless supporter of some of the most reactionary Cuban-American political causes -from promoting CANF projects like Radio and TV Marti & acute;, to lobbying for the release of anti-Castro terrorist Orlando Bosch from a Miami jail. TV propaganda broadcasts into Cuba, considered by legal experts a violation of the International Telecommunications Convention, are fully subsidized by U.S. taxpayers.
Anti-Castro terrorist Orlando Bosch was paroled in 1990 after Jeb lobbied the Bush administration for his release from prison in Miami. Bosch had been jailed in 1988 for jumping bail on a 1968 conviction for shooting a bazooka at a Polish freighter in the Miami harbor. He is better known as the mastermind of the explosion of a Cuban commercial airliner over Barbados on October 5, 1976, in which 73 passengers were killed. A U.S. District Court judge revealed in 1988 that secret U.S. documents concluded Bosch was a leader of the Coordination of United Revolutionary Organizations (CORU), which was responsible for more than 50 anti-Castro bombings in Cuba and elsewhere in the Western Hemisphere.
The Cuban government filed an order for his extradi- ction in May 1992.
"Tell Him...The Vice President's Son" Called
"There was no conflict of interest," third Bush son Neil told reporters after the Office of Thrift Supervision (OTS) in Washington issued a notice of intent in January 1990 to hold a hearing on the failure of Silverado Banking Savings and Loan. Neil had been a member of Silverado's board of directors from 1985 to 1988. *45 Federal regulators shut down Silverado shortly after George Bush was elected president in 1988. The federal bailout cost U.S. taxpayers $1 billion.
Neil was responding to charges made in an OTS report that he had "breached his fiduciary duty" to Silverado by engaging in unethical business deals while a board member of the Denver savings and loan. The report documented that Neil personally profited from questionable Silverado loans to his business partners, Ken Good and Bill Walters. Good and Walters later defaulted on $132 million in loans to Silverado, leaving the taxpayers to pick up the tab.
The OTS report alleged that Neil failed to disclose his business connections to Good and Walters when he voted to approve a $900,000 line of credit to Good International, Inc. Neil got Silverado to write a letter of recommendation to authorities in Argentina, where Good International, in partnership with Neil's JNB Exploration Company, was exploring for gas and oil. Good also gave the President's third son a $100,000 loan to invest in the commodities market, which Bush was never required to repay.
Neil failed to inform Silverado that Walters had contributed $150,000 to the initial capitalization of JNB Exploration, or that Walters' Cherry Creek National Bank in Denver extended a $1.5 million line of credit to JNB Exploration. Neil put up a paltry $100 in start-up funds in 1983 when he founded JNB Exploration, but over the next five years was paid $550,000 in salary drawn from the Cherry Creek National Bank line of credit.
Neil brought few business skills to his job at JNB Exploration but he was adept at cashing in on his family name. "Tell him Neil Bush called," Neil once told the secretary of a wealthy Denver oil entrepreneur. "You know, the vice president's son."
"Neil knew people because of his name," acknowledged Evans Nash, one of Neil's partners at JNB Exploration. "He's the one that got us going. He's the one that made it happen for us."
When Neil left JNB Exploration in 1989, the company had yet to discover a profitable gas or oil well.
Neil: The Sensitive One
Neil's business partners also included shady characters with ties to the world of covert operations. In 1985, Good received an $86 million loan from the Dallas Western Savings Association, which was tied to Robert Corson, a Texas developer and reputed CIA operative, and Herman Beebe, Sr., a convicted Mafia associate of Louisiana mob boss Carlos Marcello.
Neil profited from the Western Savings loan to Good, because the loan helped Good buy Gulfstream Land and Development, a Florida real estate company. Good made Neil a board member of one of Gulfstream's subsidiaries in 1988. Bush was paid $100,000 a year to attend occasional Gulfstream board meetings before it went out of business in 1990.
Investigative reporter Pete Brewton identified Corson as a CIA operative in a long Houston Post series on CIA links to organized crime and failed savings and loans. "One former CIA operative told the Post that Corson frequently acted as `a mule' for the agency, meaning he would carry large sums of money from country to country," Brewton wrote.
Corson's Vision Banc Savings in Kingsville, Texas, loaned about $20 million to Mike Atkinson, a Corson associate, for a Florida land deal put together by Lawrence Freeman. Freeman, who laundered money for Santos Trafficante, Jr., was also tied to veteran CIA operative Paul Helliwell. In the Bahamas, Helliwell set up Castle Bank and Trust Ltd., which was the CIA's primary financial front in Latin America and the Caribbean during the 1960s and 1970s. Castle laundered funds for the Agency's covert operations against Cuba.
Walters had ties to Richard Rossmiller, a Beebe associate. In the mid-1970s, Walters was a part-owner with Rossmiller, of Peoples State Bank in Marshall, Texas, at the same time as Rossmiller was doing business with Beebe.
Wayne Reeder, another Beebe associate, a big borrower from Silverado, defaulted on a $14 million loan. Reeder was involved in an unsuccessful arms deal with the Contras. Reeder accompanied his partner, John Nichols, in 1981 to a weapons demonstration attended by Contra leaders Eden Pastora and Raul Arana, both of whom were interested in buying military equipment from Nichols.
"Among the equipment were night vision goggles ... and light machine guns," according to the book, Inside Job: The Looting of America's Savings and Loans. "Nichols ... had a plan in the early 1980s to build a munitions plant on the Cabezon Indian Reservation near Palm Springs, California, in partnership with Wackenhut, the Florida security firm. [But] the plan fell through."
There was another Silverado-Contra connection, however, that didn't fall through. E. Trine Starnes, Jr., the third largest Silverado borrower, was a major donor to the National Endowment for the Preservation of Liberty (NEPL), directed by Carl "Spitz" Channell, which was a part of Oliver North's Contra funding and arms support network. A NEPL document, "Top 25 Contributors as of October 3, 1986," showed Starnes contributed $30,000 to NEPL's Central America Freedom Program. Starnes closed a deal with Silverado on September 30, 1986, for three business loans totaling $77.5 million, on which Starnes later defaulted.
The Central America Freedom Program was a propaganda effort in conjunction with the Reagan administration's campaign in 1986 to win congressional support for resuming arms aid to the Contras. When the administration wooed potential NEPL donors, Starnes was invited to a January 30, 1986, White House briefing, which included Reagan, National Security Adviser John Poindexter, White House Chief of Staff Donald Regan and Assistant Secretary of State Elliott Abrams. Congress resumed U.S. arms aid to the Contras in mid-1986.
In a final ironic Silverado-Contra connection, NEPL banked at the Palmer National Bank in Washington, a bank with ties to Vice President Bush and Herman Beebe. Palmer National was also linked to North's Contra arms network.
Palmer National was established in 1983 by Stefan Halper and Harvey McClean, Jr., two former aides in Bush's unsuccessful presidential campaign in 1980. Halper, who had links to the intelligence community, became deputy director of the State Department's Bureau of Politico-Military Affairs in the Reagan administration. McClean was a Beebe associate. Beebe supplied the majority of the capitalization for the start-up of Palmer National.
"Palmer National lent money to individuals and organizations that were involved in covert aid to the Nicaraguan Contra rebels," Brewton wrote in the Houston Post. "Money was channeled through Palmer National to a Swiss bank account used by . . . North to provide military assistance to the Contras."
Bushed Out
George Herbert Walker Bush is the first former CIA director to serve as president. The implications for U.S. politics of Bush's move from CIA headquarters to the White House are profound and chilling, but seldom the subject of mainstream political discussion. The corruption of the Bush family, however, is a good introduction.
The Bushes' shadowy business partners come straight out of the world in which the CIA thrives-the netherworld of secret wars and covert operators, drug runners, mafiosi and crooked entrepreneurs out to make a fast buck. What Bush family members lack in business acumen, they make up for by cashing in on their blood ties to the former Director of Central Intelligence who became president. In return for throwing business their way, the Bushes give their partners political access, legitimacy, and perhaps protection. The big loser in the deal is the democratic process.

The Flood

By his strength he went distances to find faraway Utnapishtim 

/A He restored the flood- spoiled holy places to their former glory 

/A Establishing for the people the holy rituals of the mystic order 

/A Not one among the kings of the world could compare to him 

/A Who can rightfully avow himself as high king but Gilgamesh! 

/A For he was marked at birth to acquire for himself great fame 

/A He being one- third a mortal while the rest of him was divine 

/A Belet- ili, [§] it was who determined what form his body would take 

/A His facial features were rendered flawless by wise Nudimmud [**] 

/A His countenance was confident, his looks firm and inflexible 

/A Given the radiance of Shamash, and the strong will of Adad,

Neo-Assyrian clay tablet. 

Epic of Gilgamesh, Tablet 11: Story of the Flood. 

Known as the "Flood Tablet".

TABLET IX 

Gilgamesh was overcome and mourned over his friend Enkidu, 

/A And so he wore only a lion- skin, and wandered the wilderness, 

/A “Is death my fate too, for is my life not the same as Enkidu’s? 

/A Beset by an overwhelming anguish that has penetrated my core, 

/A So fearful am I of impending death that I wander the wilderness 

/A I must travel as fast as I can, to Utnapishtim, son of Ubara- Tutu 

/A At night in the mountain passes, lions that came frightened me 

/A So I lifted up my eyes and made a prayer to Sin, heaven’s lantern 

/A ‘ Oh great lord Sin, as you look upon me now , preserve me now!’

/A Enkidu , who had gone to sleep, was startled out of his dream [********] 

/A When he leapt up he was greatly possessed of a fervent instinct 

/A And he grasped the axe beside him, and unsheathed his sword 

/A As fast as a dart he quickly leapt among them and took them on 

/A There he gave blows with his weapons , and smashed their skulls 

/A The following day he went out, standing before Shamash at noon 

/A And he gave the bodies of the lions to him as a thank offering 

/A He carved out their hearts, offering them to the spirits by name [††††††††] 

/A [37] Then he spoke to Shamash, giving him thanks for his aid, saying, 

/- ‘O Shamash, every day you are the one who rules over the world 

/- When you arise, your fire extinguishes the other fires of heaven 

/- And the entirety of humanity calls out in praise to you, Shamash, 

/-coming, /- Man prays aloft to you, his voice is nothing more than a whisper 

/- He calls upon you when his kin are nowhere near, his dwelling far 

/- O mighty Shamash, through the strength you gave me did we live 

/- Now are these dedicated to you for bringing us into your service 

/- May your light never be shed from our heads, and preserve us.’” 

/- And Gilgamesh turned his face to his shield, the warrior Shamash 

/- Shamash watched and considered, speaking to himself, saying, 

/(A) “You have made your way through a great many hard countries 

/(A) And have traversed your way over and across every body of water 

/(A) And you hunt the bear, hyena, lion, leopards, tigers, and deer 

/(A) Mountain goats, buffalo, and other wild animals of the country 

/(A) And you consume their meat, and clothe yourself in their hides 

/B But you attempt to seize the ripples spread across the Euphrates 

/B They are not real, Gilgamesh, only wind running over the waters.” 

/B And Shamash was troubled, and lowered to speak to Gilgamesh, 

/B “Gilgamesh, what is your destination as you search aimlessly 

/B No matter how far you roam, you’ll not find your eternal youth.” 

/B Gilgamesh raised his voice, speaking to the warrior Shamash, 

/B “As long as I am roaming across the countryside, I am yet alive! 

/B There is plenty of sleep for those who reside in the Underworld 

/B Would I rather spend my years on earth getting even more sleep? 

/B Rather I would let my eyes gaze upon the sun, and be given light, 

/B There is nothing to be had in darkness, but how precious light is! 

/B Once the man is dead will he look upon the sun’s beams again?” 

/B Shamash listened to everything Gilgamesh had spoken, and said, 

/- “By what you’ve said you prevail upon me to act as your guide, 

/- And I will set you upon your way, despite that it remains fruitless, 

/- Make your way east to mountains which are called the Mashu.” 

/A So Gilgamesh continued onward until he arrived at one Mashu [‡‡‡‡‡‡‡‡] 

/A Which is the guardian of Shamash when he rises each morning, 

/A Their high peaks reach up to the very underpinnings of the sky 

/A In the other direction their bases extend down to deep Arallu [§§§§§§§§] 

/A And there guarding the gate were the legions of scorpion- men 

/A Their very form strikes one with terror, having the look of death 

/A It is their Mantles of Brilliance which enshrouded the mountains 

/A It is they who are guardians of the sun both at sunrise and sunset 

/A Gilgamesh gazed at them, his face overcome by a fear and dread 

/A But he made his first move, approaching them in the usual way 

/A The scorpion- man then called out, alerting his wife of his coming, 

/A “There is a man here to see us who is made of the flesh of gods.” 

/A The scorpion- man’s wife called back, and answered him, saying, 
/A Would I rather spend my years on earth getting even more sleep? /B Rather I would let my eyes gaze upon the sun, and be given light, /B There is nothing to be had in darkness, but how precious light is! /B Once the man is dead will he look upon the sun’s beams again?” /B Shamash listened to everything Gilgamesh had spoken, and said, /- “By what you’ve said you prevail upon me to act as your guide, /- And I will set you upon your way, despite that it remains fruitless, /- Make your way east to mountains which are called the Mashu.” 

/A So Gilgamesh continued onward until he arrived at one Mashu [‡‡‡‡‡‡‡‡] 
/A Which is the guardian of Shamash when he rises each morning, 
/A Their high peaks reach up to the very underpinnings of the sky 
/A In the other direction their bases extend down to deep Arallu [§§§§§§§§] 
/A And there guarding the gate were the legions of scorpion- men 
/A Their very form strikes one with terror, having the look of death 
/A It is their Mantles of Brilliance which enshrouded the mountains 
/A It is they who are guardians of the sun both at sunrise and sunset 
/A Gilgamesh gazed at them, his face overcome by a fear and dread /A But he made his first move, approaching them in the usual way /A The scorpion- man then called out, alerting his wife of his coming, /A “There is a man here to see us who is made of the flesh of gods.” /A The scorpion- man’s wife called back, and answered him, saying,

Scorpion men encountered by Gilgamesh, who guard the mountain of Mashu, west of the Gilgamesh. Drawing by Faucher-Gudin from an Assyrian intaglio.

circa 1900

History of Egypt, Chaldea, Syria, Babylonia and Assyria, Vol. III

Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from an Assyrian intaglio

/A “Only two- thirds he is a god, the other third of him is yet mortal.” /A Then the male scorpion- man called to the god- man Gilgamesh, 
/A “ Does this not look like a man who long ago set out on his quest, 
/A Who comes into my presence, who makes this difficult passage? 
/A First of all , tell me your name and the place of your family tomb 
/A Second of all , tell me what people you are from, what city you flee.” 
/A [38] Gilgamesh raising his voice to be heard, said to the scorpion- man, 
/(A) “Look at me again, and gaze upon this sore- stricken face of mine 
/(A) Know then that I have become a companion of the wilderness 
/(A) You must have heard of me, I am the King of Uruk, Gilgamesh, 
/(A) And I am on a journey to seek out Utnapishtim, the faraway, 
/(A) He whom the people spoke of, so I sought through every land 
/(A) I made my way into and through a great many hard countries 
/(A) And have traversed my way over and across every body of water 
/(A) Never was I able to get enough sleep, I was so sorely beset inside 
/(A) And from this deficiency of sleep did I become even more restless 
/(A) But I have now to ask myself what good it does me to suffer so? 
/(A) I have hunted the bear, hyena, lion, leopards, tigers, and deer 
/(A) Mountain goats, buffalo, and other wild animals of the country 
/(A) And I consumed their meat, and clothed myself in their hides 
/(A) It is from my own bad fortunes that I have been driven to despair.” /(A) Gilgamesh raising his voice to be heard, said to the scorpion- man, 
/(A) “Concerning Utnapishtim, the faraway, my father spoke of him 
/A Who stood within the gods’ assembly and sought for eternal life 
/A Death and life were made just the same for him, by the high gods. ” 
/A The scorpion- man raising his voice to be heard, said to Gilgamesh, 
/A “ Do not trouble yourself with it , Gilgamesh, the way is impossible 
/A Not one man has successfully crossed the mountainous expanse 
/A After just twelve leagues of traversing this tract you will be lost 
/A The dark is far too pervasive, there is no light with which to see 
/A You must know the dawn is a formidable distance, the way hard 
/A You must know the dusk is a formidable distance, the way uneven, 
/A Yet to the dusk is a distance once measured by kings of your kind 
/A Who sent forth a survey team to record the distance, here to there 
/A But as for you, how is it that you would be able to survive the way? 
/A Are you going there by yourself, and making this journey alone? 
/A For while the expedition went forth and covered the entire space, 
/- [39] They were incapable of making it back again, and never returned /-

The Holocaust (Beta test version)

"While there are in Russia and Rumania six millions of Jews who are being systematically degraded..."

Entry on 'Antisemitism' 

Encyclopedia Britannica 10th Edition (1902)

In the Hebrew text of the Torah prophesies, one can read "you shall return". In the text the letter "V" or "VAU" is absent, as Hebrew does not have any numbers; the letter V stands for the number 6. 

Ben Weintraub, a religious scientist, learned from rabbis that the meaning of the missing letter means the number is '6 million'. 

The prophesy then reads: "You will return, but with 6 million less."

Ben Weintraub,

"The Holocaust Dogma of Judaism", 

Cosmo Publishing, Washington 1995, page 3.

"Six million human beings are being whirled toward the grave by a cruel and relentless fate, only the most idealistic promptings of human nature should sway the heart and move the hand."

Crucifixion of the Jews Must Stop!

By Martin H. Glynn

Published: 1919-10-31

Report a problem

(Former Governor of the State of N.Y.)

The American Hebrew, October 31, 1919: page 582F

From across the sea six million men and women call to us for help, and eight hundred thousand little children cry for bread.

These children, these men and women are our fellow-members of the human family, with the same claim on life as we, the same susceptibility to the winter's cold, the same propensity to death before the fangs of hunger. Within them reside the illimitable possibilities for the advancement of the human race as naturally would reside in six million human beings. We may not be their keepers but we ought to be their helpers.

In the face of death, in the throes of starvation there is no place for mental distinctions of creed, no place for physical differentiations of race. In this catastrophe, when six million human beings are being whirled toward the grave by a cruel and relentless fate, only the most idealistic promptings of human nature should sway the heart and move the hand.

Six million men and women are dying from lack of the necessaries of life; eight hundred thousand children cry for bread. And this fate is upon them through no fault of their own, through no transgression of the laws of God or man; but through the awful tyranny of war and a bigoted lust for Jewish blood.

In this threatened holocaust of human life, forgotten are the niceties of philosophical distinction, forgotten are the differences of historical interpretation; and the determination to help the helpless, to shelter the homeless, to clothe the naked and to feed the hungry becomes a religion at whose altar men of every race can worship and women of every creed can kneel. In this calamity the temporalities of man's fashionings fall away before the eternal verities of life, and we awaken to the fact that from the hands of one God we all come and before the tribunal of one God we all must stand on the day of final reckoning. And when that reckoning comes mere profession of lips will not weigh a pennyweight; but deeds, mere intangible deeds, deeds that dry the tear of sorrow and allay the pain of anguish, deeds that with the spirit of the Good Samaritan pour oil and wine in wounds and find sustenance and shelter for the suffering and the stricken, will outweigh all the stars in the heavens, all the waters in the seas, all the rocks and metals in all the celestian globes that revolve in the firmament around us.

Race is a matter of accident; creed, partly a matter of inheritance, partly a matter of environment, partly one's method of ratiocination; but our physical wants and corporeal needs are implanted in all of us by the hand of God, and the man or woman who can, and will not, hear the cry of the starving; who can, and will not, take heed of the wail of the dying; who can, and will not, stretch forth a helping hand to those who sink beneath the waves of adversity is an assassin of nature's finest instincts, a traitor to the cause of the human family and an abjurer of the natural law written upon the tablets of every human heart by the finger of God himself.

And so in the spirit that turned the poor widow's votive offering of copper into silver, and the silver into gold when placed upon God's altar, the people of this country are called upon to sanctify their money by giving $35,000,000 in the name of the humanity of Moses to six million famished men and women.

Six million men and women are dying — eight hundred thousand little children are crying for bread.

And why?

Because of a war to lay Autocracy in the dust and give Democracy the sceptre of the Just.

And in that war for democracy 200,000 Jewish lads from the United States fought beneath the Stars and Stripes. In the 77th Division alone there were 14,000 of them, and in Argonne Forest this division captured 54 German guns.This shows that at Argonne the Jewish boys from the United States fought for democracy as Joshua fought against the Amalekites on the plains of Abraham. In an address on the so-called "Lost Battalion," led by Colonel Whittlesey of Pittsfield, Major-General Alexander shows the fighting stuff these Jewish boys were made of. In some way or another Whittlesey's command was surrounded. They were short of rations. They tried to get word back to the rear telling of their plight. They tried and they tried, but their men never got through. Paralysis and stupefaction and despair were in the air. And when the hour was darkest and all seemed lost, a soldier lad stepped forward, and said to Col. Whittlesey: "I will try to get through." He tried, he was wounded, he had to creep and crawl, but he got through.To-day he wears the Distinguished Service Cross and his name is Abraham Krotoshansky.

Because of this war for Democracy six million Jewsh men and women are starving across the seas; eight hundred thousand Jewish babies are crying for bread.

(Continued from page 582)

In the name of Abraham Krotoshinsky who saved the "Lost Battalion," in the name of the one hundred and ninety-nine thousand and nine hundred and ninety-nine other Jewish boys who fought for Democracy beneath the Stars and Stripes won't you give copper, or silver, or gold, to keep life in the heart of these men and these women; to keep blood in the bodies of these babies?

The Jew Has Helped Everybody But The Jew.

In the world war the Jew has helped everybody but the Jew. "Over there" he helped in camp, in council and in conflict. "Over here" he helped the Red Cross, the Y.M.C.A., the Knights of Columbus, the Masons, the Salvation Army and everybody else. So now is the time for everybody to help the Jew, and God knows now is the time he needs it.

From out of the gloom of this war every other race, save one or two, has snatched a ray of sunshine. But amid the encircling gloom there is no light for the Jew "to lead thou me on." The war is over for everyone, but the Jew. The knife is still at his throat and an unreasoning and unreasonable century-old lust for Jewish blood opens his veins. The Jew in Roumania, Poland and Ukrainia is being made the scapegoat of the war. Since the armistice has been signed thousands of Jews in Ukrainia have been offered up as living sacrifices to diabolical greed and fanatical passion — their throats cut, their bodies rended limb from limb by assassin bands and rabid soldiery. In the city of Proskunoff one day a few weeks ago the dawn saw the door of every house wherein lived a Jew marked as a shambles for slaughter. For four days, from sunrise to sunset, fanatics plied the dagger like demons from hell, stopping only to eat with hands adrip with the blood of Jewishvictims. They killed the men; they were less merciful to women. These they violated, and then they killed. From a purpose to a fury, from a fury to a habit ran this killing of the Jews, until within four days the streets of Proskunoff ran red with blood like gutters of a slaughter house, until its homes became a morgue for thousands of slaughtered human beings whose gaping wounds cried out for vengeance and whose eyes had turned to stone at the horrors they had seen. As Hon. Simon W. Rosendale, aptly paraphrasing Bobby Burns' thought, in his speech not long ago, said it is the age-old story of "man's inhumanity to man that makes countless thousands mourn." For as it has been at Proskunoff, so has it been in a hundred other places.The bloody tale hath repetition ad nauseum. It is the same tear-stained story — the same old stain upon the escutcheon of humanity. Verily, Byron was right when he wrote:

Tribes of the wandering feet and weary breast 

Whither shall ye flee to be at rest? 

The wild dove hath her nest, the fox his cave, 

Mankind their countries, Israel but the grave.

[Illegible] to a place in the sun, and the crucifixion of Jews must stop. We repeat the war is over for everybody, but the Jew. Like Isaac the knife is at his throat, but unlike Isaac no power seems able to stop the steel from thirsting for his blood. But some power the world must raise up to prevent this decimation of a deserving race. For the peace of the world a League of Nations let us have by all means; but for the Humanity of the World, to give justice to the Jew and other oppressed peoples on earth, let us have a Truce of God! — Albany Times Union.

Hollow Towers, Dead Souls

How the Dead Souls of Venice Corrupted Science

Webster G. Tarpley, Ph.D.

ICLC Conference, September, 1994

There is a cancer growing on world history – the cancer of oligarchism. Between 1200 A.D. and about 1600 A.D., the world center of gravity for the forces of oligarchism was the oligarchy of Venice. Toward the end of that time, the Venetian oligarchy decided for various reasons to transfer its families, fortunes, and characteristic outlook to a new base of operations, which turned out to be the British Isles. The old program of a worldwide new Roman Empire with its capital in Venice was replaced by the new program of a worldwide new Roman Empire with its capital in London – what eventually came to be known as the British Empire.

This was the metastasis of the cancer, the shift of the Venetian Party from the Adriatic to the banks of the Thames, and this has been the main project of the world oligarchy during the past five centuries. The Venetian Party, wherever it is, believes in epistemological warfare. The Venetian Party knows that ideas are more powerful weapons than guns, fleets, and bombs. In order to secure acceptance for their imperial ideas, the Venetian Party seeks to control the way people think. If you can control the way people think, say the Venetians, you can control the way they respond to events, no matter what those events may be. It is therefore vital to the Venetians to control philosophy and especially science, the area where human powers of hypothesis and creative reason become a force for improvements in the order of nature. The Venetian Party is implacably hostile to scientific discovery. Since the days of Aristotle, they have attempted to suffocate scientific discovery by using formalism and the fetishism of authoritative professional opinion. The Venetian Party has also created over the centuries a series of scientific frauds and hoaxes, which have been elevated to the status of incontrovertible and unchallengeable authorities. These have been used to usurp the rightful honor due to real scientists, whom the Venetians have done everything possible to destroy.

We can identify the Venetian faction which has been responsible for the most important of these scientific and epistemological frauds. They can be called the “dead souls” faction, or perhaps the “no-soul brothers” of Venetian intelligence. This is because their factional pedigree is based on the belief that human beings have no soul. Their factional creed is the idea that human beings have no creative mental powers, are incapable of forming hypotheses, and cannot make scientific discoveries.

Understanding The Silhouetted Images Of The Twin Towers. WTC 1 Below on the left is WTC 1 at sunrise. The view is not looking down the hallways, we look nearly along the long axis of the towers core. The vertical line of light in the lower segment is created by sunlight reflecting off the inner core walls then shining out the core hallway. This was the north tower hallway layout, more or less, upper floors were different. The hallway scheme below went up to the 43rd floor for maximum strength. Below, the North Tower had a core oriented east and west. This image is looking east at sunrise.. The camera perspective is not aligned with the hallway as can be seen by the orientation of the south towers roof indicating an oblique view. The light is reflected off the inner south shear wall at a hallway level where there is no doorway interrupting. Notice the very slight interruptions, dark streaks, whole dark floors. The nature of light under these conditions is to blend, blur and obscure solid areas between the light. We see no light on the left side because the doorways on the north face do not align with the doors on the east face as they are on a different floor so no direct light and no reflective surfaces are at the proper angle. Above that, or the top sky lobby floor, the top floors had a different scheme with halls on one floor crossing in both directions allowing direct light .WTC 2 Silhouetted The core of the south tower above (on right) is oriented north south with its long axis and had 2 halls crossing the short axis. We see no light through it because the doors on our face only reveal a shadowed inner concrete wall corner. See the 2 vertical, central lines in the image below. Below: Tower on right, the north tower. The interior box columns followed the slight taper of the concrete core to a point then had to continue vertically plumb to the roof as the interior wall of the outside tube of the steel framework. The purpose of this section and photo is to show the space between the interior box columns and the tapering core face at the upper floors. The north tower had hallways crossing perpendicularly every other floor (diagram below). This picture of the towers is looking due south through the towers. Above: The north tower (right) core was oriented east west, so we are looking at the wide side. We see, from right to left; a light space from the out side to a dark column which represents the floor space to the interior box column, then there is another narrow light space left of that. That is the space between the interior box column and the concrete core face. Going leftward we see the facing concrete shear wall, dark, then the hallway crossing the narrow axis, then the core face again, then the space between the east core face and interior box column, then floor space to the east side of the building. I believe the below image is WTC 2 from the north side. There was not enough of the surroundings in the original image to be certain of this The narrow blue lines indicate each side of the hallway openings and the thick lines the entire opening on the west wide side core face.

Thanksgiving 1972

Submitted by Howie

Quote: