NATO Psychological Warfare Operations: FEMEN - La Legion Dishabille

She's addressing a Russian in Germany - why are her slogans in English..?

He doesn't speak English...?

"It's just a sprinkling for the May Queen..."

More Lies Told About the NDAA.

And the UK during the Long War with the IRA. Who were terrorists.

The NDAA of 2012 *doesn't* allow indefinite detention, and neither does the US Constitution.

That's just a lie. It simply isn't true.

"In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the Assistance of Counsel for his defence."

SEC. 1021. AFFIRMATION OF AUTHORITY OF THE ARMED FORCES OF THE UNITED STATES TO DETAIN COVERED PERSONS PURSUANT TO THE AUTHORIZATION FOR USE OF MILITARY FORCE.

(a) In General- Congress affirms that the authority of the President to use all necessary and appropriate force pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (Public Law 107-40; 50 U.S.C. 1541 note) includes the authority for the Armed Forces of the United States to detain covered persons (as defined in subsection (b)) pending disposition under the law of war.
(b) Covered Persons- A covered person under this section is any person as follows:
(1) A person who planned, authorized, committed, or aided the terrorist attacks that occurred on September 11, 2001, or harbored those responsible for those attacks.
(2) A person who was a part of or substantially supported al-Qaeda, the Taliban, or associated forces that are engaged in hostilities against the United States or its coalition partners, including any person who has committed a belligerent act or has directly supported such hostilities in aid of such enemy forces.
(c) Disposition Under Law of War- The disposition of a person under the law of war as described in subsection (a) may include the following:
(1) Detention under the law of war without trial until the end of the hostilities authorized by the Authorization for Use of Military Force.
(2) Trial under chapter 47A of title 10, United States Code (as amended by the Military Commissions Act of 2009 (title XVIII of Public Law 111-84)).
(3) Transfer for trial by an alternative court or competent tribunal having lawful jurisdiction.
(4) Transfer to the custody or control of the person’s country of origin, any other foreign country, or any other foreign entity.
(d) Construction- Nothing in this section is intended to limit or expand the authority of the President or the scope of the Authorization for Use of Military Force.
(e) Authorities- Nothing in this section shall be construed to affect existing law or authorities relating to the detention of United States citizens, lawful resident aliens of the United States, or any other persons who are captured or arrested in the United States.
(f) Requirement for Briefings of Congress- The Secretary of Defense shall regularly brief Congress regarding the application of the authority described in this section, including the organizations, entities, and individuals considered to be ‘covered persons’ for purposes of subsection (b)(2).

SEC. 1022. MILITARY CUSTODY FOR FOREIGN AL-QAEDA TERRORISTS.

(a) Custody Pending Disposition Under Law of War-
(1) IN GENERAL- Except as provided in paragraph (4), the Armed Forces of the United States shall hold a person described in paragraph (2) who is captured in the course of hostilities authorized by the Authorization for Use of Military Force (Public Law 107-40) in military custody pending disposition under the law of war.
(2) COVERED PERSONS- The requirement in paragraph (1) shall apply to any person whose detention is authorized under section 1021 who is determined--
(A) to be a member of, or part of, al-Qaeda or an associated force that acts in coordination with or pursuant to the direction of al-Qaeda; and
(B) to have participated in the course of planning or carrying out an attack or attempted attack against the United States or its coalition partners.
(3) DISPOSITION UNDER LAW OF WAR- For purposes of this subsection, the disposition of a person under the law of war has the meaning given in section 1021(c), except that no transfer otherwise described in paragraph (4) of that section shall be made unless consistent with the requirements of section 1028.
(4) WAIVER FOR NATIONAL SECURITY- The President may waive the requirement of paragraph (1) if the President submits to Congress a certification in writing that such a waiver is in the national security interests of the United States.
(b) Applicability to United States Citizens and Lawful Resident Aliens-
(1) UNITED STATES CITIZENS- The requirement to detain a person in military custody under this section does not extend to citizens of the United States.
(2) LAWFUL RESIDENT ALIENS- The requirement to detain a person in military custody under this section does not extend to a lawful resident alien of the United States on the basis of conduct taking place within the United States, except to the extent permitted by the Constitution of the United States.
(c) Implementation Procedures-
(1) IN GENERAL- Not later than 60 days after the date of the enactment of this Act, the President shall issue, and submit to Congress, procedures for implementing this section.
(2) ELEMENTS- The procedures for implementing this section shall include, but not be limited to, procedures as follows:
(A) Procedures designating the persons authorized to make determinations under subsection (a)(2) and the process by which such determinations are to be made.
(B) Procedures providing that the requirement for military custody under subsection (a)(1) does not require the interruption of ongoing surveillance or intelligence gathering with regard to persons not already in the custody or control of the United States.
(C) Procedures providing that a determination under subsection (a)(2) is not required to be implemented until after the conclusion of an interrogation which is ongoing at the time the determination is made and does not require the interruption of any such ongoing interrogation.
(D) Procedures providing that the requirement for military custody under subsection (a)(1) does not apply when intelligence, law enforcement, or other Government officials of the United States are granted access to an individual who remains in the custody of a third country.
(E) Procedures providing that a certification of national security interests under subsection (a)(4) may be granted for the purpose of transferring a covered person from a third country if such a transfer is in the interest of the United States and could not otherwise be accomplished.
(d) Authorities- Nothing in this section shall be construed to affect the existing criminal enforcement and national security authorities of the Federal Bureau of Investigation or any other domestic law enforcement agency with regard to a covered person, regardless whether such covered person is held in military custody.
(e) Effective Date- This section shall take effect on the date that is 60 days after the date of the enactment of this Act, and shall apply with respect to persons described in subsection (a)(2) who are taken into the custody or brought under the control of the United States on or after that effective date.

"Moreover, America’s actions are legal.  We were attacked on 9/11.  Within a week, Congress overwhelmingly authorized the use of force.  Under domestic law, and international law, the United States is at war with al Qaeda, the Taliban, and their associated forces.  We are at war with an organization that right now would kill as many Americans as they could if we did not stop them first.  So this is a just war -- a war waged proportionally, in last resort, and in self-defense.

And yet, as our fight enters a new phase, America’s legitimate claim of self-defense cannot be the end of the discussion.  To say a military tactic is legal, or even effective, is not to say it is wise or moral in every instance.  For the same human progress that gives us the technology to strike half a world away also demands the discipline to constrain that power -- or risk abusing it.  And that’s why, over the last four years, my administration has worked vigorously to establish a framework that governs our use of force against terrorists –- insisting upon clear guidelines, oversight and accountability that is now codified in Presidential Policy Guidance that I signed yesterday.

Now, this is not to say that the risks are not real.  Any U.S. military action in foreign lands risks creating more enemies and impacts public opinion overseas.  Moreover, our laws constrain the power of the President even during wartime, and I have taken an oath to defend the Constitution of the United States.  The very precision of drone strikes and the necessary secrecy often involved in such actions can end up shielding our government from the public scrutiny that a troop deployment invites.  It can also lead a President and his team to view drone strikes as a cure-all for terrorism.

And for this reason, I’ve insisted on strong oversight of all lethal action.  After I took office, my administration began briefing all strikes outside of Iraq and Afghanistan to the appropriate committees of Congress.  Let me repeat that:  Not only did Congress authorize the use of force, it is briefed on every strike that America takes.  Every strike.  That includes the one instance when we targeted an American citizen -- Anwar Awlaki, the chief of external operations for AQAP.

This week, I authorized the declassification of this action, and the deaths of three other Americans in drone strikes, to facilitate transparency and debate on this issue and to dismiss some of the more outlandish claims that have been made.  For the record, I do not believe it would be constitutional for the government to target and kill any U.S. citizen -- with a drone, or with a shotgun -- without due process, nor should any President deploy armed drones over U.S. soil.

"Now, all these issues remind us that the choices we make about war can impact -- in sometimes unintended ways -- the openness and freedom on which our way of life depends.

And that is why I intend to engage Congress about the existing Authorization to Use Military Force, or AUMF, to determine how we can continue to fight terrorism without keeping America on a perpetual wartime footing."

Jimmy Byrnes - Skull & Bones Candidate for President, 1944

MI6 agent Roaldl Dahl became a close "friend" of Vice President Henry Wallace. Unknown to Wallace, Dahl was spying on him and sending his private papers to Sir William Stephenson at 30 Rockefeller Plaza:

Marsh had given him a draft of a pamphlet written by his close friend Henry Wallace. Entitled "Our Job in the Pacific," it summarized the vice president's postwar goals, among them international control of the airways, economic assistance for the industrial development of Asia, and the demilitarization of Japan. Wallace was also in favor of 'the emancipation of colonial subjects" in the British Empire, including India, Burma, and Malaya. Dahl could feel his "hair stand on end." Dahl immediately realized the document's importance, and knowing that his superiors would want to see it, he excused himself saying that he was going to finish reading it downstairs. He quickly phoned his BSC contact, explained the urgency of the situation, and convinced him to meet him on the corner as soon as possible. The agent knew something was up and materialized on the street in front of Marsh's house in a matter of minutes.

Dahl sneaked out of the house and handed the document through his car window, warning his partner in crime to be back in half an hour or there would be hell to pay. "He flashed off," recalled Dahl, "and I'm around downstairs, near the lavatory door, and if the chap upstairs had come down looking for me saying, `have you finished reading it?' then I'd of been in the lavatory you see, saying `I'm sorry I'm caught short."' As it turned out, the agent went straight to the BSC's Washington offices to make copies and made it back within the allotted time. Dahl nipped back out, collected the paper, and no one was the wiser. 

(Conant, The Irregulars: Roald Dahl and the British Spy Ring in Wartime Washington, pp. 121-122).

The British spy ring, led by Dahl, made sure that Wallace was not re-nominated for Vice President.
A ferocious fight broke out in Chicago between the supporters of Vice President Wallace and the supporters of Jimmy Byrnes. Everybody seemed to know that Roosevelt would not survive his 4th term so his Vice President would become President.

Jimmy Byrnes arrived at the convention on the morning of July 20, fully confident that he would be the next Vice President . . . and then the next President of the United States:

Across town Byrnes was enjoying a cheerful breakfast with Mayor Kelly and Hannegan. They gave him some further details of Roosevelt's reaction when FDR was told that the danger of losing the black vote with Byrnes had been exaggerated. "Well, you know Jimmy has been my choice from the very first," they quoted Roosevelt as having said to them. "Go ahead and name him." Hannegan did add that Roosevelt had requested that Byrnes' nomination first be discussed with the leadership of the CIO at the convention, but this request was in Hannegan's opinion simply a courtesy of prior notification. Later that same day, after Byrnes had left the breakfast, Mayor Kelly met with Alben Barkley, majority leader of the Senate, and the mayor told Barkley to pass the word that Roosevelt wanted Byrnes and that "it was in the bag for Jimmy." 

(Robertson, Sly and Able: A Political Biography of James F. Byrnes. p. 354).

Byrnes was to face a big disappointment however, as nothing could persuade the absent Roosevelt to name him as his heir apparent.
Jimmy Byrnes was one of the few people at the Convention who knew that a new deadly weapon called the atomic bomb was under development. This weapon could change the course of the war . . . and its sole possessor could rule the world unchallenged.

November Surprise 1974 - Henry Kissinger, The Nugan Hand Bank and the Dismissal of the Australian Government

November Surprise 1974 - Henry Kissinger, The Nugan Hand Bank and the Dismissal of the Australian Government from Spike EP on Vimeo.

"Jerry Aaron's interpretation of the Shackley Cable is shared by former CIA agent Ralph McGehee. Was Shackley in a position to be ordering ASIO about, I mean, you worked under Shackley in Vietnam. Is he a senior CIA officer?"

Ralph McGehee: Oh, yes, he was a top CIA officer. He was also one of Ed Wilson's closest friends. Ed Wilson, of course, was head of Task Force 157. Prior to that, Wilson had been in the CIA. And there are all sorts of evidence that Task Force 157 was also orchestrating the efforts to overthrow the Whitlam government.

Clyde Cameron: Well, ASIO has always been a compliant service for the American CIA. They have always done that. They have been quite sympathetic towards the CIA and let's not forget that the Australian intelligence organisations were the ones who were responsible for acting as a conduit for the CIA and Pinochet in 1973 when the CIA-backed Pinochet Junta moved in and overthrew the elected government of Chile.

I know that members of the Australian Secret Intelligence Service (ASIS) were active in Santiago at that time and were acting in cooperation with the CIA because the CIA weren't able to function in Chile under President Allende. They had to do their dirty work through somebody else and they chose the Australian intelligence organisations.

When I became Minister for Immigration I was appalled to discover that we had an immigration officer in Santiago who was in fact an ASIO spy. He wasn't a genuine immigration officer at all but was an ASIO spy who had been put on by my immigration establishment as a bona fide immigration officer and I sought to have him removed but the Prime Minister intervened and prevented the removal from taking place.

I remember that when the Prime Minister discovered that ASIS had been active in Santiago he ordered that the ASIS operative in that area be withdrawn that they just ignored it, refused to do anything about it, and it wasn't until Whitlam took firm action and threatened to put the knife through a lot of these people who were responsible for ignoring his direction that they were withdrawn. But by that time, of course, the coup had occurred, Allende had been assassinated and Pinochet had been installed.

Ian Wood: That was former Whitlam Cabinet Minister Clyde Cameron. Before that you also heard former CIA agents Victor Marchetti and Ralph McGehee, Jerry Aaron, the co-author of Rooted in Secrecy, and Kelly Johnson of the Christopher Boyce Alliance. Next week, Watching Brief looks at the CIA interference in Australian and New Zealand trade unions.

Harold Wilson and the IRA : CLOCKWORK ORANGE and The GLADIO Factor

Harold Wilson and the IRA : CLOCKWORK ORANGE and The GLADIO Factor from Spike EP on Vimeo.

"What was the state of the IRA at the beginning of 1974?"
"They were on their knees." - Former MI5 Officer

"Could the War have been won then?"
"Yes." - Former MI5 Officer

In Britain, there has always been a fierce rivalry between MI5 and MI6 - my researches indicate that historically, MI6 have long been aligned with the interests of NATO and the European Union, whilst MI5 still owes it's allegiance solely to the British Crown.

Therefore MI6 is perfectly capable of going around, pretending to be the IRA, blowing up British cabinet ministers and members of the Royal Family in order to prevent the outcome of a united Ireland outside of NATO.

By the way, what Iain Paisley is talking about in relation to Kincora is a Children's Home/Boy Brothel operated by MI5 in Northern Ireland during the 1970s for the purposes of political blackmail against senior British Politicians of both parties.

Former British Army Information Officer Colin Wallace, responsible for concocting "Black Propaganda" in the run up to the two General Elections of 1974 against British Politicians was fired when he leaked details of the dirty tricks project (code named CLOCKWORK ORANGE) to a Times Journalist - five years later, he was framed for murder and jailed, but later had the conviction quashed on appeal.

One of those credibly rumoured to have been ensnared by the Kincora honey trap was Edward Heath (bachelor), who was at the time, the Conservative Prime Minister and had just taken Britain into the EU. Which MI5 and the Crown did not like.

Colin Wallace (second from right) in the company of PM Ted Heath at Kincora childrens home.

David Icke further developed information that Heath was not just a paedophile, but a child murderer, who liked to strangle his victims, and wrote this in The Biggest Secret in 1999, after offering Heath the right of reply, which Heath declined to challenge; Icke was never sued, by Heath or anyone else named in the book.

Such as Sir Jimmy Saville, OBE, Knight Comander of the Papal Order of St. Gregory.

Of course, no-one paid any attention, because "Icke's a nutter."

Merlyn Rees was first Minister for Northern Ireland and then Home Secretary in the 1974-1979 Labour Government.

He was also MP for Leeds South.

Denis Healy was Minister of Defence from 1964-1970, and then Chancellor of the Exchequer in the 1974-1979 Labour Government.

He was also (with Hugh Gaitskill) a founding member of the Bilderberg Group, and MP for Leeds East.

The Yorkshire Ripper Series of murders occurred between 1975 and 1981, almost exclusively in and around the Home Secretary's home constituency of Leeds South. Which was incredibly embarrassing.

That picture of Savile was taken in the late 1970s with members of the West Yorkshire Metropolitan Police Force in Leeds.

In Dewsbury police station, Peter Sutcliffe was waiting for an opportunity to confess. Inspector John Boyle was talking to him.

Boyle continued... I believe you put the false number plates on to conceal the identity of the vehicle in the red-light district."

Sutcliffe "That is not true. To be honest with you, I've been so depressed that I put them on because I was thinking of committing a crime with the car." Boyle " Why did you leave your car and go to the side of that house?"

Sutcliffe " To urinate."

Boyle "I think you went for another purpose. Do you understand what I am saying? I think you are in serious trouble."

Sutcliffe " I think you have been leading up to it."

Boyle " Leading up to what?"

Sutcliffe " The Yorkshire Ripper"

Boyle "What about the Yorkshire Ripper?"

Sutcliffe " Well, it's me. I'm glad its all over"

Ripperology from Spike EP on Vimeo.

"'When you tell me, then I'll start taking it in. So have you done it or what?' An' he says, 'I haven't done 'em all. I'll tell you that now. But I've done six or seven of them, aye." So I says, 'Well, that's it then," an' we sat down."


What Carl knew was mainly what his brother had told him on his first visit to see him in Armley. "He said he hadn't done them all." He said to me, "They aren't really as bad as they say." "He hadn't really ripped them to bits", he said."

Peter Sutcliffe wrote to his brother Mick. "Don't take so much notice of any ignorant talk about me as the public in general know absolutely nothing about me or the type of person I am. It is all absolute rubbish that has been printed so far."


In another letter to Carl he says. "Don't feel too bad because soon you will know the whole truth of this matter."

In every case the reaction was one of stunned disbelief. Sonia's mother, Maria Szurma, told reporters: "We just can't believe it. Peter is so loving, so generous, so thoughtful. He would do anything for anyone if he could. Nothing was too much trouble for him."


"I just can't believe Peter is the man who killed 13 women. It is not possible. I will not believe it. Even if it comes from his own mouth I will never accept that he is the Yorkshire Ripper. He was worried about the Ripper and used to drive me about when I had to go out at night so I would be safe."

Col. Pierre Henri Brunel

French Spy at NATO HQ Spring of 1999

By Z. Petrovic Pirocanac

Interview with Former French Intelligence Officer Pierre-Henri Bunel

(Editing by CRG)

The Serbian public learned about Colonel Pierre-Henri Bunel (53), a French intelligence officer who worked in NATO HQs in Brussels, during the 1999 spying affair, when he spent ten months in prison because he had informed the Serbs about the military targets NATO intended to bomb. In 2001,  Bunel was retired, and did not serve his full prison term, but has not yet been rehabilitated. Nowadays he works as an independent expert in the spheres of security and terrorist organizations.

E: What has lately changed in the Islamic theatre in the Balkan territory?

“Islamic terrorism in the Balkan was encouraged by the wars in Bosnia and Herzegovina (B&H) and the criminal attack on Yugoslavia. Washington had an interest in the destabilization of the Balkans, and the Islamists constituted a precious support for the US. In fact, in a protracted war situation, the local culture gets weaker. To create a new Islamic country out of Kosovo, would be a horrible blow, first for the Serbs, and then for anti-Atlantic [oriented] Europeans.

E: Thus, your thesis is that the Americans are islamizing the Balkans?

“Yes. Until someone points to the deadly character of the American presence in Europe, until the Europeans see the danger that threatens them through the islamization of the Balkans, we will watch Islamism poison the region.”

E: In your book, “War Crimes in NATO”, you mentioned the Serb victims in Sarajevo and the forged history of the Bosnian war.

“Unfortunately, years have to pass before the world admits that the mujahedins and Black Swans of [wartime Bosnia and Herzegovina (B&H) President] Alija Izetbegovic committed at least as many crimes as [assassinated Serb paramilitary leader] Arkan’s Serbs committed. Doesn’t anyone want to admit now that the Serbs there, more defended themselves than they were the attackers?”

E: Does such an opinion prevail in the French Army, which has been present in Bosnia more than a decade?

“During my trial, a French General, who was quoted in the indictment, appeared as a witness and defended me before the military court. That man, who commanded a multinational division in Sarajevo, said: ‘During the year when I was a commander there, we never had any problems with the Serb authorities or the Serb Army. The Serbs respected the agreement signed. I cannot say the same thing for the other groups. The [Bosnian] Muslims were the worst.’”

E: Can we expect a change in the conduct of the Western countries in their explanation of the causes of war?

“Yes, but not before the politicians, who were accomplices in these crimes, leave. Some of the French newspapers have already made a move. Some of them, like Marianne, have published how they were manipulated by NATO spokesperson Jamie Shea during the strikes on Yugoslavia. Though, the newspapers prefer to remain silent on the fact that the information released over several years was mere propaganda.”

E: Do you believe that France will open secret files one day, such as the one saying that your army informed the French President that the explosion in Sarajevo’s Markale market had not been caused by Serbs, but by Moslem intelligence services in cooperation with Lebanese factions?

“The French and British intelligence services worked together on that case. We had evidence that the Serbs could not be accused of shelling the Markale market in late August 1995 due to the firing place range.”

E: A photo taken by your secret service has been mentioned?

“Yes, it shows people heading to the Muslim zone immediately after the firing. However, between the Markale explosion in February and that in August 1995, President Mitterand was replaced by Chirac, who agreed that the Serbs be accused, and accepted the NATO air strikes proposed by the Americans, while the French Generals on the ground tried to prevent them.”

E: Why did that happen? Which interests were hidden behind Chirac’s decision?

“To sacrifice some pawns in a game of chess in order to save others, is called a gambit. When we opt for that, it usually shows that we are not in a good position.”

E: Do you have information of the Islamists’ presence in Kosovo?

“The Americans had provoked events in Kosovo, which they subsequently were unable to control. They started to support terrorist gangs that attacked Serb police stations and a refugee centre accommodating refugees from Krajina as early as April 1996. These terrorists are now out of their control. Not all of them, but some are.”

E: Why can they not be controlled?

“Because the political goal of some of them is to create an Albanian state. As such, they represent a problem for the occupying forces in Kosovo, since Kosovo’s independence is out of question at the moment. On the other side, American propaganda does not want to risk a political battle with the anti-globalists, who pick on any pretext to fight against the US.”

E: It means that, if the Kosovo Albanian nationalists are denied independence, local Albanians will join the Chechens and Kurds in their anti-globalist views.

“Correct. That is why it is better to present them as elements of Al Qaeda. However, do not forget that Al Qaeda has nothing in common with the picture that American propaganda has created. By spreading false information, they have created a new threat, [namely the illusion of a group] which can easily be held responsible, because this threat actually does not exist. Thus, in Kosovo there is no Al Qaeda, rather there are mafia terrorist groups that have local political goals.”

E: The question is how they can be so financially powerful if Al Qaeda does not exist?

“They are supported by the hard-line wing of the Islamic Conference Organization. If there is some appearance of political and financial coordination, it exists there and at the Islamic Development Bank. But, since these groups are also partners of powerful US businessmen, they [ the US] cannot openly accuse them. That is why there is an interest in labeling it [these groups] Al Qaeda.”

E: How far has your 1999 spying affairs gone?

“I still have to wait. If you allow me to say, it should not be forgotten that I served as a security fuse for the protection of politicians, some of whom were still in power. That means that, according to the French judicial system, I am still indicted for treason. However, it does not bother me, since treason can sometimes be the only resource of an honest man. To stand up against NATO, especially at the order of my superiors, is not treason in my eyes. In this context, I was able to realize on many occasions that the French intelligence services do not consider me as a traitor.”

E: The Bondsteel base in Kosovo is located on the strategic Cvijic line which controls the entire region. Will the Americans stay there for ever? Will they always side with the ethnic Albanians, against the Serbs?

“The Bondsteel location was not chosen accidentally. This garrison of the occupying forces is located along the line of a strategic pass between the Black Sea and the Adriatic, as well as on the southeast-northwest line which is a bit like a diabolical diagonal. If the Americans want to stay in this strategic location, it is necessary to separate Serbia from Montenegro. They also have to put the Europeans to sleep. They are entirely devoted to this task, and we are all targets of the Americans.”

E: Let us say that your decision to provide the Serbs with important information before the 1999 war was not your own action. Let us say that it was your professional duty and that you were sacrificed at that time?

“It is true that I followed orders of the French authorities. Considering the conduct of my General, who kept saying that France would never allow the bombing of Yugoslavia, General Jovan Milanovic agreed to get in touch with him. However, it is known that it was me, and not the French General, who attended that meeting. French intelligence officers learned about my meeting with Colonel Milanovic. They understood that, if Milosevic heard about the French General’s claims, he would refuse to give in to NATO’s demands. Then, it was concluded that Yugoslavia had to be bombed. For that reason, in early September 1999, I was asked to make it clear to Milanovic, if he contacted me again, that France would actually let Belgrade be bombed.”

E: Therefore, France’s attitude was contrary to that of its General in NATO?

“Yes. France decided to follow the orders of the EU and NATO policy. The only way to avoid a blood bath was to clearly present Milosevic with France’s new position. To achieve this, the only solution was to provide the information to Milanovic.”

E: What type of information was it?

“That information could not disrupt the bombing plans, but it could help in assessing the extent of the [planned] damage [destruction] that the Americans intended to carry out in the event of air strikes. The information was true, but not dangerous. After my meeting with Milanovic on 1 October 1998, he reported to Belgrade.”

E: Do you know what happened with the information after that?

“Milosevic was dissatisfied with the reports he was receiving to the extent that Milanovic was removed and was given an office without a telephone when he returned to Belgrade. Taking into consideration my sympathies for the Serbs, I accepted this mission, since it seemed to me that the bombing could be avoided.”

E: Did you meet Milanovic again after that?

“With great pleasure we met in Belgrade during my visit in 2003. I respect him and have friendly feelings for him. Milanovic himself told the French daily Le Figaro in December 2001, immediately after my trial, that I had just performed the job of an intelligence officer, like himself. He added that he would not have had confidence in me if he had considered me as a traitor of France.

9/11: Jumpers Inc.

Balcony Scene (Or Unseen) Atop the World; Episode at Trade Center Assumes Mythic Qualities

By SHAILA K. DEWAN
Published: August 18, 2001

The affair of the balcony ended, if indeed it ever began, with the appearance in July of a slender book of curious title, obtainable in very few places, one of them being an art gallery in a frosted storefront on Broadway near Franklin Street.

Called ''The B-Thing'' and produced by four Vienna-based artists known collectively as Gelatin, the book is demure to the point of being oblique. What little explanation it contains appears to have been scribbled in ballpoint. Among the photos and schematic drawings, there are doodles of tarantulas with human heads.

In short, the book belies the extravagance of the feat it seems to document: the covert installation, and brief use, of a balcony on the 91st floor of the World Trade Center, 1,100 feet above the earth. Eight photographs -- some grainy, all taken from a great distance -- depict one tower's vast eastern facade, marred by a tiny molelike growth: a lone figure dressed in a white jacket, standing in a lectern-size box.

The contemporary art world, of course, is rife with acts of subversion followed by boasting, which is known as ''documentation.'' In that context, the beauty of the balcony was that it so literally pushed the envelope. Yet since that Sunday morning in March 2000, when the balcony was allegedly installed and, 19 minutes later, dismantled, the affair has taken on the outlines of an urban myth, mutated by rumors and denials among the downtown cognoscenti.

Although the book appears to seek notoriety, the artists have gone coy. Their dealer, who witnesses say watched the event from a hotel suite, now claims it never happened. Either the balcony was an elaborate hoax meant to look real, or the inverse is true: it really happened, and the closer it comes to being found out, the more those involved would prefer for everyone to think it was a hoax.

In the spring of 2000, Gelatin and 14 other artists shared free studio space on the 91st floor, where the group's artmaking appeared to consist of building a clubhouse out of cardboard boxes.

But Ali Janka, a member of Gelatin reached by phone in Vienna, said that the blindered view afforded by the narrow windows had inspired them to find a way to step outside. ''After you have a certain idea, you can't go back,'' he said, ''because everything else seems very weak compared to it.''

Mr. Janka was happy to talk about the project, at least at first. After weeks of planning, he said, one night Gelatin -- he, Florian Reither, Tobias Urban and Wolfgang Gantner -- waited in the studio until dawn. At the appointed moment, the four, wearing harnesses, unscrewed the aluminum moldings that hold the window in place and used two large suction cups to remove the glass (air pressure adds about 300 pounds to the effort). As warm air streamed past, they outfitted the window with a cantilevered box, big enough for only one person at a time.

''The amazing thing that happens when you take out a window,'' Mr. Janka said, ''is that the whole city comes into the building.''

Other artists in the studio have heard rumors of the balcony, but most are dubious. 'I can tell you that it never happened,'' said Geoffrey Detrani, whose space was next to Gelatin's. ''To remove a window would be a pretty serious structural breach.''

But Gelatin, fearing expulsion from the country, had gone to great lengths to conceal their plot. The clubhouse afforded privacy and storage. By prior agreement, the group confiscated all film and video of the project taken by invited witnesses.

Still, how did a balcony escape the notice of one of the most security-conscious office towers in the world? An examination of the security system revealed that it was focused on the ground floor and basement, Mr. Janka said, adding, ''There's no surveillance on the facade itself.''

That is true, said Cherrie Nanninga, the director of real estate for the Port Authority of New York and New Jersey, which until recently ran the World Trade Center. Port Authority officials, shown a copy of ''The B-Thing'' by a reporter, reacted with disbelief, then outrage. Although their own investigation turned up no evidence, Ms. Nanninga said, ''we have no reason to believe it didn't happen.''

Window removal is considered so dangerous that when it is done the streets below are cordoned off, she said. ''It was really a stupid and irrational act that in my view borders on the criminal,'' she said, adding that the stunt had jeopardized the studio program, whose space is donated by the Trade Center.

Removing the window may have been dangerous, but according to Walter Friedman, the owner of Dependable Glass, which performs that service for the World Trade Center, it is not that difficult. All it takes is four guys, some readily available equipment -- and nerve, Mr. Friedman said.

Nerve is not something Gelatin lacks. They specialize in projects that require participants to sign a waiver.

In a piece called ''The Human Elevator,'' strong men on scaffolding hoisted people to the roof of a three-story building in Los Angeles. And patrons in Munich were greased with baby oil and invited to slide naked down an esophaguslike chute formed by the bellies of a crew of overweight Germans.

Although Gelatin, which is representing Vienna in the Venice Biennale, has not shrunk from physical risk, they seem to think that merely discussing the balcony with a reporter was dangerous, perhaps because they are currently seeking permission to live on a vacant lot on Canal Street, as part of a forthcoming exhibition.

''If you write about the balcony, maybe you can just not write about it too much,'' Mr. Janka called back to say after the initial interview, the first of several calls protesting the appearance of an article, despite the fact that the artists had published the book.

To others involved in the project, it seemed reasonable that the appearance of ''The B-Thing'' meant secrecy was no longer necessary. Josh Harris, the Internet entrepreneur once known for holding extravagant art parties, explained that Leo Koenig, the 24-year-old art dealer who represents Gelatin, got him involved.

The night before the B-Thing, Mr. Harris said, he rented a top-floor suite at the Millennium Hilton, across the street from the Gelatin studio, and invited people to what guests described as a night of decadence. Near dawn, he and several others took cameras and boarded a helicopter, communicating with Gelatin via cell phone.

''We had to fly twice around the building before we could see them,'' said Mr. Harris, who is thanked in the book.

Afterward, Gelatin appeared at the hotel, where their success was toasted at a euphoric breakfast, according to five other witnesses, including Tanya Corrin, a video producer and writer, and David Leslie, a performance artist. ''We just applauded the gutsy originality of it,'' Ms. Corrin said. ''I think we all left feeling, wow, we just did something amazing, and nobody knows.''

Mr. Koenig now says the balcony never happened and, at any rate, he didn't see it. The book, which costs $35 and was printed in a run of 1,200 copies, is meant to provoke questions about its veracity, he said.

At the suggestion that the project might have been faked, Mr. Harris seemed almost offended. He produced March 2000 credit card bills bearing charges of $2,167.44 from the Millennium Hilton and $1,625 from Helicopter Flight Service.

At about the same time that Mr. Harris was digging up proof, Gelatin was removing almost every trace of it from their Web site.

Moukhtar Kocache, the director of the studio program, insisted that the photos of the balcony were obviously faked. But digital manipulation experts disagreed. George Dash, the co-owner of Nucleus Imaging on East 30th Street, and a colleague, John Grasso, used magnifying loupes to examine a copy of ''The B-Thing.'' Neither could detect inconsistencies. ''The angles are all too perfect,'' Mr. Grasso said. ''It looks real to me. Absolutely. I've been doing this for 22 years.''

The balcony may be an art prank in the lineage of Yves Klein, who in 1960 disseminated a picture of himself leaping blithely out a window, an image revealed years later to be the product of deftly spliced negatives. But in its audacity, it seems more akin to tricksters who tested the limits of the World Trade Center in the 1970's, including Philippe Petit, who walked a high wire strung between the towers.

''This building needs things like that to happen, because otherwise it would die inside,'' said Mr. Janka, who was under the impression that Mr. Petit had been deported for his action.

Although the Port Authority has not yet decided what, if any, action it will take against Gelatin, Mr. Janka might be relieved to learn that Mr. Petit, who still lives in New York, was simply required to give the city a free performance. He obliged by walking a tightrope to the top of the Belvedere Castle.

Photos: Members of Gelatin in 1998, when their exhibition at the P.S. 1 Contemporary Art Center included a 25-foot walk-up tower of discarded furniture parts. (P.S. 1); Photographs from ''The B-Thing,'' a book produced by Gelatin, show someone on a temporary balcony on the World Trade Center, top; a drawing of the cantilevered balcony, above; and a view from inside the 91st-floor studio from which the balcony was hung, left. Unless the whole episode is a hoax, which some of those involved would prefer that people believe. So they say.