The Teicher Affidavit

Wobbly Lines in the Sand

By Joseph E. Persico;

Published: May 9, 1993

TWIN PILLARS TO DESERT STORM America's Flawed Vision in the Middle East From Nixon to Bush. By Howard Teicher and Gayle Radley Teicher. Illustrated. 418 pp. New York: William Morrow & Company. $23.

HOWARD TEICHER, mad as hell and apparently not going to take it anymore, is caustic about United States Middle East policies. He is scornful of major figures he worked under, principally Ronald Reagan and Caspar W. Weinberger, and angry over his shabby treatment at the hands of a Government he served for 10 years. Mr. Teicher, a member of the National Security Council staff until 1987, registers his discontent in "Twin Pillars to Desert Storm," essentially an insider's notebook revealing how Middle East policy has been shaped, or misshaped, in the past 25 years.

Mr. Teicher's rise was meteoric, from graduate student intern who was taken on the State Department payroll as a clerk-typist in the Carter years to key participant in Middle East policy making in the Reagan White House by age 26.

The title of the book, written with his wife, Gayle Radley Teicher, an attorney in Washington and author of a study on covert actions, derives from this premise: Beginning with the Nixon-Kissinger era, American Middle East policy had two objectives, to keep the oil flowing and to block expanded Soviet influence in the region. The means to these ends was "twin pillars," a strategy of militarily supporting, initially, Saudi Arabia and Iran, which would then presumably do America's bidding. Twin pillars has proved a monumental flop, Mr. Teicher says, and "Operation Desert Storm was the inevitable result of America's flawed vision in the Middle East."

The book makes a convincing case. The Iran pillar collapsed early, with the fall of the Shah in 1979. Washington then began wooing an unlikely, unworthy and unreliable replacement pillar, Iraq, a country on America's terrorism blacklist and ruled by the brutal Saddam Hussein. Support for Iraq was stepped up during the Reagan era when it appeared that Iran might win the Iran-Iraq war, leaving the hostile Khomeini regime in control of the Persian Gulf and the flow of oil. Twin pillars led President George Bush to cozy up even closer to Mr. Hussein, convincing him that the United States would countenance his seizing of Kuwait.

But if the twin pillars are cracked, what is the alternative? Dependence on the region's oil, Mr. Teicher says, "is too great to permit the United States to rely on other countries to protect this vital interest." "For better or for worse," the book argues, "it is a fact that the people of the Middle East, Muslims, Jews and Christians alike, are impressed and persuaded by military action." Consequently, America must be prepared "to use force judiciously when necessary." An example: as the Shah began to collapse, Mr. Teicher urged that "the sooner the United States undertook decisive military action the better." Apparently, America was to prop up by force a leader rejected by his own people. One has a sense that in Mr. Teicher's world other nations exist to fulfill America's interests.

Mr. Teicher is blistering toward Mr. Weinberger, the former Secretary of Defense, who emerges as a star pupil in the school that believes support of Israel explains all the United States' problems with the Arab world. Mr. Weinberger, Mr. Teicher says, unwisely chose to punish Israel for destroying the Iraqi nuclear reactor at Osirak in 1981 because the attack disturbed United States-Arab relations. He attributes the 1982 Lebanese Phalangist massacre of Palestinian civilians at the Sabra and Shatila camps to Mr. Weinberger's premature withdrawal of United States marines. Responsibility for the deaths in 1983 of 241 United States marines in the truck bombing of their Beirut barracks, Mr. Teicher says, "rests squarely on the shoulders" of Mr. Weinberger, along with Gen. John W. Vessey, then chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, for leaving the troops in an untenable position.

Mr. Teicher was equally appalled by President Reagan's lackadaisical leadership, which allowed the President's subordinates to ignore direct orders and do as they pleased: "Ronald Reagan's failure to exert decisive leadership would lead to America's humiliating defeat in Lebanon in 1984, the 1986 Iran Affair and the blind tilt toward Baghdad, the latter contributing directly to the 1990 Iraqi invasion of Kuwait." Thus is dismissed the President who supposedly restored America's prestige abroad.

Mr. Teicher's story vividly recalls the bad old days when virtually every friction around the world was inflated to fit the superpower rivalries of the cold war. "Twin Pillars to Desert Storm" describes United States diplomats trying to mediate a quarrel between Lebanon's Christians and its Druze tribesmen, hoping thus to defuse tensions between Syria and Israel so that their respective sponsors, the Soviet Union and the United States, would not be propelled to the nuclear brink. So much for any misplaced nostalgia for the relative stability of the old East-West stalemate.

As for Mr. Teicher's rocket rise, he flamed out over Iran-contra. He had been sent, behind the United States Ambassador's back, to put the arm on Israel for cash for the Nicaraguan contras, an act that won him the undying enmity of State Department careerists. He was ordered to accompany Robert C. McFarlane and Lieut. Col. Oliver L. North on that bizarre 1986 mission to Teheran in a plane full of Hawk missile parts, an incident that was to further tar him with the arms-for-hostages scandal. He was subsequently hounded by unfounded rumors that the F.B.I. was investigating him as a top Israeli spy. The book quotes a Wall Street Journal correspondent's description of him at the time: "He was young, tireless, committed and sometimes cocky. . . . As he rose through the ranks, his religion and his abrasiveness made him a catalyst for the ugly feud between Arabists and supporters of Israel in the U.S. Government." In the winter of 1987, at age 32, Howard Teicher was forced out of Government, a victim of the Reagan White House's scramble to contain the mushrooming Iran-contra scandal.

One of his early lessons, Mr. Teicher says, was the discovery that Middle East policy was not decided on the merits by dispassionate experts. Rather, it was produced by "the human dimension," concocted of the ambitions, jealousies and competing drives of individuals. Not a bad lesson for a young man, or anyone else, who aspires to play in the power games of nations.

The Teicher Affidavit: Iraq-Gate

Following is the sworn court declaration of former NSC official Howard Teicher, dated 1/31/95, regarding 'Iraqgate.' The document is currently under seal by the US District Court, Southern District of Florida. The original document bears Teicher's dated signature.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT

SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF FLORIDA

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,

Plaintiff,

v. Case

No.:

93-241-CR-HIGHSMITH

CARLOS CARDOEN,

FRANCO SAFTA,

JORGE BURR,

INDUSTRIAS CARDOEN LIMITADA, DECLARATION OF

a/k/a INCAR, HOWARD TEICHER

SWISSCO MANAGEMENT GROUP, INC.

EDWARD A. JOHNSON

RONALD W. GRIFFIN, and

TELEDYNE INDUSTRIES, INC.,

d/b/a,

TELEDYNE WAH CHANG ALBANY,

)

Defendents.

_____________________________________________

I. Howard Teicher, hereby state that, to the best of my knowledge

and belief, the facts presented herein are true, correct and complete. I

further state that to the best of my knowledge and belief, nothing stated

in this Declaration constitutes classified information.

1. My name is Howard Teicher. From 1977 to 1987, I served in the

United States government as a member of the national security bureaucracy.

>From early 1982 to 1987, I served as a Staff Member to the United States

National Security Council.

2. While a Staff Member to the National Security Council, I was

responsible for the Middle East and for Political-Military Affairs.

During my five year tenure on the National security Council, I had

regular contact with both CIA Director William Casey and Deputy Director

Robert Gates.

3. In the Spring of 1982, Iraq teetered on the brink of losing its

war with Iran. In May and June, 1982, the Iranians discovered a gap in

the Iraqi defenses along the Iran-Iraq border between Baghdad to the north

and Basra to the south. Iran positioned a massive invasion force directly

across from the gap in the Iraqi defenses. An Iranian breakthrough at the

spot would have cutoff Baghdad from Basra and would have resulted in

Iraq's defeat.

4. United States Intelligence, including satellite imagery, had

detected both the gap in the Iraqi defenses and the Iranian massing of

troops across from the gap. At the time, the United States was officially

neutral in the Iran-Iraq conflict.

5. President Reagan was forced to choose between (a) maintaining

strict neutrality and allowing Iran to defeat Iraq, or (b) intervening and

providing assistance to Iraq.

6. In June, 1982, President Reagan decided that the United States

could not afford to allow Iraq to lose the war to Iran. President Reagan

decided that the United States would do whatever was necessary and legal

to prevent Iraq from losing the war with Iran. President Reagan formalized

this policy by issuing a National Security Decision Directive ("NSDD") to

this effect in June, 1982. I have personal knowledge of this NSDD because

I co-authored the NSDD with another NSC Staff Member, Geoff Kemp. The

NSDD, including even its indentifying number, is classified.

7. CIA Director Casey personally spearheaded the effort to ensure

that Iraq had sufficient military weapons, ammunition and vehicles to

avoid losing the Iran-Iraq war. Pursuant to the secred NSDD, the United

States actively supported the Iraqi war effort by supplying the Iraqis

with billions of dollars of credits, by providing U.S. military

intelligence and advice to the Iraqis, and by closely monitoring third

country arms sales to Iraq to make sure that Iraq had the military

weaponry required. The United States also provided strategic operational

advice to the Iraqis to better use their assets in combat. For example,

in 1986, President Reagan sent a secret message to Saddam Hussein telling

him that Iraq should step up its air war and bombing of Iran. This

message was delivered by Vice President Bush who communicated it to

Egyptian President Mubarak, who in turn passed the message to Saddam

Hussein. Similar strategic operational military advice was passed to

Saddam Hussein through various meetings with European and Middle Eastern

heads of state. I authored Bush's talking points for the 1986 meeting

with Mubarak and personally attended numerous meetings with European and

Middle East heads of state where the strategic operational advice was

communicated.

8. I personally attended meetings in which CIA Director Casey or

CIA Deputy Director Gates noted the need for Iraq to have certain weapons

such as cluster bombs and anti-armor penetrators in order to stave off the

Iranian attacks. When I joined the NSC staff in early 1982, CIA Director

Casey was adamant that cluster bombs were a perfect "force multiplier"

that would allow the Iraqis to defend against the "human waves" of Iranian

attackers. I recorded those comments in the minutes of National Security

Planning Group ("NSPG") meetings in which Casey or Gates participated.

9. The CIA, including both CIA Director Casey and Deputy Director

Gates, knew of, approved of, and assisted in the sale of non-U.S. origin

military weapons, ammunition and vehicles to Iraq. My notes, memoranda

and other documents in my NSC files show or tend to show that the CIA knew

of, approved of, and assisted in the sale of non-U.S. origin military

weapons, munitions and vehicles to Iraq.

10. The United States was anxious to have other countries supply

assistance to Iraq. For example, in 1984, the Israelis concluded that

Iran was more dangerous than Iraq to Israel's existence due to the growing

Iranian influence and presence in Lebanon. The Israelis approached the

United States in a meeting in Jerusalem that I attended with Donald

Rumsfeld. Israeli Foreign Minister Yitzhak Shamir asked Rumsfeld if the

United States would deliver a secret offer of Israeli assistance to Iraq.

The United States agreed. I travelled wtih Rumsfeld to Baghdad and was

present at the meeting in which Rumsfeld told Iraqi Foreign Minister Tariq

Aziz about Israel's offer of assistance. Aziz refused even to accept the

Israelis' letter to Hussein offering assistance, because Aziz told us that

he would be executed on the spot by Hussein if he did so.

11. One of the reasons that the United States refused to license

or sell U.S. origin weapons to Iraq was that the supply of non-U.S. origin

weapons to Iraq was sufficient to meet Iraq's needs. Under CIA DIrector

Casey and Deputy Director Gates, the CIA made sure that non-U.S.

manufacturers manufactured and sold to Iraq the weapons needed by Iraq.

In certain instances where a key component in a weapon was not readily

available, the highest levels of the United States government decided to

make the component available, directly or indirectly, to Iraq. I

specifically recall that the provision of anti-armor penetrators to Iraq

was a case in point. The United States made a policy decision to supply

penetrators to Iraq. My notes, memoranda and other documents in my NSC

files will contain references to the Iraqis' need for anti-armor

penetrators and the decision to provide penetrators to Iraq.

12. Most of the Iraqi's military hardware was of Soviet origin.

Regular United States or NATO ammunition and spare parts could not be used

in this Soviet weaponry.

13. The United States and the CIA maintained a program known as

the 'Bear Spares" program whereby the United States made sure that spare

parts and ammunition for Soviet or Soviet-style weaponry were available to

countries which sought to reduce their dependence on the Soviets for

defense needs. If the "Bear Spares" were manufactured outside the United

States, then the United States could arrange for the provision of these

weapons to a third country without direct involvement. Israel, for

example, had a very large stockpile of Soviet weaponry and ammunition

captured during its various wars. At the suggestion of the United States,

the Israelis would transfer the spare parts and weapons to third countries

or insurgent movements (such as the Afghan rebels and the Contras).

Similarly, Egypt manufactured weapons and spare parts from Soviet designs

and porvided these weapons and ammunition to the Iraqis and other

countries. Egypt also served as a supplier for the Bear Spares program.

The United States approved, assisted and encouraged Egypt's manufacturing

capabilities. The United States approved, assisted and encouraged Egypt's

sale of weaponry, munitions and vehicles to Iraq.

14. The mere request to a third party to carry out an action did

not constitute a "covert action," and, accordingly, required no

Presidential Finding or reporting to Congress. The supply of Cardoen

cluster bombs, which were fitted for use on Soviet, French and NATO

aircraft, was a mere extension fo the United States policy of assisting

Iraq through all legal means in order to avoid an Iranian victory.

15. My NSC files are currently held in trhe President Ronald

Reagan Presidential Archives in Simi Valley, California. My files will

contain my notes and memoranda from meetings I attended with CIA director

Casey or CIA Deputy Director Gates which included discussions of Cardoen's

manufacture and sale of cluster bombs to Iraq. My NSC files will also

contain cable traffic among various United States agencies, embassies and

other parties relating to Cardoen and his sale of cluster bombs and other

munitions to Iraq and other Middle Eastern states.

16. Under CIA Director Casey and Deputy Director Gates, the CIA

authorized, approved and assisted Cardoen in the manufacture and sale of

cluster bombs and other munitions to Iraq. My NSC files will contain

documents that show or tend to show the CIA's authorization, approval and

assistance of Cardoen's manufacture and sale of cluster bombs and other

muntions to Iraq.

17. My files will contain notes, memoranda and other documents

that will show that the highest levels fo the United States government,

including the NSC Staff and the CIA, were well aware of Cardoen's arrest

in 1983 in Miami in a sting operation relating to the smuggling of night

vision goggles to Cuba and Libya. My files will also show that the

highest levels of the government were aware of the arrest and conviction

of two of Cardoen's employees and his company Industrias Cardoen.

18. CIA Director William Casey, aware of Cardoen's arrest and the

conviction of his employees and his company, intervened in order to make

sure that Cardoen was able to supply cluster bombs to Iraq. Specifically,

CIA Director Casey directed the Secretaries of the State and Commerce

Departments that the necessary licenses required by Cardoen were not to be

denied. My files will contain notes, memoranda and other documents

showing or tending to show that CIA Director William Casey's intervention

was in order to maintain Cardoen's ability to supply cluster bombs and

other munitions to Iraq.

I declare under penalty of perjury that the foregoing is true and

correct to the best of my memory and recollection.

Executed on 1/31/95

Howard Teicher (signature appears on original)

(end of document) 

Fry the Spy

Stephen Fry is like the Pope to all atheists, liberals, cynics and Anglophiles

Stephen Fry - The Liar.

Fears for Stephen Fry after he quits play

Concern was growing last night over the comedian Stephen Fry, who shocked the theatre world by pulling out of his new West End play in "emotional turmoil" just three days after its opening.

A spokesman for his agents said Fry had not been in touch since Saturday night and they did not know where he was. He was not responding to phone calls. "We are concerned about him," he said. Simon Gray, who wrote the play Cell Mates which co-stars Rik Mayall, said in a statement: "Our main concern is for his safety and well-being."

He added: "Three days after the successful opening of Cell Mates Stephen Fry expressed in a letter to me his great distress at what he considered to be his failure as an actor.

"It is obvious that he is a man in emotional turmoil, and that his sudden departure is the culmination of years of pressure, overwork, and unrelenting, self-sacrificing generosity."

Despite its frankness, the letter raised as many questions as it answered. Fry's agents, Hamilton Asper Management, said: "We're not in contact with him at the moment." A spokesman said he did not know of his client's whereabouts.

Michael Larkin, Mayall's understudy, said last night that the first the play's cast had heard of Fry's withdrawal was yesterday afternoon when they were told he was not coming back.

Fry appeared at the Albery Theatre for only three nights, last Thursday, Friday and Saturday. His understudy, Mark Anderson, had to take over the role on Monday when a note in the programme described Fry as "indisposed". Reviews of the play were generally good.

Fry's last public appearance was on Sunday night, when he narrated Peter and the Wolf during a charity concert at St Mary's Church in north London.

A member of the orchestra said: "He didn't look ill, but he didn't mix with the rest of the orchestra and he didn't go to the party afterwards."

The 37-year-old actor's withdrawal has thrown the production of Cell Mates, a comedy drama in which Fry played the Russian spy George Blake opposite Mayall as Sean Bourke, an Irish petty criminal, into confusion. Fry has driven himself extremely hard since leaving Cambridge. His curriculum vitae lists 43 plays, films, television programmes and serials in which he has appeared.

• 
  
  
• In the comments section of a blog the following shocking claims were made:
• 
  
• ” I have been waiting to see a major BBC celebrity unmasked, this man is protected but you cannot live a life of satanism and debauchery without some inkling coming out.
• 
  
• Stephen Fry lived at Wells- next -the- sea in Norfolk, where the rich Londoners have their holiday homes.
• 
  
• Fry was due to play the lead role on the West End stage in a play about the apostles (Rothschild’s gang of homosexual spies working for Russia), when he suddenly ran away and hid and the search to find him was intense.
• 
  
• Stephen fancies himself as a biliard player and he has a very nice large table at his home, but the wagers were not for money they were for young boys.
• 
  
• One of these boys went to the authorities and the police, because Stephen Fry had connections, brought in MI5,
• 
  
• They tried to get the boy to tell his friends to remain silent as Stephen Fry had contacts who would make things very uncomfortable for the boys.
• 
  
• The BBC legal dept said a performers sexuality is his own, and various pressures and threats made the accusations go away, and he returned to the stage and the play and the public acclaim”.

Bezmenov: Ideological subversion is the process, which is legitimate, overt, and open; you can see it with your own eyes. All you have to do, all American mass media has to do, is to unplug their bananas from their ears, open up their eyes, and they can see it. There is no mystery. [It has] nothing to do with espionage. I know that espionage intelligence-gathering looks more romantic. It sells more deodorants through the advertising, probably. That’s why your Hollywood producers are so crazy about James Bond-type of thrillers.

But in reality, the main emphasis of the KGB is not in the area of intelligence at all. According to my opinion and [the] opinion of many defectors of my caliber, only about 15% of time, money, and manpower [are] spent on espionage as such. The other 85% is a slow process, which we call either ‘ideological subversion,’ or ‘active measures’—‘[?]’ in the language of the KGB—or ‘psychological warfare.’ 

What it basically means is, to change the perception of reality, of every American, to such an extent that despite of the abundance of information, no one is able to come to sensible conclusions in the interests of defending themselves, their families, their community and their country.

It’s a great brainwashing process, which goes very slow[ly] and is divided [into] four basic stages. The first one [is] demoralization; it takes from 15-20 years to demoralize a nation. Why that many years? 

Because this is the minimum number of years which [is required] to educate one generation of students in the country of your enemy, exposed to the ideology of the enemy. In other words, Marxist-Leninist ideology is being pumped into the soft heads of at least three generations of American students, without being challenged, or counter-balanced by the basic values of Americanism (American patriotism).

The result? The result you can see. Most of the people who graduated in the sixties (drop-outs or half-baked intellectuals) are now occupying the positions of power in the government, civil service, business, mass media, [and the] educational system. 

You are stuck with them. 

You cannot get rid of them. 

They are contaminated; they are programmed to think and react to certain stimuli in a certain pattern. 

You cannot change their mind[s], even if you expose them to authentic information, even if you prove that white is white and black is black, you still cannot change the basic perception and the logic of behavior. 

In other words, these people... the process of demoralization is complete and irreversible. To [rid] society of these people, you need another twenty or fifteen years to educate a new generation of patriotically-minded and common sense people, who would be acting in favor and in the interests of United States society.

Griffin: And yet these people who have been ‘programmed,’ and as you say [are] in place and who are favorable to an opening with the Soviet concept... these are the very people who would be marked for extermination in this country?

Bezmenov: Most of them, yes. Simply because the psychological shock when they will see in [the] future what the beautiful society of ‘equality’ and ‘social justice’ means in practice, obviously they will revolt. 

They will be very unhappy, frustrated people, and the Marxist-Leninist regime does not tolerate these people. Obviously they will join the leagues of dissenters (dissidents).

Unlike in [the] present United States there will be no place for dissent in future Marxist-Leninist America. Here you can get popular like Daniel Ellsberg and filthy-rich like Jane Fonda for being ‘dissident,’ for criticizing your Pentagon. 

In [the] future these people will be simply [squashing sound] squashed like cockroaches. 

Nobody is going to pay them nothing for their beautiful, noble ideas of equality. 

This they don't understand and it will be [the] greatest shock for them, of course.

The demoralization process in [the] United States is basically completed already. For the last 25 years... actually, it's over-fulfilled because demoralization now reaches such areas where previously not even Comrade Andropov and all his experts would even dream of such a tremendous success. Most of it is done by Americans to Americans, thanks to [a] lack of moral standards.

As I mentioned before, exposure to true information does not matter anymore. 

A person who was demoralized is unable to assess true information. The facts tell nothing to him. Even if I shower him with information, with authentic proof, with documents, with pictures; even if I take him by force to the Soviet Union and show him [a] concentration camp, he will refuse to believe it, until he [receives] a kick in his fat-bottom. When a military boot crashes his... then he will understand. But not before that. That's the [tragedy] of the situation of demoralization.

So basically America is stuck with demoralization and unless... even if you start right now, here, this minute, you start educating [a] new generation of American[s], it will still take you fifteen to twenty years to turn the tide of ideological perception of reality back to normalcy and patriotism.

The next stage is destabilization. This time [the] subverter does not care about your ideas and the patterns of your consumption; whether you eat junk food and get fat and flabby doesn’t matter any more. This time—and it takes only from two to five years to destabilize a nation—what matters [are] essentials: economy, foreign relations, [and] defense systems. And you can see it quite clearly that in some areas, in such sensitive areas as defense and [the] economy, the influence of Marxist-Leninist ideas in [the] United States is absolutely fantastic. I could never believe it fourteen years ago when I landed in this part of the world that the process [would have gone] that fast.

The next stage, of course, is crisis. It may take only up to six weeks to bring a country to the verge of crisis. You can see it in Central America now.

And, after crisis, with a violent change of power, structure, and economy, you have [the so-called] period of normalization. 

It may last indefinitely. 

Normalization is a cynical expression borrowed from Soviet propaganda. When the Soviet tanks moved into Czechoslovakia in ‘68, Comrade Brezhnev said, ‘Now the situation in brotherly Czechoslovakia is normalized.’

This is what will happen in [the] United States if you allow all these schmucks to bring the country to crisis, to promise people all kind[s] of goodies and the paradise on earth, to destabilize your economy, to eliminate the principle of free market competition, and to put [a] Big Brother government in Washington, D.C. with benevolent dictators like Walter Mondale, who will promise lots of thing[s], never mind whether the promises are fulfillable or not. 

He will go to Moscow to kiss the bottoms of [a] new generation of Soviet assassins, never mind... he will create false illusions that the situation is under control. [The] situation is not under control. [The] situation is disgustingly out of control.

Most of the American politicians, media, and educational system trains another generation of people who think they are living at the peacetime. False. [The] United States is in a state of war: undeclared, total war against the basic principles and foundations of this system. And the initiator of this war is not Comrade Andropov, of course. It's the system. However ridiculous it may sound, [it is] the world Communist system (or the world Communist conspiracy). Whether I scare some people or not, I don't give a hoot. If you are not scared by now, nothing can scare you.

But you don’t have to be paranoid about it. What actually happens now [is] that unlike [me], you have literally several years to live on unless [the] United States [wakes] up. The time bomb is ticking: with every second [he snaps his fingers], the disaster is coming closer and closer. Unlike [me], you will have nowhere to defect to. Unless you want to live in Antarctica with penguins. This is it. This is the last country of freedom and possibility.

Griffin: Okay, so what do we do? What is your recommendation to the American people?

Bezmenov: Well, the immediate thing that comes to my mind is of course, there must be a very strong national effort to educate people in the spirit of real patriotism, number one. Number two, to explain [to] them the real danger of socialist, communist, whatever, welfare state, Big Brother government. If people will fail to grasp the impending danger of that development, nothing ever can help [the] United States. You may kiss good bye to your freedom, including freedoms [for] homosexuals, [for] prison inmate[s]; all this freedom will vanish, evaporate in five seconds... including your precious lives.

The second thing: [at] the moment at least part of [the] United States population is convinced that the danger is real. They have to force their government, and I'm not talking about sending letters, signing petitions, and all this beautiful, noble activity. I'm talking about forcing [the] United States government to stop aiding Communism. Because there is no other problem more burning and urgent than to stop the Soviet military-industrial complex from destroying whatever is left of the free world. And it is very easy to do: no credits, no technology, no money, no political or diplomatic recognition, and of course no such idiocy as grain deals to [the] USSR.

The Soviet people, 270 [million] Soviets, will be eternally thankful to you if you stop aiding [the] bunch of murderers who sit now in [the] Kremlin, and whom President Reagan respectfully calls ‘government.’ They do not govern anything, least of all such [a] complexity as the Soviet economy.

So basic[ally], two very simple... maybe two simplistic answers or solutions, but nevertheless they are the only solutions: educate yourself, [and] understand what’s going on around you. You are not living at [a] time of peace. You are in a state of war and you have precious little time to save yourself. You don’t have much time, especially if you are talking about [the] young generation. There’s not much time left for convulsions to the beautiful disco music. Very soon it will go [he snaps his fingers] just overnight.

If we are talking about capitalists or wealthy businessmen, I think they are selling the rope from which they will hang very soon. If they don’t stop, if they cannot curb their unsettled desire for profit, and if they keep on trading with the monster of the Soviet Communism, they are going to hang very soon. And they will pray to be killed, but unfortunately they will be sent to Alaska, probably, to manage [the] industry of slaves.

It’s simplistic. I know it sounds unpleasant; I know Americans don’t like to listen to things which are unpleasant, but I have defected not to tell you the stories about such idiocy as microfilm, James Bond-type espionage. This is garbage. You don’t need any espionage anymore. I have come to talk about survival. It’s a question of [the] survival of this system. You may ask me what is [in it] for me. Survival, obviously. Because I like... as I said, I am now in your boat. If we sink together, we will sink beautifully together. 

There is no other place on this planet to defect to.

The Four Freedoms and The Economic Bill of Rights

"It is our duty now to begin to lay plans and determine the strategy for the winning of a lasting peace and the establishment of an American standard of living higher than ever before known. We cannot be content, no matter how high the general standard of living may be, if some fraction of our people, whether it be one-third or one-fifth or one-tenth – is ill-fed, ill-clothed, ill-housed and insecure. This Republic had its beginning, and grew to its present strength, under the protection of certain inalienable political rights – among them the right of free speech, free press, free worship, trial by jury, freedom from unreasonable searches and seizures. They were our rights to life and liberty. As our nation has grown in size and stature, however – as our industrial economy expanded – these political rights proved inadequate to assure us equality in the pursuit of happiness. We have come to a clear realization of the fact that true individual freedom cannot exist without economic security and independence. “Necessitous men are not free men.” People who are hungry and out of a job are the stuff of which dictatorships are made. In our day these economic truths have become accepted as self-evident. We have accepted, so to speak, a second Bill of Rights under which a new basis of security and prosperity can be established for all, regardless of station, race, or creed.

Among these are:

• The right to a useful and remunerative job in the industries or shops or farms or mines of the nation;
• The right to earn enough to provide adequate food and clothing and recreation;
• The right of every farmer to raise and sell his products at a return which will give him and his family a decent living;
• The right of every business man, large and small, to trade in an atmosphere of freedom from unfair competition and domination by monopolies at home and abroad;
• The right of every family to a decent home;
• The right to adequate medical care and the opportunity to achieve and enjoy good health;
• The right to adequate protection from the economic fears of old age, sickness, accident, and unemployment;
• The right to a good education.

All of these rights spell security. And after this war is won we must be prepared to move forward, in the implementation of these rights, to new goals of human happiness and well-being.

America’s own rightful place in the world depends in large part upon how fully these and similar rights have been carried into practice for our citizens. For unless there is security here at home there cannot be lasting peace in the world. One of the great American industrialists of our day – a man who has rendered yeoman service to his country in this crisis – recently emphasized the grave dangers of “rightist reaction” in this nation. All clear-thinking business men share his concern. Indeed, if such reaction should develop – if history were to repeat itself and we were to return to the so-called “normalcy” of the 1920s – then it is certain that even though we shall have conquered our enemies on the battlefields abroad, we shall have yielded to the spirit of fascism here at home.

I ask the Congress to explore the means for implementing this economic Bill of Rights, for it is definitely the responsibility of Congress to do so. Many of these problems are already before committees of the Congress in the form of proposed legislation. I shall from time to time communicate with the Congress with respect to these and further proposals. In the event that no adequate program of progress is evolved, I am certain that the nation will be conscious of the fact.

Our fighting men abroad, and their families at home, expect such a program and have the right to insist upon it. It is to their demands that this Government should pay heed, rather than to the whining demands of selfish pressure groups, who seek to feather their nests while young Americans are dying.

The foreign policy we have been following – a policy that guided us to Moscow, Cairo, and Teheran – is based on the common sense principle which was best expressed by Benjamin Franklin on July 4, 1776: “We must all hang together, or assuredly we will all hang separately.”

I have often said that there are no two fronts for America in this war. There is only one front. There is one line of duty, which extends from the hearts of the people at home to the men of our attacking forces in our farthest outposts. When we speak of our total effort we speak of the factory and the field and the mine as well as the battlefield – we speak of the soldier and the civilian, the citizen and his government.

Each and every one of us has a solemn obligation under God to serve this nation in its most critical hour, to keep this nation great, to make this nation greater in a better world."

June Sarpong OBE

"The Sammy we knew was not the man who jumped off that bridge.

He lost complete control."

June Sarpong's brother jumped off this bridge in Hollywood last October for no apparent reason.

It can be shown that The Guardian apparently was afraid of June Sarpong and worried by what she might say, and who might listen to her and believe her - it identified her and personally singled her out for a direct attack.

They were scared of her, as is clear by the dual-front character of their attack, symltaneously ridiculing her as an unserious, tabloidy presenter, whilst mounting a shame-assault on her actual credentials as a serious broadcaster and independent producer.

Nothing they say addresses the arguements or assertions advanced, it's just the standard Crypto-Zionist ad hominem charge of "Poor Scholarship".

"One scene in particular will divert the attention of any British viewer. In a mystifying bit of casting, June Sarpong is hired as one of Ventura's investigators to interview a scientist who is living incognito in the "wilderness" for fear of his life because he holds the view that the sun, not carbon emissions, is driving global temperatures up. To the uninitiated, Sarpong is best known in the UK as a former presenter of a youth entertainment programme called T4 , who has interviewed, among others, Tony Blair and Al Gore (who, unsurprisingly, is one of the targets in Ventura's programme).

In 2007, she was awarded an MBE for "services to broadcasting and charity". What's more, she co-hosted the UK leg of Live Earth from Wembley Stadium in 2007 and her website says that her production company Lipgloss Productions has a TV series about climate change "in the pipeline". All of which begs the question: what on earth led her to get involved in this transparent piece of unsubstantiated propaganda?"

Sarpong of ‘Conspiracy Theory’

Listen to Full Interview

Learn more about the popular cable TV series in this behind-the-scenes interview with June Sarpong from Conspiracy Theory with Jesse Ventura.

Disinformation founder Gary Baddeley chats with June about her research for the show, HAARP, and working with Jesse.

About Conspiracy Theory: Jesse Ventura and a team of expert investigators are on a mission to examine some of the most frightening and mysterious conspiracy allegations of our time. They examine available evidence as well as talking to experts and eyewitnesses to learn more about such topics as global warming, possible 9/11 cover-ups, secret government weapons and apocalyptic prophecies.

Potholer54

Except, if you actually watch his video, it fails to answer anything which she actually said, and instead presents data which appears to in fact support and confirm her contention on this point;

June Sarpong claims that the Earthquake which produced the 2004 Asian Tsunami came completely without warning and was not preceecded by any minor pre-tremors, which is true.

Knowing full-well that Tsunamis are caused by Earthquakes, often thousands of miles away, which take many hours to travel across the surface of an ocean as a wavefront, Potholer54 attempts to deliberately confuse the issue by claiming that June Sarpong said that there wasn't an Earthquke before producing the data that shows that there was. But no-one claims that there wasn't.

This represents a deliberate falsification of claims in support of a complete Straw Man position. Everyone knows that HAARP (and other devices like it, as well as other technologies) can be used to induce earthquakes, and every knows that Tsunamis are caused by earthquakes - NO-ONE is claiming that a Tsunami tidal wave is the likely direct effect of HAARP manipulations of the polar ionosphere and magnetosphere, and that's not what she said.

You expect a Tsunamni to be (always) to be preceded by a major earthquake somewhere in the same ocean; you expect a major earthquake (typically) to be preceded by minor pre-tremors and seismic disruption in the area of the main epicentre, which absolutely did not occur in this case - that's what she said, and that's what the data supports, because that's what happened.

If the earthquake producing the tsunami was indeed NOT natural, but indeed was instead intentionally or accidentally induced by the focused application of energy or deliberate force, then the absence of a crescendo of pre-tremors building up slowly towards the main release of seismic pressures would be entirely consistent and expected.

The Hotline

"Now then, Dmitri, you know how we've always talked about the possibility of something going wrong with the bomb. 

The BOMB, Dmitri. 

The hydrogen bomb."

___________________________

Treaty Text

Memorandum of Understanding Between The United States of America and The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics Regarding the Establishment of a Direct Communications Link

Signed at Geneva June 20, 1963
Entered into force June 20, 1963

For use in time of emergency the Government of the United States of America and the Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics have agreed to establish as soon as technically feasible a direct communications link between the two Governments.

Each Government shall be responsible for the arrangements for the link on its own territory. Each Government shall take the necessary steps to ensure continuous functioning of the link and prompt delivery to its head of government of any communications received by means of the link from the head of government of the other party.

Arrangements for establishing and operating the link are set forth in the Annex which is attached hereto and forms an integral part hereof.

DONE in duplicate in the English and Russian languages at Geneva, Switzerland, this 20th day of June, 1963.

FOR THE GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
CHARLES C. STELLE
Acting Representative of the United States of America to the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament

FOR THE GOVERNMENT OF THE SOVIET SOCIALIST REPUBLICS:
SEMYON K. TSARAPKIN
Acting Representative of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics to the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament

(SEAL)

ANNEX 

TO THE MEMORANDUM OF UNDERSTANDING BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA AND THE UNION OF SOVIET SOCIALIST REPUBLICS REGARDING THE ESTABLISHMENT OF A DIRECT COMMUNICATIONS LINK

The direct communications link between Washington and Moscow established in accordance with the Memorandum, and the operation of such link, shall be governed by the following provisions:

1. The direct communications link shall consist of:

b. One full-time duplex wire telegraph circuit, routed Washington-London-Copenhagen- Stockholm-Helsinki-Moscow, which shall be used for the transmission of messages;

c. One full-time duplex radiotelegraph circuit, routed Washington-Tangier-Moscow, which shall be used for service communications and for coordination of operations between the two terminal points.

a. Two terminal points with telegraph-teleprinter equipment between which communications shall be directly exchanged;

If experience in operating the direct communications link should demonstrate that the establishment of an additional wire telegraph circuit is advisable, such circuit may be established by mutual agreement between authorized representatives of both Governments.

2. In case of interruption of the wire circuit, transmission of messages shall be effected via the radio circuit, and for this purpose provision shall be made at the terminal points for the capability of prompt switching of all necessary equipment from one circuit to another.

3. The terminal points of the link shall be so equipped as to provide for the transmission and reception of messages from Moscow to Washington in the Russian language and from Washington to Moscow in the English language. In this connection, the USSR shall furnish the United States four sets of telegraph terminal equipment, including page printers, transmitters, and reperforators, with one years supply of spare parts and all necessary special tools, test equipment, operating instructions, and other technical literature, to provide for transmission and reception of messages in the Russian language.

The United States shall furnish the Soviet Union four sets of telegraph terminal equipment, including page printers, transmitters, and reperforators, with one years supply of spare parts and all necessary special tools, test equipment, operating instructions and other technical literature, to provide for transmission and reception of messages in the English language.

The equipment described in this paragraph shall be exchanged directly between the parties without any payment being required therefor.

4. The terminal points of the direct communications link shall be provided with encoding equipment. For the terminal point in the USSR, four sets of such equipment (each capable of simplex operation), with one years supply of spare parts, with all necessary special tools, test equipment, operating instructions and other technical literature, and with all necessary blank tape, shall be furnished by the United States to the USSR against payment of the cost thereof by the USSR.

The USSR shall provide for preparation and delivery of keying tapes to the terminal point of the link in the United States for reception of messages from the USSR. The United States shall provide for the preparation and delivery of keying tapes to the terminal point of the link in the USSR for reception of messages from the United States. Delivery of prepared keying tapes to the terminal points of the link shall be effected through the Embassy of the USSR in Washington (for the terminal of the link in the USSR) and through the Embassy of the United States in Moscow (for the terminal of the link in the United States).

5. The United States and the USSR shall designate the agencies responsible for the arrangements regarding the direct communications link, for its technical maintenance, continuity and reliability, and for the timely transmission of messages.

Such agencies may, by mutual agreement, decide matters and develop instructions relating to the technical maintenance and operation of the direct communications link and effect arrangements to improve the operation of the link.

6. The technical parameters of the telegraph circuits of the link and of the terminal equipment, as well as the maintenance of such circuits and equipment, shall be in accordance with CCITT and CCIR recommendations.

Transmission and reception of messages over the direct communications link shall be effected in accordance with applicable recommendations of international telegraph and radio communications regulations, as well as with mutually agreed instructions.

7. The costs of the direct communications link shall be borne as follows:

b. Payment of the cost of leasing the radio telegraph circuit between Washington and Moscow shall be effected without any transfer of payments between the parties. The USSR shall bear the expenses relating to the transmission of messages from Moscow to Washington. The United States shall bear the expenses relating to the transmission of messages from Washington to Moscow.

a. The USSR shall pay the full cost of leasing the portion of the telegraph circuit from Moscow to Helsinki and 50 percent of the cost of leasing the portion of the telegraph circuit from Helsinki to London. The United States shall pay the full cost of leasing the portion of the telegraph circuit from Washington to London and 50 percent of the cost of leasing the portion of the telegraph circuit from London to Helsinki.